BurmaNet News: June 6 2003

[editor at burmanet.org]

June 6 2003 Issue #2253

INSIDE BURMA
USDoS: U.S. Reports Signs of Deliberate Attack on Burmese Activist's
Motorcade
Irrawaddy: Eyewitness Tells of Bloody Friday
Bernama: Razali Off To Myanmar In Bid To Get Suu Kyi Released
Irrawaddy: Regime Organizes More NLD Attacks
AP: Thai, Myanmar Govts Criticized For Two Dam Projects

MONEY
ICTFU: ICFTU releases background report on Burma and more names of
companies linked to the country

REGIONAL
Narinjara: Burma to take back 3,814 ‘listed’ Rohingya refugees
Mizzima: India cautiously reacts on Aung San Suu Kyi situation

INTERNATIONAL
WSJ: Court to Review Whether Unocal Can Be Sued for Alleged Brutality

EDITORIALS
WP: Where Is She?
NYT: A Nobel Peace Laureate Under Attack
Asian Tribune: Attack on democracy party in Burma demands uncompromising
international response - AHRC

RESOLUTIONS/BILLS
Lantos Introduces House Bill to Sanction Burmese Regime
European Parliament resolution on the arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma

ANNOUNCEMENTS
IRC: Updated Schedule-Public Health in Complex Emergencies Training
Program (IA)


INSIDE BURMA

US Department of State News Release   June 5 2003
U.S. Reports Signs of Deliberate Attack on Burmese Activist's Motorcade

U.S. officials have found indications that a motorcade carrying Burmese
democracy activist Aung San Suu Kyi May 30 was hit in a "premeditated
ambush," and that the individuals carrying out the assault on her group
were affiliated with Burma's ruling authority, according to a June 5
statement by Deputy State Department Spokesman Philip Reeker.

"We call on the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in Burma
to provide a full accounting of the dead, injured, and missing," Reeker
said.

He termed as "outrageous and unacceptable" the continued detention in
isolation of Aung San Suu Kyi and other members of her political party.

"We call on the SPDC to release them immediately, and to provide all
necessary medical attention to those who have been injured, including
assistance from international specialists," Reeker said.

Following is the text of Reeker's June 5 statement on the May 30 ambush of
Aung San Suu Kyi:

(begin text)

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Office of the Spokesman
June 5, 2003

STATEMENT BY PHILIP T. REEKER, DEPUTY SPOKESMAN

Burma - Ambush on Aung San Suu Kyi

Officials from the U.S. Embassy in Rangoon have returned from a visit to
the site of the May 30 violent attack on Aung San Suu Kyi and her
traveling party. Their findings indicate that there was a premeditated
ambush on Aung San Suu Kyi's motorcade. Circumstances and reports from
individuals in the region indicate that the attack was conducted by
government-affiliated thugs. The debris remaining at the scene suggests a
major clash, which could easily have resulted in serious injuries to large
numbers of people.

We call on the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in Burma
to provide a full accounting of the dead, injured, and missing.

The continued detention in isolation of Aung San Suu Kyi and other members
of her political party is outrageous and unacceptable. We call on the SPDC
to release them immediately, and to provide all necessary medical
attention to those who have been injured, including assistance from
international specialists. The offices of the National League for
Democracy closed by the SPDC should be reopened without delay and their
activities no longer proscribed.

United Nations Special Envoy Razali Ismail will be visiting Burma on June
6. The U.S. fully supports his efforts. He must be allowed to see Aung San
Suu Kyi and other opposition leaders. If Amb. Razali is not able to meet
privately with Aung San Suu Kyi, the U.S. will need to evaluate the
utility of this U.N.-sponsored effort to support national reconciliation
in Burma.

(end text)
____________

The Irrawaddy   June 6 2003
Eyewitness Tells of Bloody Friday
By Aung Zaw

June 06, 2003—An eyewitness now in hiding describes last Friday’s clash as
an organized attack on opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her
supporters, in a letter obtained by The Irrawaddy. The letter was written
by a witness to the events in Depayin Township, Sagaing Division who
smuggled the news out of Burma.

The eyewitness writes that thugs broke the windows of Suu Kyi’s vehicle
and beat her with bamboo sticks while she was still in her vehicle. In a
detailed account of events, the eyewitness says the attack was initiated
by members of the Union Solidarity Development Association (USDA), a
social organization backed by Burma’s ruling junta. The chairman of USDA
is Sr-Gen Than Shwe, head of the ruling military government.

The letter, believed to be genuine, supports initial claims of mass
violence and the killing of unarmed civilians. Diplomats in the Burmese
capital have already said that Suu Kyi was injured during the attack. The
US Embassy in Rangoon reported yesterday that the attack was a
well-planned ambush.

According to the eyewitness, the National League for Democracy (NLD)
leader and her entourage left Butalin Township for Depayin at around 6.30
pm. As the convoy left the town, an unspecified number of vehicles
carrying USDA members started trailing her.

At around 8.30 pm, Suu Kyi and her entourage arrived at Kyi village about
three miles from Depayin. The letter reports that villagers came out to
welcome Suu Kyi and other party members.

Brutal Beatings

Then the trouble began. As Suu Kyi and her members drove past the waving
villagers, a monk claiming to be from Kyi village stopped Suu Kyi’s car
and asked her to give a speech. Suu Kyi’s bodyguards, who had been
traveling with her from Rangoon, told the monk that it was already too
late in the evening for the convoy to stop. But the monk insisted, the
eyewitness’s letter reports.

Htun Zaw Zaw, who has been a close aide to Suu Kyi since her release last
May, got out of the car and appealed to the monk. While he was talking to
the monk, the USDA members who were following the convoy began to attack
the villagers who were standing nearby.

As the violence continued, more vehicles arrived. USDA members moved
closer to the NLD entourage. NLD members looked as though they didn’t
expect the USDA to attack, says the letter.

The letter claims the monk and his followers stood by and watched the
beating. The NLD youth members who were guarding Suu Kyi appealed to the
monk to intervene and stop the attack but he refused to help. Other
reports coming out of the country indicate that many men dressed as monks
were seen during the attack.

The brawl lasted for thirty minutes and unarmed NLD members did nothing to
provoke the violence, the letter says. Students who had followed Suu Kyi
from Monywa began collecting bricks and rocks from the side of the road to
defend themselves against the USDA members. NLD leaders called on the
supporters not to react, according to the letter.

The beatings of NLD leaders began soon after the supporters were set upon.
Those sitting inside vehicles were attacked. Others were told to get out
of their cars and had their clothes stripped. Some people, including
female NLD members were left naked, the letter says.

As supporters tried to protect Suu Kyi’s car, USDA members moved in and
beat them over the head. NLD youth members chained their arms to guard Suu
Kyi’s car, but they were knocked down.

