Burmanet News: October 17-18 2002

[editor at burmanet.org]

October 17-18 2002 Issue #2107

INSIDE BURMA

DPA: Myanmar human rights abuses causing flood of refugees
HRW: Burma’s denial of child soldier use “not credible”
DVB: DVB views gasoline, diesel shortage, price rises
Irrawaddy: Breaking the “stagnant embrace”
Mizzima: Envoy returns to Burma with hope for better human rights
Myanmar Information Committee: MOFA issues press release regarding report
of Human Rights Watch
DVB: [Suu Kyi on last leg of journey]

MONEY

Xinhua: Foreign investment in Myanmar plunges in first half of 2002

PRESS RELEASES

UC Free Burma Coalition: 4 Nobel Peace Prize winners join growing call for
UC divestment from Burma

___INSIDE BURMA______

Deutsche Presse-Agentur
October 18 2002

Myanmar human rights abuses causing flood of refugees

A human rights group accused Myanmar of allowing abuses by its military to
continue, adding persecuted refugees will continue to stream across the
border into Thailand, a report said Friday.

As torture, rape, summary executions, forced labour, and extortion by the
junta's soldiers continues unabated in eastern Myanmar (Burma), Thailand
can expect a steady flow of internationally displaced people (IDPs), human
rights group Refugees International (RI) said in a report. The number of
IDPs in Myanmar increased in 2002 because of the frequency of
counter-insurgency operations by the military junta in ethnic minority
areas, the Nation daily newspaper reported.

"The fact that 42 per cent of IDPs in eastern Burma choose to live on the
run and in hiding, rather than move to government-run relocation sites,
adds credence to the fact that many relocation sites resemble
concentration camps," the report by RI said.

Since 1996, an estimated minimum of 1 million people living in ethnic
states bordering Thailand have been displaced.

The report added there are no guarantees that refugees will be protected
from abuse by Thai authorities, or even receive humanitarian assistance
once in Thailand.

The Thai government has tightly restricted the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees' role in protecting refugees, decreasing the
U.N.'s effectiveness in protecting IDPs along the border with Myanmar, RI
said.

United Nations special rapporteur on human rights, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro,
is in Myanmar to investigate allegations of rights abuses, including mass
rape by the junta's soldiers against ethnic girls and women.

Myanmar's military junta welcomed the U.N. investigation, calling the
rights abuse accusations "outrageous".

___________

Burma's Denial of Child Soldier Use "Not Credible"
(New York, October 18, 2002) The Burmese government’s claim that it does
not use child soldiers is contradicted by the evidence, Human Rights Watch
said today. Burma has claimed a recent Human Rights Watch report is "just
another example of attempts to tarnish the image of Myanmar and the
Myanmar Tatmadaw (military) in the eyes of the international community."
"We're very disappointed that, despite ample evidence to the contrary, the
government continues to deny the military's use of children as soldiers,"
said Jo Becker, Children's Rights advocacy director for Human Rights
Watch. "It is the widespread forced recruitment of children by Burma's
army that tarnishes the image of the country, not efforts to bring these
abuses to light."
On October 16, Human Rights Watch released a report based on numerous
first-hand testimonies of children who had been forcibly recruited by
Burma's military. The report found that boys as young as 11 are forced
into the army, brutally treated, and forced to commit human rights abuses
and fight against armed opposition groups. Although the vast majority of
Burma's child soldiers are in government armed forces, armed opposition
groups were found to include children as well.
The government claimed on Thursday that the military is purely voluntary
and that national laws setting the enlistment age at 18 are "strictly
enforced."
"Burma's denial of the use of child soldiers is not credible," said
Becker. "We urge the government to take positive steps to confront the
problem. These include demobilizing all children from its forces and
putting effective systems in place to ensure that children are not
recruited and that those responsible are held accountable."
The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights Situation in
Myanmar, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, is currently in Burma for his fourth visit
to the country.
Human Rights Watch has urged him to raise the recruitment and use of
children as soldiers with the government of Burma and to report on this
issue to the United Nations General Assembly.
________

Democratic Voice of Burma
October 17 2002
Democratic Voice of Burma views gasoline, diesel shortage, price rises

We understand that gasoline and diesel oil prices have been rising
exorbitantly in Myanmar Burma in recent days. The price of diesel oil per
gallon was over 70,000 kyat last week as heard and it has risen to over
80,000 kyat this week. The price rises came despite the introduction of
non-driving days every other Sunday for military vehicles and daily calls
by SPDC State Peace and Development Council newspapers to save fuel oil.
DVB Democratic Voice of Burma called Yangon Rangoon and contacted a person
in the trucking business to ask him why fuel oil prices were rising
uncontrollably and what were the difficulties caused by the price rises.
Here is that interview. DVB We have heard about the rapidly rising
gasoline and diesel oil prices.

