BurmaNet News: April 14 2003

[editor at burmanet.org]

April 14 2003 Issue #2215

INSIDE BURMA

AFP: Myanmar’s water festival splashes on despite economic woes
AFP: Myanmar’ opposition denies junta’s allegations of law-breaking
Myanmar Times: [Burmese government to investigate listening device at UN
envoy’s interview]

MONEY

Xinhua: Myanmar’s power generation up slightly in 2002
Xinhua: Myanmar produces more oil, gas in 2002
The Eagle: AU students convince retail chain to ban products from Burma

INTERNATIONAL

AFP: EU extends sanctions against Myanmar
Forbes: Supping with the devil

STATEMENTS

Hon. Joseph R. Pitts: Statement

INSIDE BURMA

Agence France Presse April 14 2003

Myanmar's water festival splashes on despite economic woes

Thousands of exuberant revellers took to the streets for wet celebrations
of the Thingyan festival in Myanmar's capital Monday in the lead up to the
local calendar year of 1365, oblivious for the moment to the country's
ongoing economic woes.

"There is no indication that the happy-go-lucky Burmese intend to let
anything spoil their fun," one foreign diplomat told AFP, using the
country's former name of Burma which was abolished by the current ruling
military regime.

Major streets were lined with dozens of elaborately decorated wooden
water-throwing stands, or "pandals," with many clustered around Yangon's
Inya Lake to make the most of a plentiful water supply used to inundate
crowds with ritual splashes.

Petroleum companies such as France's Total and multinational Schlumberger
sponsored huge pandals blaring Western-style rap music, which jostled with
others set up by brewery and cigarette companies advertising their
products.

City authorities decreed that each township within the Yangon area erect
at least one pandal, with businesses asked to contribute 5,000 to 10,000
kyat (five to 10 dollars at commonly-used blackmarket rates).

"This is obviously to make sure that revellers have enough pandals to move
between inside the city, apart from the showcase Yangon mayor's pandal,"
one Yangon resident told AFP.

People spent up big on the traditional holiday despite the military
state's chronic economic woes, which have worsened in recent months on the
back of a debilitating banking crisis.

"We're paying 70,000 kyat per day over four days for the use of this
Japanese pick-up, excluding petrol," young reveller Maung Maung, who is
sharing the cost with 15 others, told AFP.

"It's going to be worth it," he enthused.

Petrol prices have already been jacked up due to the festival, selling for
over 1,000 kyat per gallon compared to the usual subsidised price of 180
kyat.

During the four-day annual Thingyan festival, which this year wraps up on
Wednesday before Myanmar's year 1365 is ushered in the following day,
Buddhists flock to pagodas to seek merit and pray for better things in the
year ahead.

Meanwhile, chaotic celebrations take place on the streets, where traffic
police usually face an uphill battle keeping any semblance of order.

Despite official warnings that misconduct and impolite behavior would not
be tolerated, the water festival is one time of year that authorities turn
a blind eye to noisy public gatherings, as long as they stay strictly
non-political.

But one water-throwing pandal in the capital this year is conspicuously
absent: the "Army Brats" pandal, usually run by the family of late
dictator Ne Win.

The former strongman's son-in-law and three grandsons are now languishing
in the notorious Insein Jail with a death sentence hanging over their
heads, having been convicted of conspiring to overthrow the military
government in September last year.
_________

Agence France Presse April 14 2003

Myanmar's opposition denies junta's allegations of law-breaking

Myanmar's opposition party on Monday denied allegations from the ruling
military junta that its youth members had broken laws during a trip to
western Chin state by opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

On Sunday the junta issued a statement alleging that youth members of the
National League for Democracy (NLD) acting as security for their leader
had "grabbed" cameramen seeking to photograph or film her.

One incident involved several cameramen and another a single photographer,
whom the NLD were alleged to have asked police to arrest.

"No such things happened during the trip. They never happened," NLD
spokesman U Lwin told AFP.

However, he said, at one stop on Aung San Suu Kyi's exhaustive 11-day
visit to Chin state, members of the junta's USDA -- a pro-Yangon social
organisation with some 19 million members -- surrounded her car too
tightly.

"At one place members of the group USDA surrounded her car so close that
the students, the youth around her, had to defend her. At the same time
ordinary NLD members went between and tried to turn down the heated
situation," he said.