After Suu Kyi’s car windows were broken, USDA members and thugs began to
beat her with sticks but her driver was able to speed off towards Depayin.

Other accounts from opposition sources inside Burma said that USDA members
shouted insults like "Are you protecting the wife of Kala?" Kala is
derogatory term for South Asians, Indians and Muslims in Burma but it is
also used as an insult for Westerners. In the past, the Burmese military
government has used the term to deride Suu Kyi due to her marriage to
British-born academic, Michael Aris, who died in March 1999.

During the commotion, NLD Vice Chairman Tin Oo was seen fighting with an
assailant. He got out of the car and ran, the letter says. USDA members
wielding metal and bamboo clubs chased NLD members as they tried to run to
Depayin. But according to the letter there were more USDA members waiting
in the town. Some supporters tried to escape the violence by hiding in
nearby rice fields, the letter says.

The letter names some of the NLD supporters who were injured and are
presumed dead. They include Htut Soe (from Rangoon), Paw Khin (an NLD MP
from Myinchan), Dr Win Aung (from Amarapura, Mandalay), Zaw Lin (from
Amarapura, Mandalay), Aung Ko, Khin Aye Myint (a female NLD member), Khin
Maung Oo (a photographer from southwest Mandalay), U Chit Tin (from
northwest Mandalay), and Nyunt Nyunt (a female NLD member from northwest
Mandalay).

As the violence continued, people from Depayin came out and chanted: "Long
Live Daw Aung San Suu Kyi." Meanwhile, the letter says, USDA issued a
curfew over a loudspeaker from one of their vehicles. Military vehicles
arrived soon after and local army units confronted villagers from Depayin.

The letter states that gunfire could be heard but it was not clear whether
troops were shooting directly at people or into the air. The situation
remained volatile until 2 am. The eyewitness writes that there was
violence and screaming for several hours.

The Morning After

On Saturday morning, the witness saw Tin Oo’s vehicle in a small canal
nearby with its windows smashed. Other accounts from inside Burma also
report that several vehicles were burned. The interiors of two vehicles
belonging to the Mandalay offices of the NLD were said to be soaked with
blood.

US Embassy staff found considerable debris along the road near the clash.
They saw torn and bloodied clothing, numerous weapons and smashed
headlights and mirrors.

About 60 NLD members who had managed to hide from the attackers returned
to the site of the clash and regrouped after sunrise. Army, police and
local officials soon arrived and took most of them away in a truck.

Among those arrested were Thet Htun Oo (from Laeway, an NLD MP), Aung Soe
(from the NLD’s Mandalay Division Organizing Committee) and Hla Oo (from
Amarapura, Mandalay).

After hearing news of the clash, many supporters tried to follow Suu Kyi’s
car but they were intercepted by other vehicles and attacked. The
eyewitness reports that nails were planted on the road and that tires were
shot.

The letter also says that Win Mya Mya, a well-known NLD member from
Mandalay, was arrested by local army officer Capt Aung Naing. Win Mya
Mya’s family members have no idea where she is being detained. An NLD
source in Mandalay said her arm was broken in the beating but there has
been no independent confirmation that she sustained any injuries.

Hospital staff in nearby Monywa said they had not admitted any injured NLD
members. Phone lines in Monywa and Depeyin were cut.

The letter says many of the NLD supporters still in hiding have no food
and that many are wounded and in need of medical treatment. Meanwhile,
authorities have continued to arrest pro-democracy supporters. Vehicles
are still being prevented from passing through the towns of Monywa and
Depeyin.

Recent reports from international news agencies have suggested that the
death toll is closer to 80, not four as government sources insist. NLD
sources in Mandalay report that people saw dead bodies being taken away in
trucks.
____________

Bernama - Malaysian National News Agency   June 06 2003
Razali Off To Myanmar In Bid To Get Suu Kyi Released
SPECIAL MISSION
 United Nations special envoy Tan Sri Razali Ismail
interviewed by reporters before leaving for Myanmar.
By Azman Ujang

KUALA LUMPUR, June 6 (Bernama) -- United Nations special envoy Tan Sri
Razali Ismail left for Myanmar Friday morning in a bid to get detained
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi released so as to put the national
reconciliation process between her party and the government back on track.

"This is the 10th visit of mine (to Myanmar), it looks as if this one has
occupied a lot of attention internationally. Everybody is hoping that this
trip will result in the very least in me being allowed to see Aung San Suu
Kyi.

"There's a strong bid to get her to be released immediately," he told
reporters on checking-in at the Malaysia Airlines counter at the KL
International Airport to catch his 10.05 am flight to Yangon.

Nobel peace laureate Suu Kyi was taken into "protective custody" a week
ago after violent clashes erupted between her National League for
Democracy (NLD) supporters and pro-government demonstrators while she was
on a political tour of northern Myanmar.

Exiled opposition groups say Suu Kyi was injured in the clashes but the
government has denied this.

"Virtually all countries are demanding that she be released and that her
party and the government should go back on track for national
reconciliation," said the former veteran Malaysian diplomat.

Asked if he knew of the latest condition of Suu Kyi, he said: "I have no
idea. I know there's rumours around and I think the government should
allow me to go and see her.

"I was told that she's been injured but these are just rumours. I don't
how accurate they are. The factual details of what had taken place had to
be made known to me by the government," Razali said.

Razali went ahead with the trip, scheduled to last five days, despite a
warning by the government that he might be barred from seeing the
pro-democracy leader.

He said here on Thursday that there was meeting in New York on Wednesday
where the UN sought the veiws of countries involved in looking at the
issue of Myanmar and they decided that he should go.

Razali said today that in earlier discussions with Myanmar officials, he
had been told that Suu Kyi was not injured.

Asked about the progress he had made since his appointment in 2000 to
broker reconciliation talks between the government and Suu Kyi, he said:
"Taken over the long stretch, the fact that the government had agreed
quite sometime ago to start a dialogue, to talk to her and they finally
agreed to lift all restrictions out of her house arrest, agreed to allow
her to travel freely to set up her party again, these are big
accomplishments."

"They should lead to serious discussions for the future of Myanmar," he said.

He was also asked if he was encouraged by such accomplishments.

"There's been bouts of encouragements and discouragements," he said.

He said at the moment, countries involved in the Myanmar issue were
worried about Suu Kyi's detention and whether the government and the NLD
could come back and restart the national reconciliation procress.

"There ought to be a specific time-frame, I suppose. I mean when it could
done."

And more importantly, he said: "We have to give the people of Myanmar the
assurance that this is going to be done."

Asked what happened if he did not get to see Suu Kyi this time, he
replied: "that would be a heavy blow to my visit".

Answering another question, Razali said he did not want to talk about
cutting short his visit if he failed to see the detained leader, adding
that "there are possibilities but I don't want to anticipate things in a
negative fashion like that".