Unidentified person Yes. Yes, that is true.
DVB How much have they risen?
Unidentified person I think diesel oil is over 80,000 kyat.
DVB I see. How much was it before? Say, a week or two ago?
Unidentified person About a week or two ago, it was about 70,000 kyat.
DVB You mean the price rose by about 10,000 kyat in just a week or two.
Unidentified person Yes, that is true.
DVB Why do you think it rose so fast in just about a week?
Unidentified person I don't really know, only the traders will have that
answer. I am just a person in the truck business, and I just buy oil at
the price they quote.
DVB If that is the case, we understand that Nilar Yoma gasoline and diesel
stations were closed down all over the country recently... ellipsis as
received
Unidentified person Yes, that is true. Well, those Nilar Yoma stations did
help us a little.
DVB Have you ever bought gasoline from those Nilar Yoma stations?
Unidentified person They only sell diesel oil.
DVB Have you used their service before?
Unidentified person Yes, but I was told they do not sell fuel oil anymore,
and we are still enquiring.
DVB Are they still closed? What have you learned about them?
Unidentified person They are open but I am told diesel will be sold to
people with quota books. They said we must register for the books. But the
books... ellipsis as received
DVB Does that mean you have to buy with books at Nilar Yoma stations?
Unidentified person Yes, that is true.
DVB Are you not certain that they are officially opened?
Unidentified person I don't know if they are officially opened. But I
think they will sell at around 650 to 700 kyat.
DVB Do you mean per gallon?
Unidentified person Yes, per gallon.
DVB On the basis of that price, how much would a drum cost?
Unidentified person Each drum holds 50 gallons, and if each gallon is sold
at 650 kyat, then the price would be around 32,500 kyat.
DVB So, if Nilar Yoma stations reopen, the price would be half of what the
cost is now?
Unidentified person Well, I don't think they can sell at all because there
isn't any oil left.
DVB Is it easy to buy at government-regulated price?
Unidentified person Government-regulated price is only for government
departmental cars.
DVB Isn't it possible for non-government car owners to buy it?
Unidentified person No.
DVB Since gasoline and diesel oil prices are rising, haven't the prices of
commodities gone up as well? How about the freight charges? Are they more
than before? How about passenger buses, are they charging more?
Unidentified person Of course, how could they not rise? We still travel
the same journey. For instance, we received 8,000 kyat for (words
indistinct), but we told them that we can only carry their load if they
pay us about 11,000 kyat, and we carried the goods and came here at the
new rate.
DVB Is it because of the fuel oil price rise?
Unidentified person Yes, of course.
DVB Only recently, we heard that 14 containers belonging to son of General
Khin Nyunt, Ye Naing Win, and "Yuzana" U Htay Myint owner of Yuzana group
of companies were seized at Sule Wharf. Have you heard about that case?
Unidentified person We are just people in the truck business and we are on
the move, so we have not heard about that news.
DVB Newspapers have been calling for frugality in using gasoline and
diesel oil every day. In addition, they are keeping all military-owned
vehicles off the road every other Sunday. With regard to these actions,
what do you people feel about it?
Unidentified person We don't know much about it because it concerns
government departments.
DVB As an owner of a vehicle, what do you think should be done to bring
down prices of gasoline and diesel oils in Myanmar?
Unidentified person Prices will go down if a lot more fuel oil is sold. If
no arrests are made and if oil is sold abundantly, prices will go down.
Previously, we usually buy oil for our trucks in Hlegu, but they raided
those shops and made some arrests. It is not easy for people like us in
the business.
________

Irrawaddy
October 18 2002

Breaking the "Stagnant Embrace"
By "Burma Observer’