"There was no fight, no struggle with those people who wanted to get close
to her and take a photo."

In another town though, NLD members did confiscate a camera from a man who
tried to take Aung San Suu Kyi's photograph intrusively, and asked him to
collect it later, U Lwin said.

"But he didn't turn up... Whoever is the lawful owner can claim it," he
said. "They are not supposed to take her photo without her permission."

Aung San Suu Kyi had declared the trip a success on her return Sunday,
particularly in the rugged Chin hills where many people turned up to greet
her, U Lwin said.

"Especially in Chin hills people turned out as much as they could under
these circumstances," he said, repeating an earlier complaint that local
authorities had warned people not to attempt to see her.

During her visit, the Nobel peace laureate reopened the Chin state NLD
office and five township offices as part of ongoing efforts to revitalise
her party since her release from 19 months of house arrest last May.

Her party won a landslide victory in 1990 elections but has never been
permitted to rule by the military junta.

Landmark UN-brokered talks between the junta and Aung San Suu Kyi that
began in October 2000 aimed at national reconciliation are widely believed
to have slowed to a halt.
_________

Myanmar Times April 14 2003

[BURMESE GOVERNMENT TO INVESTIGATE LISTENING DEVICE AT UN ENVOY'S INTERVIEW]

The government has ordered a "thorough investigation" into the discovery
of a listening device in a room at Insein correctional facility in Yangon
Rangoon where the United Nations special human rights rapporteur on
Myanmar Burma , Mr Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, was interviewing a detainee.

The discovery of the device by Mr Pinheiro on 22 March led to a decision
by the UN envoy to cut short what was to have been a week-long visit.

He left Yangon last Monday 7 April , two days ahead of schedule. Mr
Pinheiro was on a fact-finding mission to update a report on human rights.
He will present the report on 31 March to the annual meeting of the UN
Human Rights Commission, underway at its Geneva headquarters.

It was fifth visit to Myanmar by Mr Pinheiro since his appointment to the
position in December 2000.

In a statement issued last Tuesday, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said
the "untoward incident at Insein jail" was not sanctioned by the
government.

"Myanmar authorities had explained the circumstances surrounding the
matter and also conveyed their sincere regret to the Special Rapporteur,"
the statement said.

"Although the Special Rapporteur left the country earlier than his
scheduled date of departure, it is learnt that both sides would not like
to see the existing cooperation to be greatly affected by this incident,"
it said.

The statement also said there had always been "excellent cooperation" with
the Special Rapporteur and this had been acknowledged by the UN Human
Rights Commission.

Mr Pinheiro's visit, which began on 19 March, had included meetings with
Secretary 1 of the State Peace and Development Council, Gen Khin Nyunt,
and senior government ministers.

He also met senior leaders of the National League for Democracy as well as
foreign diplomats.

MONEY

Xinhua News Agency April 14 2003

Myanmar's power generation up slightly in 2002

Myanmar's electric power generation rose slightly by 1 percent to 4,861.46
million kilowatt-hours (kwh) in 2002, said the latest figures of the
Ministry of Electric Power.

Meanwhile, the installed generating capacity (IGC) of the Myanma Electric
Power Enterprise (MEPE) under the ministry, which is the main electricity
supplier of the country, remained at 1,165 megawatts (mw) over the year
with no increase.

Of the electricity produced in the country, the majority was generated by
natural gas power accounting for over 60 percent, followed by hydropower
which took up over 30 percent and the rest went to steam power.

The number of hydropower plants has so far reached 42, while that of
natural gas power 14 and steam three, according to the ministry.

The government has laid down a five-year plan (2001-02 to 2005-06) to
build nine hydropower plants of 5,862.4 mw in total.

It is estimated that by 2005-06 when all the targeted plants are
completed, the country would have a total IGC of 8,981.67 mw.

Myanmar is a country seriously short of electricity. It is hard for people
to get normal power supply and they frequently have to depend on their own
power generators to carry out normal functions.

The electricity shortage problem of the country has much negative impact
on its economic development and incoming foreign investment.
___________

Xinhua News Agency April 14 2003

Myanmar produces more oil, gas in 2002

Myanmar's crude oil production rose 26.2 percent to 5.92 million barrels
in 2002, the latest figures of the Ministry of Energy show.