He said there was a "realistic chance" that the government could be
persuaded to allow him to see Suu Kyi.

"They should really help their cause by allowing me to see her, given all
the misgivings we will have about her," he said.

But Razali pointed out that he personally had no timeframe to achieve his
UN mandate on Myanmar.

"It's the people of Myanmar who must indicate that they want to go faster,
they want to go slower, whatever. I have no timeframe, but we have ideas
on how the UN could help," he said.

" My immediate mission on this trip is to deal with what happened last
Friday," he said of Suu Kyi's arrest.

The NLD won a 1990 election by a landslide but was never allowed to govern.

Suu Kyi spent much of her time since then under house arrest which ended a
year ago.

A series of trips around the country she made in recent months drew large
crowds, alarming the military government.
_____________

The Irrawaddy   June 6 2003
Regime Organizes More NLD Attacks
By Kyaw Zwa Moe

Local authorities are secretly plotting more protests against the
opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) just days after Aung San
Suu Kyi and her followers were attacked by pro-junta groups in Upper
Burma, sources in Rangoon said today.

In some Rangoon townships, there were reports of half a dozen people in
each neighborhood being summoned and instructed to stage anti-NLD
demonstrations. Authorities were, however, vague on details about where
the protests would be launched.

"Two days ago, local authorities in Yuzana Garden City [a housing estate],
in Dagon Seikkan township, summoned five people from each street and told
them to prepare for protests against the NLD when necessary," a Rangoon
resident told The Irrawaddy.

Sources added that the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development
Association (USDA) has always played a key role in encouraging anti-NLD
activities.

A lawyer in Rangoon said he was sure that the order for protests came from
senior military leaders. "Nobody dares to do such a thing without approval
from the top military leaders, " he said.

The lawyer said reports of people being organized against the NLD were
coming in from around the country. He said he believed that last Friday’s
attack was planned by military leaders and that pro-democracy supporters
inside Burma could only expect more attacks in the coming weeks.

Suu Kyi has been detained since the clash on Friday evening and reports
indicate that she was injured. There are still no reports about party Vice
Chairman Tin Oo, who was also taken into custody.

Yesterday, the US Embassy in Rangoon said it believed the attack on Suu
Kyi "was planned" by government supporters. Two staff members from the
embassy visited the area and reported that the site "had obviously been
the scene of great violence." The US State Department now believes that
"government-affiliated thugs" were behind Friday’s violence in Upper Burma
and that many more than four people were killed. According to the junta,
four people were killed and 50 injured in the clash.

In the months leading up to the attack on Suu Kyi in Sagaing Divison,
there were reports of the military equipping a militia-like organization
known as Swan Arr Shin. The members were given bamboo clubs and
slingshots. Many say that Swan Arr Shin groups were being armed and
prepared to disturb the work of dissidents, especially supporters of the
NLD.
___________

Associated Press   June 2 2003
Thai, Myanmar Govts Criticized For Two Dam Projects
DJ Thai, Myanmar Govts Criticized For Two Dam Projects

BANGKOK (AP)--Thai lawmakers and social critics on Monday urged the Thai
and Myanmar governments to canvass public opinion before building two dam
projects they fear could cause irreversible damage to local communities
and the environment.

The scheme, collectively called the Thai-Myanmar Salween Hydro-Electric
Power Dam Project, will displace hundreds of thousands of ethnic minority
people living along the Thai-Myanmar border and destroy the world's
richest source of teakwood, they said at a seminar.

"Both Thailand and Myanmar should really think hard about the livelihood
of their citizens. More study is needed because no report could answer any
questions concerning its impacts clearly," said Kraisak Chunhawan,
chairman of the Thai Senate's Committee on International Relations.

The 400-billion-baht ($1=THB42.0180) project was proposed several years
ago. One dam would be built at Tasang in Myanmar's southern Shan State,
and the other in Karen, or Kayah, State, where the river marks the border
with Thailand's northern province of Mae Hong Son.

The 2,400 kilometer-long Salween river flows from China through Myanmar
and into the Gulf of Martaban.

A memorandum of understanding has already been signed for construction of
the Tasang Dam, and feasibility studies are still being done on the other.
The two dams would have a combined generating capacity of over 5,000
megawatts.

Electricity from the plant will be used domestically in Myanmar and sold
to Thailand and other Southeast Asian countries.

Seminar participants expressed concern that Myanmar's military government,
already widely criticized for human rights violations, would fail to puts
its people's interests before the revenue it would receive from
electricity sales.

They feared that flooding would displace people on both sides of the
border, as well as disturb established tourist spots on the Thai side.

Kraisak said he had made several inspection trips which led him to believe
that the potential damage was greatly underestimated in official
projections.

At least 28 villages in three Thai districts will disappear as soon as the
construction begins, including much farmland and part of a wildlife
sanctuary, he said.

"At least three villages which have been there for a hundred years will
go, and so will the communities and culture of the minority groups there,"
Kraisak said.

Sen. Nirand Pitakwatchara, a member of the Senate's Committee on People's
Participation, said the governments should focus on ecological costs,
which he said were virtually overlooked.


MONEY

International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICTFU)   June 6 2003
ICFTU releases background report on Burma and more names of companies
linked to the country
Burma: as the regime increases its anti-democracy campaign...

Brussels, 6 June 2003 (ICFTU online): At a time when the use of forced
labour by the Burmese military dictatorship will be on the agenda of the
International Labour Conference in Geneva this Saturday, the ICFTU is
publishing a document about the very serious human rights violations
taking place there every day: forced labour, torture, confiscation of
land, forced movement of people, and other crimes and abuses.

Backed up with reports and exclusive interviews, the ICFTU's dossier
contains a description of the problems faced by young people in Burma,
such as the forced recruitment of child soldiers and the dilapidated state
of the school system. Unlike military expenditure, which consumes nearly
half of the government budget, education only receives scant attention and
funds.

As part of the Global Unions campaign on democracy and the respect of
human and trade union rights in Burma, and in order to step up pressure on
the regime and foreign businesses that, in effect, support it, the ICFTU
is also publishing an updated version of its list of companies operating
in the country. The updated list names 375 multinationals, including 45
that were not on previous lists. These companies have business links in
Burma, have been in direct contact with leaders of the regime and/or
promote tourism in Burma. The list can be found at:
http://www.global-unions.org/burma

The increase is mainly the result of more detailed research and does not
represent a real increase in the number of investors or the size of their
investments. The ICFTU notes that many multinational enterprises have
withdrawn from Burma and many others have decided against new investments.
The international trade union movement believes that it is impossible to
conduct any business relationship in Burma without directly or indirectly
supporting the Burmese military dictatorship.

However, going against international business trends, French multinational
Total - one of the largest investors in Burma -recently decided to develop
new gas wells in Burma, planning to invest around US$ 35 million. Total
has also decided to increase its maximum gas delivery in the current
Yadana project.