The idea that negotiations between the Burmese military regime—the State
Peace and Development Council (SPDC)—and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader
of the democratic opposition, will lead to a democratic transition in
Burma sooner or later is an idea whose time has come.
A negotiated settlement is in the pipeline since there is no viable
alternative to dialogue and a negotiated transition. However, this is not
to say that both the camps are as committed to this path as it appears.
Each would certainly prefer a less messy, more clear-cut solution: on the
one hand, the overthrow of the military regime, and on the other, the
collapse or "disappearance" of the democratic opposition.
Nonetheless, like it or not, the two camps will just have to hunker down
to fighting a different kind of war, a very political kind, which neither
is comfortable with or very skilled at. They will have to talk, negotiate,
and compromise, because it is not likely that what each camp hopes for
will be fulfilled.
Compounding the problem is the fact that they are poles apart in their
vision of how Burma should be constituted, and how politics is to be
played, or who should participate in the political arena.
The military regime’s goal is to establish what it calls "disciplined
democracy", a regime like that of former Indonesian dictator Suharto,
which—unfortunately for the ruling top brass in Burma—has collapsed, and
worse, is no longer a fashionable model, and is even considered pathetic,
if not ridiculous. The regime’s blueprint for the future is irrelevant as
far as the global trend is concerned.
The regime is, moreover, illegitimate, having foolishly (in hindsight)
held a general election in 1990 and lost overwhelmingly. As it were, the
military was publicly slapped in the face by the electorate, as was a
similar regime in 1960.
It is also clear that the regime lacks even a rudimentary capacity to
govern. Everything it touches has turned to ash. And although it has
managed to desperately cling on to power by virtue of its command of the
armed forces, the Tatmadaw (the Burmese Army) is bloated and badly
decayed. The men are demoralized, the mid-level officers dream of
political change, and half of them dream of becoming ministers, while
officers in the higher echelons are almost all corrupt.
The regime is a hollowed-out shell—and this is more so the case
considering the fact that the top generals are held together primarily, if
not only, by fear of the people’s wrath.
The goal of the democratic opposition is well known and is in tune with
the global trend toward openness, transparency, accountability, good
governance, the rule of law, and in the context of a multi-ethnic society,
a federal arrangement that its leaders believe will solidify and sustain
national unity.
However, the balance of power is not in its favor. Although the movement
is worldwide, its elements scattered all over the globe, it has not
received much assistance from the international community or from
sympathetic governments. The reason is that Burma is low on the priority
list of most governments, and is furthermore just barely on the radar
screen of the governments of neighboring states—India, China, Japan and
members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations—or regarded as a
troublesome nuisance.
What one finds currently in Burma are therefore two totally different
dreams locked in a stagnant embrace, like two over-the-hill boxers who
cling to each other in an exhausted stupor.
Given the political standoff, where neither camp can hope to win a clear
victory, the coming negotiations and the politics of transition will be
very protracted and likely very messy.
Once negotiations begin in earnest, it is likely that there will appear
fissures and divisions in both the main camps and within the ethnic
nationalities. The SPDC’s camps would break up, perhaps not openly, into
hardliners, pragmatists, moderates, extremists, and idealists or true
believers, as would the opposition camp and the ethnic nationalities.
The above is all the more likely since all the protagonists are held
together more by what they are against than by what they are for. Far from
their minds is the likelihood that the solution or the settlement—or
possible settlements—arrived at will be far from satisfactory.
As such, leaders who understand that democratic transition will be a long,
drawn-out process, one that requires inventive compromises, sophisticated
bargaining, tough give-and take, and so on, will be hampered more by true
believers within their own constituencies than by their opponents sitting
across the negotiation table.
For example, a military caretaker government might have to be agreed on,
in exchange for recognition by the regime of an interim parliament—the
"1990 parliament"—to oversee the transition process, to which the
care-taking body would, in turn, be accountable. Or a decentralized, but
not fully federal, constitutional arrangement might have to be adopted for
a period of years, pending the drafting and adoption of a fully federal
constitution at a later date.
The above hypothetical interim arrangements would obviously not satisfy
anyone, and might be challenged by outraged purist elements and by
opportunist demagogues, the rabble-rousers, and others trying to outbid
the mainstream leaders in both camps.
Evidently, any solution arrived at will not be satisfactory to anyone—not
the SPDC, the democratic opposition, or the ethnic nationalities who
comprise close to 40% of the population and occupy about 60% of the total
land area.
The challenges facing Burma in the coming negotiation and in the politics
of transition will thus be very formidable. And if the international
community labors under the illusion that a settlement can be worked out
among Burmese stakeholders because of certain cosmetic moves made by the
regime, it will certainly be very rapidly disillusioned.
The above is not to say that Burmese stakeholders, including the ethnic
nationalities, are incompetent and bloody-minded. The fact of the matter
is that the existence of military dictatorship in Burma since 1962 has
radically knocked out of joint all functional relations and the modicum of
trust that hitherto existed between the state in Burma and the broader
society. What we have had in Burma since 1962 is a military-monopolized
state that has no relation with broader society other than one that is
harshly controlling, repressive, and predatory. Therein lies the root of
mistrust among the stakeholders in Burma.
Given this context, sustained international focus on Burma’s transition,
as well as the involvement and even guarantees of the international
community, might be very helpful, and would certainly be very positive.
The author is a long-time Burma watcher and scholar, and has worked with
the democratic movement in an advisory capacity for many years. The views
expressed here are the author’s alone, and do not represent in any way
whatsoever the views of any leaders or organizations within the democratic
movement.
_______