Over the year, Myanmar yielded 9,173.85 million cubic meters of natural
gas, up 4.2 percent from the previous year.

Although there is export of gas from Myanmar, its domestic crude oil
production is far from meeting the demand and it has to import crude oil
annually. In 2002, it imported 131.74 million US dollars worth of the oil,
the figures show.

Myanmar has 3,154 million barrels  (419.5 million tons ) of recoverable
reserve of crude oil in the country's onshore and offshore areas, while
possessing a total of 50.95 trillion cubic feet (1,442.05 billion
cubic-meters) of natural gas reserve in the two areas.

Meanwhile, there is  a total of 19 inland oil fields in Myanmar where at
present foreign companies from Indonesia, Bahamas, Britain, Cyprus and
China are operating.

Myanmar's offshore oil and gas fields are mainly located in Rakhine,
Tanintharyi and Mottama areas with gas reserve in the Rakhine area
estimating from 13.4 trillion cubic feet (379.22 billion cubic meters) to
47.3 trillion cubic feet (1,338.6 billion cubic meters).

Meanwhile, contracted foreign investment in Myanmar's oil and gas sector
has reached 2.607 billion dollars since late 1988, according to official
statistics.
_____________

The [American University] Eagle April 14 2003
AU students convince retail chain to ban products from Burma
By ANDREA JAMES

A leading nationwide department store chain banned the sale of products
made in Burma in late March because of an intense e-mail and telephone
campaign led by a group of AU students.

The May Department Stores Company banned the sale of Burmese products, and
changed their corporate policy, according to senior activist Pamela
Bertelson.

The company is a $14 billion retailer and owns 14 mega-chains such as Lord
& Taylor, Hecht's, Filene's, Strawbridges and David's Bridal, according to
the corporate Web site.

May Department Stores was one of the last major retailers to ban the sale
of Burmese products. As of March 2003, 38 department store chains had
banned Burmese products, including Wal-Mart and Saks, according to the
Free Burma Coalition Web site.

May Department Stores Company representatives declined to comment.

May Department Store’s vendor responsibility program now states that
vendors “cannot use prison, convict, forced or indentured labor. We will
not accept any products whose country of origin is Burma."

Myanmar is the name that Burma’s military regime chose for the country.
The U.S. State Department does not recognize Myanmar and uses “Burma” as
the official name.

Bertelson, 22, helped the Internet-based Free Burma Coalition to ban
Burmese products along with eight other AU students beginning in February.

As a part of an independent study with International Development Professor
Lori Handrahan, Bertelson and her peers visited Thailand over winter
break, which borders Burma. Once there, they met with other activists and
political refugees.

Upon their return to the U.S., the students came up with an advocacy plan
to stop the sale of Burmese products within chains owned by the May
Department Stores Company.

The students first led an e-mail campaign, and more than 200 people sent a
form letter to May corporate headquarters, Bertelson said.

When e-mailing did not work, the team then led a phone campaign, Bertelson
said. Activists were told to phone local stores in major cities, such as
Hecht’s.

“We called those stores and asked to speak to the store manager to tell
them, ‘I discovered you were selling products made in Burma. I think it’s
bad business to support a dictatorship who abuses human rights and I will
boycott your store and tell my friends and family to boycott your
stores,’” Bertelson said.

Despite the e-mails and phone calls, May Department Stores did not change
their policies until the AU students began plans for a demonstration,
according to Bertelson.

"I think they found out we were having the demonstration, I'm not sure
exactly what they knew,” Bertelson said. “But they called us and said ‘OK
we will make a decision by the end of the day - will you call off the
protest?’"

Local Hecht’s representatives could not be reached for comment.

The majority of the banned products are clothing items, Bertelson said.

Banning such items does not hurt Burmese citizens, according to Bertelson,
because all Burmese factories are state-owned, so profits support the
military regime and not the people.

U.S. government policy is to “neither encourage nor discourage” trade with
Burma, and has imposed extensive sanctions on the country, according to
the State Department’s country profile.

State Department documents also state that Burma is cited for widespread
human-rights violations, and that the military regime maintains a “strict
authoritarian rule over the people of Burma.”

Bertelson is proud of the campaign’s success, and said that she realized
that students could make a difference.