Unocal, its partner in the Yadana project, recently got a helping hand
from the US Government when US Attorney General John Ashcroft, in an
amicus curiae (friend of the court) brief, asked a federal appeals court
to, in effect, render superfluous the 214-year-old Alien Tort Claims Act.
Under this law, Burmese villagers are accusing UNOCAL of being responsible
for serious abuses committed by army troops who provided security for the
joint project in Burma. Making the law toothless would ensure that UNOCAL
no longer faces legal prosecution.

Austrian Airlines, BAT, Ivanhoe Mines (Canada) and Suzuki are some of the
other firms coming under pressure from various sources (including many
local and national trade unions) to leave Burma. According to "Global
Unions" it is impossible to do business in Burma without supporting the
military dictatorship either directly or indirectly.

At International Labour Conference that opened in Geneva on 2 June,
delegates from the ILO's Committee on Application of Standards will be
examining developments in forced labour in Burma. Trade union
representatives intend to bring to the Committee's attention the breaches
of freedom of association in Burma, which are the subject of an official
complaint by the ICFTU to the ILO submitted on 30 May.

By broadening its denunciation of the Burmese regime, the ICFTU aims to
add to the international pressure on a government that, on 31 May,
re-arrested the Nobel Peace Prize winner and leader of the party that won
the last free elections in Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi. Other leaders from the
same party (the NLD, or National League for Democracy) have also been
arrested. Dozens of NLD offices have been closed in recent days across
Burma, and the university term has been suspended indefinitely.

The list of companies, which also provides information on each of them and
basic information on this initiative, can be found on the web at the
following address http://www.global-unions.org/burma

The dossier "Burma: Terror rules" is available at the following address:
http://www.icftu.org/displaydocument.asp?Index=991217583&Language=EN

The ICFTU represents 158 million workers in 231 affiliated organisations
in 150 countries and territories. ICFTU is also a member of Global Unions:
http://www.global-unions.org

For more information, please contact the ICFTU Press Department on +32 2
224 0232 or +32 476 621018


REGIONAL

Narinjara news   June 5 2003
Burma to take back 3,814 ‘listed’ Rohingya refugees

Maungdaw:  According to Refugee Commission sources 124 Rohingya refugees
of 20 families have been repatriated to their homes in Burma this week.

The refugees were sheltered in camps in Ukhiya and Teknaf refugee camps in
the southern part of Bangladesh.

The total number of Rohingya refugees from Burma awaiting in camps in
Bangladesh at present stands at about 21,000, according to a Burmese
immigration official.  He also said that according to the ‘list of
refugees’ agreed upon by both sides, 3,814 refugees of 1,195 families will
be ‘received’ as they have the necessary formal clearance of the Burmese
side.  As to the fate of the rest he declined to make any comments.

The Refugee Commission sources in Bangladesh say that there are 12,765
refugees waiting at Nayapara refugee camp for repatriation while another
8,319 refugees are at Kutupalong refugee camps for the same.  Rainfall in
the last few days has disrupted the repatriation process, the sources
said.

On inquiry we found a number of Rohingya refugees in the camp who were
disinclined to go back to Burma for fear of human rights violations, lack
of jobs and spiralling prices of essentials.

A total of 250,000 Burmese refugees came to Bangladesh in 1991 92 to
escape the reported wide scale human rights abuse at the hand of the
Burmese security forces.
____________

Mizzima News   June 5 2003
India cautiously reacts on Aung San Suu Kyi situation
By Sein Win

Following on six days of calls for the release by the military junta of
Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, India carefully responded to
its neighbouring country to the East.

At a regular press briefing today, Indian Foreign Ministry spokesman 
Navtej Sarna stated, " We are watching the situation in Myanmar
carefully".

 Pro-government thugs attacked National League for Democracy leader Mrs.
Suu Kyi and other leaders when she was on a political tour of Northern
Burma last Friday. Reportedly, Mrs. Suu Kyi was injured seriously on head
and shoulder while NLD vice-chairman Tin Oo is missing.

"India has been consistently supporting the restoration of democracy in
Myanmar and had welcomed the lifting of restrictions on Suu Kyi."

Moreover, he added, "Solutions to internal problems must come from within.

Many political parties in India have expressed their concern regarding the
regime's massive crackdown on pro-democracy activists and have voiced
growing demands towards the Government of India to put pressure on Burma.

A major opposition party, the India Congress Party, expressed its concern
regarding the situation in Myanmar and called for the immediate release of
Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, said party's spokesperson
Annand Sharma in briefing at the party's office in 24, Akbar Road.

The Communist Party of India (Marxist), the Communist Party of India
(India), the Samada Wardi Party, the Forward Block and the Samata Party
too have called for Aung San Suu Kyi's immediate release.

In Kuala Lumpur, U.N. Special Envoy Razali Ismail, who has endeavored to
bring about national reconciliation talks in Burma, expressed his support
for joint pressure on the junta by India, China, Japan and United States.
Mr. Razali demanded that he be allowed to see the detained opposition
leader when he visits Burma from next Friday.

"What's clear is that the regional actors must begin to play a role or
they are not going to get the job done. There are ample opportunities to
do this", said Mr. Razali in an interview with Reuters.

In United State, lawmakers are putting in place sanctions against the
Burmese military regime, including sanctions on imports from Burma.

Many Western countries, including Britain, Norway, Canada, Australia,
Germany, and UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan also called for Aung San Suu
Kyi's release but Burma's Asian neighnbours and the ASEAN countries
continue to stick to their policy of ''constructive engagement" policy.

India gave Aung San Suu Kyi the country's most prestigious award, the
Jawaharlal Nehru Award for Peace and Understanding, in 1995


INTERNATIONAL

Wall Street Journal   June 6 2003
Court to Review Whether Unocal Can Be Sued for Alleged Brutality
By PUI-WING TAM, Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

The Ninth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals will rehear arguments June 17 over
whether some Myanmar plaintiffs can sue Unocal Corp. in U.S. federal court
for alleged brutality, in a case that could have repercussions for U.S.
companies accused of human-rights abuses abroad.

In the scheduled "en banc" review, a panel of 11 randomly selected Ninth
U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals judges is expected to hear arguments in San
Francisco about whether Unocal "aided and abetted" the military of
Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, in subjecting villagers to acts of rape
and forced labor. The Ninth U.S. Circuit Court has told attorneys for the
two sides that it wants to review which standard of "aiding and abetting"
it should apply, since international law and U.S. common law have
different standards.