Mizzima News
October 17 2002

Envoy returns to Burma with hope for better human rights
By Htet Aung Kyaw

October 17: The United Nations human rights special envoy to Burma Mr.
Paulo Sergio Pinheiro is to arrive Rangoon today to promote rights
conditions in this military ruled country. He plans to meet military
government officials, judicial officers, lawyers as well as leaders of
Rangoon-based non-governmental organizations during his eleven days visit.
He also plans to meet Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the opposition National
League for Democracy and representatives of ethnic political parties. But
officials form both the NLD and ethnic parties said they were not yet
informed about envoy's schedule.
However, an NLD official says Suu kyi will be back in Rangoon this evening
from her 4-day political trip outside the capital and she will meet the
envoy on weekends.
Diplomats and observers at Rangoon suggested that Mr. Pinheiro will focus
two special issues; a rape report by Thailand-based Shan Women's Action
Network, named "License to Rape" which accuses 625-Shan women were raped
by Burmese soldiers, and the death of a political prisoner U Sai Phat-69,
vice chairman of NLD Shan State in custody this month. But it remains a
big question whether the authorities will actually allow the envoy to do
that?
However, the military junta's spokesperson Col. Hla Min says that his
government is ready to cooperate with UN officials. "We welcome Professor
Pinheiro's independent review on this allegation of human rights abuses in
Shan State. These accusations are false', he said in a statement.
But Nang Hseng Noung, leader of the Shan Women's Action Network who writes
the report says, "The SPDC never talks the truth. They are now trying to
lie to Mr Pinheiro".
"We have heard from Shan State that the junta's Committee ordered the
locals not to talk about the case and forced them to put in writing that
they know nothing about the sexual violations committed by the army", she
added.
In U Sai Phat's case, Col. Hla Min says it was a malaria problem. But Sai
Phat's sisters and the NLD officials at Kyaing-ton claimed they don't
agree with Hla Min's response. "My brother is very strong and never had
malaria. Why he died in 25 days? I suspect he was tortured or something
wrong was done to him while in custody", Sai Phat's sister told Oslo-based
Democratic Voice of Burma in a telephone interview.
According to Thailand-based Association Assistance for Political Prisoners
(AAPP), at least 73 political prisoners had died in custody since 1989. "I
believe the MI (Military Intelligence) killed our comrades systematically.
The rate of deaths in custody is higher than before, as one person in
every 3 months now", claimed Ko Tate Naing, Secretary of AAPP.
"We welcome Mr Pinheiro's visit and the ICRC (International Committee for
Red Cross) interference on political prisoners' cases. There was some
little progress in Burma's prisons after Pinheiro's second visit. But we
also want to inform him that some activists and the NLD members were
continued to be arrested by the MI", the AAPP secretary added.
In his report to the UN Assembly on Monday, Mr Pinheiro said that Burma's
regime needs to do more reforms, especially in judicial areas. "The
release of all political prisoners is the basic condition to continue
political dialogue", he pointed in the report.
However, there is no sign from the authorities of a mass release of
political prisoners during Pinheiro's current visit.
Meanwhile, the UN special envoy to Burma Mr. Razali Ismail was in China to
explain the situation of "National Reconciliation" in Burma to the Chinese
authorities. This is Razali's first trip to China although he had often
visited US, EU and Japan regarding his Burma assignment. China is the
closest friend of Burmese junta.
"As Burma's affairs have become the world's affair, we feel it is not
right to procrastinate any longer", commented the veteran Burmese
politician Thakhin Thein Pe. "I think they (the SPDC) have reached the
final stage to hold dialogue with the NLD. There is no alternative for
them".
Htet Aung Kyaw is a correspondent for Oslo-based Democratic Voice of Burma.
_______