“It was really a rewarding campaign because we were fairy successful in a
short amount of time, especially in this time of war, and the world is in
a state of chaos. It is good to realize that we can still make a
difference and still do something positive,” Bertelson said.
INTERNATIONAL

Agence France Presse April 14 2003

EU extends sanctions against Myanmar

European Union foreign ministers agreed Monday to extend and beef up
sanctions against military-ruled Myanmar for another year.

The ministers decided to extend the list of people subject to a visa black
list and freezing of assets, and to strengthen an arms embargo against the
country.

"The Council (of ministers) can find no credible reason to account for the
failure of political will on behalf of the Burma/Myanmar authorities to
agree to a definitive timetable for the return of democracy," they said.

"The best interests of the people of Myanmar/Burma continue to be served
in current circumstances by a balanced approach of carefully calibrated
sanctions towards those responsible for obstruction of reform and
progress, together with significant humanitarian support," they added in a
statement.

The EU in October 1996 banned all contacts with members of the Myanmar
junta and later imposed an arms embargo and economic sanctions, including
a freeze on assets held in EU countries by members of the regime.

EU and US sanctions also include investment bans and restrictions on
lending to Myanmar by international financial bodies that have contributed
to a marked deterioration in the country's economy.

On Monday the EU ministers welcomed a number of positive developments in
Myanmar, including the "de facto" release from house arrest of Aung San
Suu Kyi, leader of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD).

They also confirmed plans for a trip by the so-called "troika" EU
leadership of past, present and future presidencies to Myanmar "on
condition that it will meet the appropriate leadership of the country."

But the EU remains strongly critical of the regime's grip on power in
Myanmar and the faltering pace of UN-sponsored talks with the NLD leader.

"If substantive progress is not made on the key issues of the national
reconciliation process .. (the EU) will then implement" the new sanction
or or before October 29, 2003," said the ministerial statement.

The latest 12-month EU sanctions package was due to expire on April 29.

The package includes a 153-strong list of Myanmar junta members and
associates who are banned from entering EU territory. The visa blacklist
is topped by Senior General Than Shwe, the junta's number one.

A US State Department report released last week said that both the United
States and the EU are considering whether to impose further sanctions on
the junta if the situation does not improve.

Despite the frosty background, however, the EU waived the visa ban to
enable Myanmar Deputy Foreign Minister Khin Maung Win to join his
Southeast Asian colleagues for a meeting in Brussels in January.

Foreign ministers from the EU and the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN) agreed that Myanmar's progress towards national
reconciliation was in a "fragile" state, while differing about how much
pressure to exert on the regime.

Aung San Suu Kyi was released from 19 months of house arrest in May last
year. But since then, the Nobel peace laureate has been unable to start
formal reconciliation talks she had hoped to launch "within a few weeks"
of gaining her freedom.

The six-monthly US State Department report said contacts between the NLD
leader and the junta had "ground to a halt".
____________

Forbes April 14 2003

Supping With The Devil
By Michael Freedman

Deep in the jungle of southern Burma (Myanmar) live 40,000 villagers who
tend to maize and rice farms, raise livestock and fish in the rivers.
Traversing their land is a natural gas pipeline, 36 inches in diameter and
6 feet underground. It begins 215 miles offshore before entering western
Burma and extending eastward more than 40 miles toward Thailand. The $1
billion pipe is owned by Unocal, TotalFinaElf, a Thai company and a
state-owned energy company in Burma.

There is little dispute that Burma's brutal military forced villagers to
work in the vicinity of the pipeline, starting at least as early as 1995.
At issue today is what role Unocal played in allowing the abuse to take
place and whether it benefited from it--even if it wasn't directly
complicit. In suits filed in California federal and state courts, human
rights groups claim that Unocal both encouraged and gained from the nasty
regime. To get the case into a U.S. federal court, the groups, including
the International Labor Rights Fund, invoked the Alien Tort Claims Act, a
214-year-old law that gives U.S. courts jurisdiction over international
acts of genocide, torture and slavery.

The pipeline carries gas from a 5.7-trillion-cubic-foot reserve discovered
in the 1980s by the government-owned Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise. The gas
company signed an agreement with the French company Total and American
Unocal to build the pipeline. Allegations of abuse were no surprise in
Burma, a Southeast Asian land of 48 million taken over in 1962 by a
socialist military regime that quickly impoverished the nation. In 1989
the military government, known as the State Law & Order Restoration
Council, changed the nation's name to Myanmar, a name the U.S. doesn't
recognize, and crushed attempts at democracy. Today the government
regularly jails and tortures dissenters and uses forced labor and rape as
management tools.