But Unocal lawyers say they plan to argue that no standard of "aiding and
abetting" should be used, because the El Segundo, Calif., oil company had
no control over the actions of the Myanmar military. Instead, Unocal
intends to turn the rehearing into a separation-of-powers debate, arguing
that U.S. courts have no business ruling on the behavior of foreign
governments. Unocal's strategy recently was buttressed by the Bush
administration, which filed an advisory brief in the case opposing the
intervention of U.S. courts in cases that could complicate its conduct of
foreign policy and the war on terrorism.

"These cases are, in effect, privatizing foreign policy," says Randall
Oppenheimer, an attorney at O'Melveny & Myers LLP, Unocal's outside
lawyer. "They are the functional equivalent of a sanctions decision" to
punish a foreign government.

The groundbreaking case, originally filed in 1996, was brought by several
villagers in Myanmar, where Unocal built a natural-gas pipeline. In the
suit, the villagers alleged that the Myanmar military, with help from
Unocal, subjected them to rape, torture and forced labor.

The case initially was dismissed in 2000 by a U.S. district judge in Los
Angeles, who found that Unocal knew about and benefited from human-rights
abuses yet wasn't legally accountable for them. But the Ninth U.S. Circuit
Court reversed that decision late last year and remanded the case for
federal trial. In its ruling, the three-judge appeals-court panel said the
plaintiffs, to hold Unocal liable, needed only prove the company "aided
and abetted" the Myanmar military. In February, the appeals court granted
Unocal's petition for an en banc rehearing of the case, scheduled for June
17.

Write to Pui-Wing Tam at pui-wing.tam at wsj.com


EDITORIALS

The Washington Post   June 6 2003
Where Is She?

AWEEK HAS PASSED since one of the world's most courageous women, Nobel
peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, came under attack by goons controlled by
the military regime in her Southeast Asian nation of Burma. No credible
source has seen her since. She is reported to be injured and in custody at
a military facility. Many of her supporters also were attacked, in many
cases reportedly killed or seriously injured. A number of members of
Congress, including Republican Sens. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky and John
McCain of Arizona, have expressed eloquent outrage, but world leaders have
been slow to follow suit. Reactions, in fact, have ranged from the
inappropriately cautious to the unspeakably fatuous. We're thinking in the
latter case of Japan, whose foreign minister responded to the attack on
and arrest of Burma's rightful leader with an expression of satisfaction
in the pace of democratization.

President Bush and United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan should take
the lead in demanding that U.N. diplomats and Red Cross officials be given
access to Aung San Suu Kyi; that she be released from custody; and that
the regime at long last take steps toward its promised transition to
democracy. Burma is an important country of 50 million people at the
crossroads of India, China and Southeast Asia. Its people voted
overwhelmingly in parliamentary elections in 1990 for Aung San Suu Kyi's
party, the National League for Democracy, though she was even at the time
under house arrest. The ruling junta nullified the results and kept her
confined for the better part of the past 13 years. A year ago, the junta
allowed her to resume meeting with supporters. But her evident continuing
popularity with the Burmese people may have been more than the corrupt
generals could stand.

Now those generals undoubtedly are watching to see whether they can get
away with their latest crackdown. In addition to scooping Aung San Suu Kyi
back up, they have shuttered universities and party offices and added to
their store of 1,400 or more political prisoners. Every reaction such as
Japan's is, as Mr. McCain said, "music to the junta's ears," increasing
the danger to Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters. China and Burma's
Southeast Asian neighbors similarly have pursued a policy of "engagement,"
now quite obviously failed. A different approach is in order.

Mr. McConnell showed the way to such a different approach this week when
he introduced legislation banning imports of goods (primarily textiles,
clothing and shoes) made in Burma. Such economic sanctions sometimes hurt
workers more than rulers, but they could be effective in Burma --
particularly if other nations join in -- because most businesses there are
controlled by the junta and its cronies. Reflecting that potential
effectiveness, and the odiousness of the regime, Mr. McConnell's bill and
its companion House measure already have support from the Republican
chairmen of the foreign affairs committees in the Senate and House,
Richard G. Lugar of Indiana and Henry J. Hyde of Illinois, who are often
skeptical of sanctions; from Democrats such as sponsors Sen. Dianne
Feinstein and Rep. Tom Lantos, both of California; and from Senate
Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-Tenn.) and Minority Leader Thomas A. Daschle
(D-S.D.). Even the trade association of clothing and footwear importers,
offended by the regime's "abuse of its citizens through force and
intimidation," supports an import ban.

While the legislation moves through Congress, Mr. Bush could implement
many of its provisions by executive order. He could find no better way to
demonstrate his commitment to democracy and his revulsion at a brutal
dictatorship.
_____________

The New York Times   June 6, 2003
A Nobel Peace Laureate Under Attack

A year ago there was hope that democracy might come to Myanmar. In May
2002, the military junta released Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the world's most
famous political prisoner, after 19 months of house arrest. The government
promised to grant its citizens full freedoms and agreed to hold talks
about opening up the political system. These gestures won Myanmar,
formerly known as Burma, a reprieve from international pressure while the
world waited to see whether the promises would be kept. They were not, and
sanctions are once again needed to force the government to keep its word.

There have been no talks. More than 1,200 political prisoners remain in
jail, many of them elderly and sick. The harassment of Mrs. Aung San Suu
Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy, has gradually
increased, culminating on Friday in a violent attack on her traveling
convoy that killed 4 and injured 50, according to the government (the
opposition says the figures are much higher). There are reports that Mrs.
Aung San Suu Kyi suffered face and shoulder injuries. The junta must allow
the outside world to see her. She and 18 members of the National League,
some badly hurt, have been re-arrested and are being held incommunicado —
"for their own protection," the government implausibly reports. The junta
has closed National League headquarters all over the country.

Since February, the junta has blocked entry to the United Nations envoy
for Myanmar, Razali Ismail. He has suddenly received permission for a
visit and is due in Myanmar today. But if he cannot visit Mrs. Aung San
Suu Kyi, he should leave immediately.

The junta may have carried out its crackdown because it believes that the
world's attention is focused elsewhere. But officials are also terrified
by Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi's support. As she travels in Myanmar, she draws
crowds in the tens of thousands.

Her popular support makes her an intolerable threat at a time when living
standards have eroded to their worst levels since the late 1980's, when a
nationwide revolt resulted. Professionals can no longer afford rice. The
widespread collapse of the banking system has shut down many businesses
and infuriated depositors who have lost their savings.

The junta's spectacular corruption and mismanagement are mainly
responsible for its economic troubles, but they do make the threat of more
sanctions unusually potent. This week Senator Mitch McConnell, a
conservative Republican, and Representative Tom Lantos, a liberal
Democrat, introduced bills that would extend a visa ban for paramilitary
officials, freeze the American-held assets of the nation and top
officials, and bar imports from Myanmar. Many of these exports go to
America and Europe. Europe, which already has a visa ban, should now block
Myanmar's exports as well. The junta has had a year to demonstrate that
its opening was genuine. Now all ambiguity is gone, and the world's
response must be equally decisive.
_____________

Asian Tribune   June 6 2003
Attack on democracy party in Burma demands uncompromising international
response - AHRC

Hong Kong, June 06: The Hong Kong based, most vociferous and well
respected Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) urged that the situation in
Burma demands urgent intervention by the Security Council. It added that
simply the visit by the UN Special Representative and mere international
outcry is by no means enough, instead a Security Council team must be sent
sent immediately to investigate this most recent incident and ensure the
security of all persons who were subject to the attack.