Myanmar Information Committee
October 18 2002

MOFA Issues Press Release Regarding Report of Human Rights Watch
The New York-based Human Rights Watch in its recent report has claimed
that Myanmar Armed Forces have recruited large number of children as
soldiers and that child soldiers constitute as much as 20 per cent of the
total force.
It is an allegation that has no basis whatever and the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs completely rejects the assertion. The report is just another
example of attempts to tarnish the image of Myanmar and the Myanmar
Tatmadaw in the eyes of the international community. It is no accident
that the report appeared on the eve of an important visit by a high
ranking UN official and at a time the United Nations General Assembly is
starting to consider human rights questions. As such, the report is
nothing but an attempt to pressure on Myanmar and to interfere in the
internal affairs of the country.
Moreover, as the report appears to be based on the testimony of so-called
deserters in Thailand, their statements are indeed very questionable.
People in Myanmar are already very familiar with the practice of the
anti-government elements based in Thailand and other countries to trot out
so-called "witnesses’’ to make all sorts of statements. Indeed, many of
these witnesses are none other than members and families of the insurgents
and anti-government elements. It is regrettable that some organizations,
in their prejudice against Myanmar, sought to give credence to such
machinations.
The Ministry would like to reiterate the fact that under the Defence
Services Act of April 1974 and War Office Regulation 13/73, a person
cannot be enlisted into the armed forces unless he has attained the age of
18. This regulation is strictly enforced. Moreover, the Myanmar Armed
Forces is a purely voluntary army and those entering the military service
do so at their own free will. There is neither a draft system nor forced
conscription in the country.
On the other hand, the use of child soldiers by the armed insurgent groups
is well documented. To cite but one example, the Kayin armed terrorist
group known as "God’s Army" which operated on the Myanmar-Thailand border
was led by twin child soldiers, Johnny Htoo and Luther Htoo. It may be
recalled that some western organizations and individuals even went so far
as to laud the two children.
_______

Democratic Voice of Burma
October 17 2002

[Suu Kyi on last leg of journey]

We have learned that leader of the Myanmar [Burmese] democracy movement
Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi, NLD [National League for Democracy] Vice-Chairman U
Tin
Oo, and members of the NLD are now in Tharawaddy, the last leg of their
tour of Pegu Division. We understand that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and
members
of the NLD were enthusiastically greeted by people from villages and
towns
along the route. So far, there has been no interruption and their trip
has
proceeded smoothly.

NLD Spokesperson U Lwin explains Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's today trip to
DVB
[Democratic Voice of Burma] as follows:

[U Lwin] Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has now arrived in Tharawaddy where she
opened
an [NLD] office and had meeting with NLD township executive committee
members. She will be returning directly to Yangon [Rangoon] after that.
Her
stopover in Letpadan took longer than scheduled. That is because in
addition to holding a meeting with NLD executives, she also worked on
forming an NLD youth wing. That was why it took longer than expected.

She is expected to return just after 2100. A trip from Tharawaddy to
Yangon
only takes about two hours and the road is quite good and free of
traffic.
[End of recording]

U Lwin also explained about the welcome accorded to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
along the way.

[U Lwin] People came out to greet her in every town. Unlike the trips to
Mandalay and (Ho-Mong), the towns along the Yangon-Prome route are quite
close to each other and there is always a town after about a 15-minute
drive. So, people do not go and group at a certain town to welcome her.
They wait for her arrival in their own towns. I can only give you
estimates, since it is not possible to know exactly. For instance, there
were more than 3,000 people welcoming her in Prome the night before she
left. In other towns, there were only about 1,000 to 2,000. But they say
that in Minhla and Letpadan, over 3,000 people welcomed her. It looks
like
people in western Pegu region are satisfied with the visits. [End of
recording]

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is expected to return to Rangoon today.



_____MONEY_________

Xinhua News Agency
October 18 2002

Foreign investment in Myanmar plunges in first half of 2002

Foreign investment in Myanmar plunged by 96.59 percent in the first half
of 2002, compared with the same period of last year, registering only
1.516 million US dollars, according to the latest official figures.