Security was an immediate concern in the pipeline area. Oil executives
admit they liked having the military around, particularly when insurgents
ambushed a group of villagers in 1995. But as the project got under way,
the military increased its presence, and the companies began to hear
accounts from villagers that soldiers had forced people to work in the
pipeline vicinity. Company officials say they reacted responsibly to the
reports, although they insist the abuses were unrelated to the pipeline.
As a humanitarian gesture they provided financial and other aid to 300 to
400 individuals affected, and lobbied Burmese authorities to discontinue
the practice.

Yet villagers say the forced labor continued until 1999. In court
documents one villager claimed soldiers forced him to build a helipad used
by Unocal and Total officials. Others say they were required to serve as
"pipeline porters," workers who hauled materials and cleaned camps for
soldiers guarding the pipeline. A woman claimed she was nursing her
month-old baby when a soldier kicked her and pushed them into a fire.
Soldiers then ordered her to relocate from their village. The baby died
soon after.

One damning piece of evidence against the companies comes from a cable
from the U.S. embassy in Rangoon, describing a conversation between a
State Department official and Joel Robinson, a Unocal manager. According
to the account, Robinson acknowledged that Unocal hired the military as
security and met directly with the soldiers to inform them of its
activities so the area could be secured.

Unocal and Total disavow the account. They say they did not contract with
the military and communicated with it only through the Burmese gas
company. The forced labor involved other projects in the region and had
nothing to do with Unocal or Total. "It never happened in relation to the
pipeline," says M. Randy Oppenheimer, a Unocal lawyer. "Nobody asked or
coerced anyone to do any work for the pipeline."

In June a California Superior Court judge ruled Unocal could be
"vicariously liable" for abuses committed by the Burmese military, which
means the company could be liable for the government's actions even if it
did not participate in them. In March a state appeals court cleared the
way for a trial in California.

Last September a federal court ruled Unocal could be liable for abuses if
it "aided and abetted" them. The meaning of those words will be crucial.
But the court found there was enough evidence that Unocal knew about and
benefited from forced labor to go forward, noting in particular that the
company held daily meetings to show the military where to provide security
and build infrastructure, despite the knowledge it would probably use
forced labor to do so. "The evidence also supports the conclusion that
Unocal gave 'encouragement' to the Myanmar military in subjecting
plaintiffs to murder, rape and torture," the court noted. A hearing
reviewing this decision will be heard in June.

The oil companies point out, and villagers agree, that life has improved
significantly since the completion of the pipeline in 1998. In a nation
with a per capita gross domestic product of $100, Unocal and Total
contributed $10 million in goods and services to the 40,000 people in the
pipeline area. Health care workers have given 400,000 free consultations
and vaccinations since 1997. Infant mortality has plummeted. "Now there's
not much communication with the army," observed one village woman. "They
seldom come."

The Unocal case may one day land in the U.S. Supreme Court. But it already
serves as a sharp warning to U.S. companies doing business overseas. Two
dozen similar cases have been filed against other U.S. companies. For
instance: Plaintiffs in a Florida federal court allege that Fresh Del
Monte Produce hired security forces in Guatemala that tortured and
kidnapped labor organizers. The company did not return calls. Some lawyers
are pushing the law to an extreme, arguing that companies that do business
in certain countries are liable for abuses--simply for having invested
there. Suits are pending against Ford and Citigroup for doing business in
apartheid-era South Africa, even if they neither participated in nor
directly benefited from the government's abuses. Citi's offense? It made
loans to South Africa.

These suits may be doing no favors for the Third World if they chase away
multinationals and the jobs and capital they bring. The suits may also
interfere with U.S. foreign policy. Last year the U.S. State Department
intervened in a Tort Claims Act suit seeking damages from ExxonMobil for
work in Indonesia, warning the suit could imperil counterterrorism
initiatives. But the plaintiffs seem to have the upper hand legally.
"Right now," says Brooklyn Law School professor Anthony Sebok, "the law
does have the extraordinary reach its most radical proponents say it
does."