In a statement it released today, AHRC pointed out that a Security Council
Team: “ .. must be sent as part of a specific strategy for the holding of
a credible election in Burma under international supervision, to ensure
that the military honors the results. .. it must be sent with a view to
holding the military rulers of Burma responsible for numerous crimes
against humanity, a charge under which they must be brought before the
International Criminal Court, or appropriate international tribunal, at
the nearest possible date.

The Full text of the statement issued by AHRC is given below:

The military rulers of Burma have in this past week again shown that their
pretensions to human rights and political change are utterly fraudulent.
The Asian Human Rights Commission has received with concern increasingly
reliable reports that at least 70 persons were killed in the attacks on
members and supporters of the National League for Democracy this May 30
and 31, by hundreds of government-backed thugs, police and soldiers.

Despite assurances that it would permit registered political parties to
organize freely, the military government in Burma has in recent months
organized gangs to attack rallies, meetings and offices of the National
League for Democracy. The formation of such groups, with names like
"Masters of Brute Force", indicates the lack of sincerity with which the
military has made its commitments. The mobilizing of these groups made
this latest atrocity inevitable.

Of particular concern is the fate of the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of
the National League for Democracy, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Tin Oo. Both
have reportedly been injured and are under military detention, but to date
their whereabouts are unknown. The military authorities have not yet
guaranteed that the Special Representative of the United Nations'
Secretary General, who is going on a routine visit to Burma today, will be
able to meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

As the leader of the largest group for democratic change in Burma, Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi embodies popular aspirations. Recent meetings she has
held across the country have been attended by tens of thousands of people,
despite reports of systematic intimidation and interference by local
authorities. That under these intensely repressive conditions such large
numbers of people are prepared to come out in support of this leader
indicates the extent of frustration with military rule in Burma.

When goon squads are sent to quash popular sentiment, they are intended to
do more than assault a single individual or organization-the real
objective is to destabilize society. If a country is politically and
socially stable, people are capable of expressing discontent. If unstable,
those in control are free to carry on with whatever schemes they have
cooked up for their own economic and political advantage.

When people's lives are insecure, their primary concern is the search for
security itself. When lawless elements are given a free hand, it sends the
message that there exists only the un-rule of law. The effect on the
collective consciousness is not only to prevent the possibility of
democracy, but also to prevent the realization of even the most
fundamental rights: those to food, water and other basic necessities.
Poverty and lawlessness coincide; society becomes demoralized and inert.

Yet in the face of systemic and massive denials of their basic rights,
people in Burma are still demonstrating their desire for an end to
military dictatorship. Sadly, the international community has failed to
respond. The lack of any serious consistent pressure on the military
rulers of Burma has meant that they have been free to exercise unrelenting
and ruthless control over the country while making piecemeal gestures to
silence international critics and give the impression that they are
progressing towards a political transition.

This most recent event exposes the patent absurdity of softly-softly
approaches to the military regime. Undertaking seminars on human rights
with officials and sending envoys to seek subtle compromises are in no way
strategies for legitimate change. They merely belittle the extremely grave
human rights conditions in the country and fail to recognize that
ultimately the military is determined to deprive the people of Burma a
genuinely democratic government.

The international protest arising out of this week's events must lead to
something different from what has come before. It must be accompanied by a
newfound will to confront the military elite's intention to retain power
at any cost. It must be accompanied by recognition that the military
leaders of Burma are not partners for negotiation but persons who have
committed crimes against humanity. Above all, it must be accompanied by an
unswerving commitment to the genuine aspirations of the people of Burma
for-at long last-recognition of their fundamental human rights.

The visit by the UN Special Representative and mere international outcry
is by no means enough. The situation in Burma demands urgent intervention
by the Security Council. A team must be sent immediately to investigate
this most recent incident and ensure the security of all persons who were
subject to the attack. It must be sent as part of a specific strategy for
the holding of a credible election in Burma under international
supervision, to ensure that the military honors the results. Finally, it
must be sent with a view to holding the military rulers of Burma
responsible for numerous crimes against humanity, a charge under which
they must be brought before the International Criminal Court, or
appropriate international tribunal, at the nearest possible date.


RESOLUTIONS/BILLS

June 5 2003
Text: Lantos Introduces House Bill to Sanction Burmese Regime
(HR 2330 would allow U.S. to freeze junta's assets, deny visas) (2540)

The co-chairman of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus introduced a
bill in the House of Representatives June 4 that would sanction
Burma's ruling military junta, and would authorize the President to
"use all available resources to assist Burmese democracy activists
dedicated to nonviolent opposition to the regime in their efforts to
promote freedom, democracy, and human rights" in that country.

Representative Tom Lantos (Democrat of California), the ranking
minority member of the House International Relations Committee,
submitted H.R. 2330 along with 26 co-sponsors. Representative Henry
Hyde (Republican of Illinois), the chairman of the House International
Relations Committee, and Representative Charles Rangel (Democrat of
New York), the ranking minority member of the House Ways and Means
Committee, were among the bill's co-sponsors.

The proposed legislation has extensive requirements on sanctioning
Burma, and thus was referred to the House International Relations
Committee, the House Ways and Means Committee, the House Financial
Services Committee, and the House Judiciary Committee for action.

Senator Mitch McConnell (Republican of Kentucky) submitted a similar
bill, S 1182, to the Senate the same day. The Senate bill, which was
referred to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, had ten
co-sponsors, including Senator Tom Daschle (Democrat of South Dakota),
the Senate Minority Leader.

H.R. 2330, called the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003, noted
that it was the policy of the United States, "as articulated by the
President on April 24, 2003," to officially recognize the National
League of Democracy (NLD) "as the legitimate representative of the
Burmese people as determined by the 1990 election."

The proposed legislation would ban imports from Burma, stating that
"no article may be imported into the United States that is produced,
mined, manufactured, grown, or assembled in Burma," until the
President had certified to Congress that Burma had met certain
conditions.

Those conditions include the requirement that the ruling government
apparatus known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) make
"substantial and measurable progress to end violations of
internationally recognized human rights including rape."

The SPDC would have to show it was making progress toward implementing
a democratic government by allowing freedom of speech, freedom of the
press, and freedom of association, and by releasing political
prisoners.