The single investment was injected into the manufacturing sector by an
investor from China's Hong Kong, said the government- published Economic
Indicators without identifying the investor.

The sharp drop in Myanmar's foreign investment was attributed to the
negative impact of the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the September 11
terrorist attacks on the United States, the slowing down of global
economic growth and the unfavorable domestic investment environment.

In 2001, Myanmar's foreign investment coming from 10 countries and regions
amounted to 58.97 million dollars and the five sectors into which the
investment was brought about were manufacturing, construction, hotels and
tourism, oil and gas, and mining.

According to official statistics, since opening up to the outside world in
late 1988, Myanmar had absorbed 7,399.7 million dollars of foreign
investment in 370 projects as of June 2002.

Meanwhile, since March this year, Myanmar authorities has stopped issuing
import and export permits to Myanmar-based foreign trading companies,
resulting in the withdrawal of a lot of such companies.

____PRESS RELEASES_____

University of California Free Burma Coalition
October 18 2002

Press Release:  4 Nobel Peace Prize Winners Join Growing Call for UC
Divestment from Burma

Los Angeles -  Organizers of the growing movement to encourage the
University of California (UC)  Regents to divest Burma-related stock
announced today that four Nobel Peace Prize winners have signed a letter
to the UC Regents urging immediate action.  The move is a clear escalation
in a two-year effort to encourage the Regents to empty the University
portfolio of stock in companies which continue to do business with the
brutal military regime in the southeast Asian nation.
 Signatories to the letter to the Regents now include Archbishop Desmond
Tutu, Mairead Corrigan Maguire, Betty Williams, and Jody Williams.  All
four esteemed Peace Prize Winners have expressed concern and support for
divestment from University of California-owned stock in companies that
are financially involved in Burma.
 Eric Blocher, a member of the UCLA Environmental Coalition, one of the
organizations in a UC-wide Free Burma effort, said "This is an important
step in the effort towards UC divestment.  It is critical that the UC
Regents recognize that this is an international movement supported by
prominent world figures.   We are hopeful that the Regents will listen to
what they are saying and put this issue on an upcoming agenda."
 Desmond Tutu, who was a key figure in the struggle against apartheid in
South Africa, has widely publicized his support of sanctions on Burma. 
In March 2002, Tutu issued a statement saying that "Burma is the next
South Africa," emphasizing that "We cannot in good conscience turn a
blind eye to the dollar that passes from the hand of the businessman to
the hand of the General, that buys the bullet, or the landmine, or the
mortar, that eventually ends the life of a child, woman or man in Burma.
We must cut this life-line to the Generals in Rangoon, we must stop the
investment."
 By divesting, the UC Regents would be joining a growing movement for
democracy in Burma.  The cities of Los Angeles and Minneapolis, as well
as American University and the University of Virginia have taken steps
towards divestment of Burma related stock and there are similar campaigns
taking place nationwide and around the world.
 The military junta in Burma is widely considered to be one of the most
brutal in the world and has been condemned by organizations ranging from
the United Nations and the US State Department to Amnesty International
and Human Rights Watch.
The letter signed by the Nobel Laureates urges the UC Regents to divest
from Burma-related stock and to make a commitment to not buy stock in
those companies until democracy is achieved in Burma.  More specifically,
the UC Free Burma Coalition is calling on the UC Regents to divest from
both Unocal and Total, two oil companies that have implemented pipeline
projects in Burma and have worked closely with the Burmese military regime
in their endeavors.  There have been documented cases of forced labor,
rape, child labor, and forced relocation of Burmese citizens under the
Unocal and Total pipeline projects.
Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese democratic leader and Nobel Peace Prize
Winner who was placed under house arrest for 11 years has repeatedly
called on the international community to discontinue business in Burma
until democracy is achieved.  In May 2002, Suu Kyi was released from house
arrest, but her freedom is still severely limited, she is denied her
rightful power by the military, and the regime's empty promises for
negotiations working towards democracy remain unfulfilled.
 "The Regents can no longer ignore this issue.     The movement is growing
and this call by the Nobel Laureates only makes us stronger," said Kevin
Rudiger, of the Burma Forum, Los Angeles.    "The Regents have a real
opportunity here to take a position of moral leadership.  It is time they
do so."