STATEMENTS

HON. JOSEPH R. PITTS of Pennsylvania in the House of Representatives
April 10 2003

  Mr. PITTS. Mr. Speaker, in May 2002, the Shan Women's Action Network and
the Shan Human Rights Foundation issued a highly disturbing report
entitled License to Rape. The State Department followed that report with
further investigation into the issue.  I traveled to the Thai-Burma
border in January of this year and heard further horrifying testimonies
about Burmese military regime's use of systematic rape against ethnic
minorities. In addition, refugees and others shared personal experiences
about watching the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) soldiers
kill their families or neighbors in front of them. One eight-year-old
orphan I met saw both parents brutally murdered while he watched. Other
refugees reported the SPDC's use of ethnic minorities, including women
and young children, as human landmine sweepers and as forced labor.
  These human rights abuses MUST be stopped.  To add further proof to the
myriad reliable reports by both local and international non-governmental
organizations (NGOs), Refugees International recently released a report
further documenting the SPDC military's use of rape as a weapon of war
against ethnic women. The new report is entitled No Safe Place: Burma's
Army and the Rape of Ethnic Women. No Safe Place documents the SPDC's
use of rape against women from the Karen, Karenni, Mon, Tavoyan and Shan
ethnic groups and indicates that the rapes are ``a pattern of brutal
abuse designed to control, terrorize, and harm ethnic nationality
populations through their women.''
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to enter a portion of Refugees International's
report into the Congressional Record.
  Thank you.
No Safe Place: Burma's Army and the Rape of Ethnic Women

                          ii. recommendations

       Refugees International recommends that:                          
The United Nations
UN Commission on Human Rights condemn rape and other forms of sexual
violence against ethnic women and girls by Burma's military in its annual
resolution on the situation of human rights in Burma. The UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights ensure that any investigation of rape and
other forms of sexual violence inside Burma conducted by UN officials is
done by experts on sexual violence, with guarantees of full access,
complete and ongoing security for all witnesses and victims and a follow
up mechanism to verify compliance.
       UNHCR assist the Royal Thai Government in providing a safe     
environment for Burmese fleeing human rights abuses with a special
emphasis on women and children.  The UNHCR insist that women and
girls fleeing rape and other forms of sexual violence in Burma
qualify for   protection and assistance in Thailand.
       The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against     
Women request a special periodic report from the State Peace and
Development Council focusing on the constitutional, legal,
administrative, military, and practical measures taken to eliminate
rape and other forms of violence against women.
 The Committee should convene a special session to engage in dialogue with
the SPDC about this special periodic report.
The Royal Thai Government (RTG)
The RTG recognize women and girls fleeing rape in Burma who seek refuge in
Thailand as legitimate refugees who have a right to protection and
assistance, and not as ``illegal migrants.''
       The RTG ensure that Burmese survivors of rape and other forms of
sexual violence in Thailand, whether in camps or working as
migrants,'' receive critical physical and mental health services,
especially focused on gender-based abuses.
       The RTG cease the practice of repatriating or deporting     asylum
seekers without prior screening to ascertain whether they have
valid claims for asylum.  The RTG adhere to the definition of
``refugee'' according to the 1951 Convention on the Status relating
to Refugees and the 1967 protocol--a definition that has attained
the level of customary international law--and should not create a
new      standard for determining when those seeking refuge are
entitled to enter its borders.

                The State Peace and Development Council

       The SPDC stop all military buildup and begin demilitarizing     
the ethnic areas promptly.  The SPDC fulfill its obligations under
the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
Against Women (CEDAW), which it ratified in 1998. This includes
ceasing all    practices and policies which discriminate against
women, including violence against women.  The SPDC ratify the
Optional Protocol to CEDAW.  The SPDC fulfill its obligations under
the Convention on      the Rights of the Child, which it ratified
in 1991, which prohibits gender-based violence against children.

                              Governments

       Governments demand that the SPDC demilitarize ethnic areas.      
Governments maintain economic sanctions and withhold overseas
development and loan or debt assistance until significant
improvements in the human rights situation, including a decrease in
violence against women, is independently verified.  Governments
continue to pressure the SPDC to engage in meaningful, substantive
discussions with the National League of Democracy and
representatives of ethnic nationalities.