H.R. 2330 also calls on the SPDC to permit the peaceful exercise of
religion, and to bring to a conclusion "an agreement between the SPDC
and the democratic forces led by the NLD and Burma's ethnic
nationalities on the transfer of power to a civilian government
accountable to the Burmese people through democratic elections under
the rule of law."

H.R. 2330 would require the Secretary of State, after consultation
with the International Labor Organization Secretary General and
relevant nongovernmental organizations, to report to Congress that the
SPDC "no longer systematically violates workers rights, including the
use of forced and child labor, and conscription of child-soldiers"
before the import ban could be lifted.

The bill would authorize the President "to deny visas and entry to the
former and present leadership of the SPDC or the Union Solidarity
Development Association."

H.R. 2330 would authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to instruct
U.S. executives at international lending institutions to vote against
any loan or loan extension for the Burmese regime.

The proposed legislation would also require the United States to
freeze the assets of the junta within 60 days of the bill's enactment
into law.

Following is the text of H.R. 2330 from the Congressional Record:

(begin text)

Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003

Introduced in House
HR 2330 IH

108th CONGRESS
1st Session

H. R. 2330

To sanction the ruling Burmese military junta, to strengthen Burma's
democratic forces and support and recognize the National League of
Democracy as the legitimate representative of the Burmese people, and
for other purposes.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

June 4, 2003

Mr. LANTOS (for himself, Mr. KING of New York, Mr. HYDE, Mr. SMITH of
New Jersey, Mr. RANGEL, Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN, Mr. MENENDEZ, Mr.
ROHRABACHER, Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA, Mr. PITTS, Mr. LEVIN, Mr. SOUDER, Mr.
ACKERMAN, Mr. SHERMAN, Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California, Mr. CROWLEY,
Mr. HOEFFEL, Mr. BROWN of Ohio, Mr. ENGEL, Mr. BLUMENAUER, Mr. SCHIFF,
Mr. ANDREWS, Mr. MCGOVERN, Mr. OLVER, Mr. FARR, Mr. EVANS, and Mr.
ABERCROMBIE) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the
Committee on International Relations, and in addition to the
Committees on Ways and Means, Financial Services, and the Judiciary,
for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each
case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the
jurisdiction of the committee concerned

A BILL

To sanction the ruling Burmese military junta, to strengthen Burma's
democratic forces and support and recognize the National League of
Democracy as the legitimate representative of the Burmese people, and
for other purposes.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled,

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

This Act may be cited as the `Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of
2003'.

SEC. 2. FINDINGS.

Congress makes the following findings:

(1) The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has failed to
transfer power to the National League for Democracy (NLD) whose
parliamentarians won an overwhelming victory in the 1990 elections in
Burma.

(2) The SPDC has failed to enter into meaningful, political dialogue
with the NLD and ethnic minorities and has dismissed the efforts of
United Nations Special Envoy Razali bin Ismail to further such
dialogue.

(3) According to the State Department's `Report to the Congress
Regarding Conditions in Burma and U.S. Policy Toward Burma' dated
March 28, 2003, the SPDC has become `more confrontational' in its
exchanges with the NLD.

(4) On May 30, 2003, the SPDC, threatened by continued support for the
NLD throughout Burma, brutally attacked NLD supporters, killed and
injured scores of civilians, and arrested democracy advocate Aung San
Suu Kyi and other activists.

(5) The SPDC continues egregious human rights violations against
Burmese citizens, uses rape as a weapon of intimidation and torture
against women, and forcibly conscripts child-soldiers for the use in
fighting indigenous ethnic groups.

(6) The SPDC has demonstrably failed to cooperate with the United
States in stopping the flood of heroin and methamphetamines being
grown, refined, manufactured, and transported in areas under the
control of the SPDC serving to flood the region and much of the world
with these illicit drugs.

(7) The SPDC provides safety, security, and engages in business
dealings with narcotics traffickers under indictment by United States
authorities, and other producers and traffickers of narcotics.

(8) The International Labor Organization (ILO), for the first time in
its 82-year history, adopted in 2000, a resolution recommending that
governments, employers, and workers organizations take appropriate
measures to ensure that their relations with the SPDC do not abet the
government-sponsored system of forced, compulsory, or slave labor in
Burma, and that other international bodies reconsider any cooperation
they may be engaged in with Burma and, if appropriate, cease as soon
as possible any activity that could abet the practice of forced,
compulsory, or slave labor.

(9) The SPDC has integrated the Burmese military and its surrogates
into all facets of the economy effectively destroying any free
enterprise system.

(10) Investment in Burmese companies and purchases from them serve to
provide the SPDC with currency that is used to finance its instruments
of terror and repression against the Burmese people.

(11) On April 15, 2003, the American Apparel and Footwear Association
expressed its `strong support for a full and immediate ban on U.S.
textiles, apparel and footwear imports from Burma' and called upon the
United States Government to `impose an outright ban on U.S. imports'
of these items until Burma demonstrates respect for basic human and
labor rights of its citizens.

(12) The policy of the United States, as articulated by the President
on April 24, 2003, is to officially recognize the NLD as the
legitimate representative of the Burmese people as determined by the
1990 election.

SEC. 3. BAN AGAINST TRADE THAT SUPPORTS THE MILITARY REGIME OF BURMA.

(a) GENERAL BAN-

(1) IN GENERAL- Notwithstanding any other provision of law, until such
time as the President determines and certifies to Congress that Burma
has met the conditions described in paragraph (3), no article may be
imported into the United States that is produced, mined, manufactured,
grown, or assembled in Burma.

(2) BAN ON IMPORTS FROM CERTAIN COMPANIES- The import restrictions
contained in paragraph (1) shall apply to, among other entities--

(A) the SPDC, any ministry of the SPDC, a member of the SPDC or an
immediate family member of such member;

(B) known narcotics traffickers from Burma or an immediate family
member of such narcotics trafficker;

(C) the Union of Myanmar Economics Holdings Incorporated (UMEHI) or
any company in which the UMEHI has a fiduciary interest;

(D) the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) or any company in which the
MEC has a fiduciary interest;

(E) the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA); and

(F) any successor entity for the SPDC, UMEHI, MEC, or USDA.

(3) CONDITIONS DESCRIBED- The conditions described in this paragraph
are the following: (A) The SPDC has made substantial and measurable
progress to end violations of internationally recognized human rights
including rape, and the Secretary of State, after consultation with
the ILO Secretary General and relevant nongovernmental organizations,
reports to the appropriate congressional committees that the SPDC no
longer systematically violates workers rights, including the use of
forced and child labor, and conscription of child-soldiers.

(B) The SPDC has made measurable and substantial progress toward
implementing a democratic government including--

(i) releasing all political prisoners;

(ii) allowing freedom of speech and the press;

(iii) allowing freedom of association;

(iv) permitting the peaceful exercise of religion; and

(v) bringing to a conclusion an agreement between the SPDC and the
democratic forces led by the NLD and Burma's ethnic nationalities on
the transfer of power to a civilian government accountable to the
Burmese people through democratic elections under the rule of law.