                  NGOs and International Organizations

      Organizations lend support to the international campaign to stop
rape and other forms of sexual violence by the Burmese military
through public statements and advocacy.  International organizations
conducting research on rape, other forms of sexual violence and
other human rights abuses coordinate with grassroots, indigenous
organizations to ensure the comprehensive and safe collection of
information.
       Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) seek to build the capacity of
indigenous groups to document abuses perpetrated against their own
communities.
       Organizations increase efforts to reach and assist displaced
populations with critical needs.

                           iii. introduction

       ``I have waited many years to tell you this story,'' one     
Karenni woman lamented as she told of witnessing her
thirteen-year-old sister's rape and then described how the Burmese
soldiers beat and attempted to rape her. She is just one of
countless women from Burma's ethnic minority groups, sometimes
known as ethnic nationalities, with a chilling tale of abuse at the
hands of her country's army.
       In June 2002, the Shan Human Rights Foundation and Shan Women's
Action Network (SWAN) released a report, License to Rape,
documenting 625 cases of rape and sexual violence. The report began
a movement to focus on Burma's use of rape as a weapon of war,
while also highlighting the relentless, ongoing campaign of human
rights abuses against Burma's ethnic minorities. Based on
interviews conducted by     indigenous women's and human rights
groups, and compiled and written by indigenous women, License to
Rape provided credible proof of the brutality of the Burmese army,
in the voices of those very women affected most by the brutalities.
       Following the release of this important report, the international
community expressed unprecedented but long overdue outrage. The
U.S. State Department declared its indignation at the phenomenon
documented in the report and called for an international
investigation, while sending its own investigator to the
Thai/Burmese border; members of the U.S. Congress and officials
from other governments publicly condemned the Burmese military's
actions. Pressure for the United Nations to investigate the
prevalence and systematic nature of the rapes grew until the UN
Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma raised the issue with
Burma's military regime, the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC). Various governmental officials, NGOs, and UN personnel
began talking about the possibility and logistics of an independent
investigation.  Meanwhile, in Thailand, the Royal Thai Government
(RTG), concerned that such an outcry would jeopardize its policy of
engagement with the SPDC, ordered those NGOs that participated in
compiling the report to close their offices indefinitely. Although
License to Rape has received a notable amount of      attention,
the international community, including officials from various
governments, suggested to Refugees International that additional
evidence could assist in generating further action. It is important
to ask why. Some suggested that a report about the experience of
indigenous women, compiled by indigenous women, could not be
objective. Others proposed that the report, written by a small,
unknown group, was not credible enough.
       The authors of this report reject those propositions. Few      are
as well-qualified to document and describe rape as those women from
the brutalized communities. International advocacy without
grassroots knowledge, participation, and decision-making is of
extremely limited use. Consequently, the purpose of this report is
not to ``bolster'' the claims contained in License to Rape. Rather,
the purpose is both to support and build on the movement and
activity generated by SWAN, and to expand the scope of
understanding regarding the brutal
phenomenon of rape in Burma to include a broader profile of ethnic
nationalities. License to Rape documented the widespread use of rape
against Shan ethnic women. Rape is not confined to Shan State or to Shan
women. The Burmese military uses rape against many ethnic nationalities
for the express purpose of brutalizing ``insurgents,''
quashing ethnic dissent, and demoralizing and destroying ethnic communities.
       Refugees International decided that our approach would be to
broaden the scope of the Shan report by investigating the
prevalence of the Burmese military's use of rape against other
ethnic groups. RI's field mission focused the research on the
Karen, Karenni, Mon, and Tavoyan ethnic groups. In applying our
expertise in international advocacy on behalf of war-affected
populations, RI sought to examine the extent of the use of rape
against a variety of Burma's ethnic
nationalities and determine if the abuses were widespread and/or systematic.
       Karen, Karenni, Mon and Tavoyan women and men, as well as several
Shan individuals, were courageous in sharing their personal stories
and observations. From the 26 individuals interviewed, 43 rapes or
attempted rapes were described, 23 of them confirmed by victim or
witness testimony or physical evidence. Stories of rapes and other
human rights abuses and the resulting mental and physical ailments
dominated the interviews. Individuals still in pain from torture
and beatings talked about the violations suffered by them and their
families and friends. For many, the decision to leave Burma was
clearly tied to the rape and other abuses they and their family
members had experienced. One survivor spoke for many when she said,
``To this day, I cannot sleep at night thinking about what
happened.'' The time is ripe for the international community to
hear their voices and take action.