(C) Pursuant to section 706(2) of the Foreign Relations Authorization
Act, Fiscal Year 2003 (Public Law 107-228), Burma has not been
designated as a country that has failed demonstrably to make
substantial efforts to adhere to its obligations under international
counternarcotics agreements and to take other effective
counternarcotics measures, including, but not limited to (i) the
arrest and extradition of all individuals under indictment in the
United States for narcotics trafficking, (ii) concrete and measurable
actions to stem the flow of illicit drug money into Burma's banking
system and economic enterprises, and (iii) actions to stop the
manufacture and export of methamphetamines.

(4) APPROPRIATE CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES- In this subsection, the term
`appropriate congressional committees' means the Committees on Foreign
Relations and Appropriations of the Senate and the Committees on
International Relations and Appropriations of the House of
Representatives.

(b) WAIVER AUTHORITIES- The President may waive the prohibitions
described in this section for any or all products imported from Burma
to the United States if the President determines and notifies the
Committees on Appropriations and Foreign Relations of the Senate and
the Committees on Appropriations, International Relations, and Ways
and Means of the House of Representatives that to do so is in the
national security interest of the United States.

(c) DURATION OF TRADE BAN- The President may terminate the
restrictions contained in this Act upon the request of a
democratically elected government in Burma, provided that all the
conditions in subsection (a)(3) have been met.

SEC. 4. FREEZING ASSETS OF THE BURMESE REGIME IN THE UNITED STATES.

Not later than 60 days after the date of enactment of this Act, the
Secretary of the Treasury shall direct, and promulgate regulations to
the same, that any United States financial institution holding funds
belonging to the SPDC or the assets of those individuals who hold
senior positions in the SPDC or its political arm, the Union
Solidarity Development Association, shall promptly report those assets
to the Office of Foreign Assets Control. The Secretary of the Treasury
may take such action as may be necessary to secure such assets or
funds.

SEC. 5. LOANS AT INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS.

The Secretary of the Treasury shall instruct the United States
executive director to each appropriate international financial
institution in which the United States participates, to oppose, and
vote against the extension by such institution of any loan or
financial or technical assistance to Burma until such time as the
conditions described in section 3(a)(3) are met.

SEC. 6. EXPANSION OF VISA BAN.

(a) IN GENERAL-

(1) VISA BAN- The President is authorized to deny visas and entry to
the former and present leadership of the SPDC or the Union Solidarity
Development Association.

(2) UPDATES- The Secretary of State shall coordinate on a biannual
basis with representatives of the European Union to ensure that an
individual who is banned from obtaining a visa by the European Union
for the reasons described in paragraph (1) is also banned from
receiving a visa from the United States.

(b) PUBLICATION- The Secretary of State shall post on the Department
of State's website the names of individuals whose entry into the
United States is banned under subsection (a).

SEC. 7. CONDEMNATION OF THE REGIME AND DISSEMINATION OF INFORMATION.

Congress encourages the Secretary of State to highlight the abysmal
record of the SPDC to the international community and use all
appropriate fora, including the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
Regional Forum and Asian Nations Regional Forum, to encourage other
states to restrict financial resources to the SPDC and Burmese
companies while offering political recognition and support to Burma's
democratic movement including the National League for Democracy and
Burma's ethnic groups.

SEC. 8. SUPPORT DEMOCRACY ACTIVISTS IN BURMA.

(a) IN GENERAL- The President is authorized to use all available
resources to assist Burmese democracy activists dedicated to
nonviolent opposition to the regime in their efforts to promote
freedom, democracy, and human rights in Burma, including a listing of
constraints on such programming.

(b) REPORTS-

(1) FIRST REPORT- Not later than 3 months after the date of enactment
of this Act, the Secretary of State shall provide the Committees on
Appropriations and Foreign Relations of the Senate and the Committees
on Appropriations and International Relations of the House of
Representatives a comprehensive report on its short- and long-term
programs and activities to support democracy activists in Burma,
including a list of constraints on such programming.

(2) REPORT ON RESOURCES- Not later than 6 months after the date of
enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State shall provide the
Committees on Appropriations and Foreign Relations of the Senate and
the Committees on Appropriations and International Relations of the
House of Representatives a report identifying resources that will be
necessary for the reconstruction of Burma, after the SPDC is removed
from power, including--

(A) the formation of democratic institutions;

(B) establishing the rule of law;

(C) establishing freedom of the press;

(D) providing for the successful reintegration of military officers
and personnel into Burmese society; and

(E) providing health, educational, and economic development.

(end text)

(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
_____________

European Parliament resolution on the arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma
Provisional Edition: June 5 2003

Burma
P5_TA-PROV(2003)0272

European Parliament resolution on the arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma

The European Parliament,

-  having regard to its previous resolutions on Burma and, in particular,
its resolutions of 11 April 2002(1) and 13 March 2003(2),

-  having regard to the Council's Common Position 96/635/CFSP of 28
October 1996 defined by the Council on the basis of Article J.2 of the
Treaty on European Union, on Burma/Myanmar(3), as renewed and extended by
the Council's Common Position 2003/297/CFSP of 28 April 2003 on
Burma/Myanmar(4),

-  having regard to Council Regulation (EC) No 552/97 of 24 March 1997
temporarily withdrawing access to generalised tariff preferences from the
Union of Myanmar(5),

-  having regard to Council Regulation (EC) No 1081/2000 of 22 May 2000
prohibiting the sale, supply and export to Burma/Myanmar of equipment
which might be used for internal repression or terrorism, and freezing the
funds of certain persons related to important governmental functions in
that country(6),

A.  whereas the dire political situation in Burma has deteriorated
significantly in recent days,

B.  whereas Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the opposition National
League for Democracy (NLD), was arrested on 31 May 2003 along with 19
other party members,

C.  recalling that Parliament awarded the Sakharov Prize for Human Rights
to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has also won the Nobel Prize,

D.  whereas, according to reports, at least 70 people have been killed in
the attack by the junta army and its supporters against Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi and members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Upper Burma,

E.  whereas NLD members were the victims of an attack and were shot with
catapults; soldiers also opened fire, killing and wounding a large number
of NLD members, and whereas there are reports that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
suffered head injuries,

F.  concerned about the lack of information concerning the plight of Mr
Tin Oo, vice-chairman of the NLD, who was accompanying Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi,

G.  whereas the NLD's main offices throughout Burma have been closed by
the ruling military State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and
universities and colleges have also been instructed to close,

H.  whereas almost exactly a year ago Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was released
after a long period of house arrest - a move welcomed at the time as a
sign that the junta was ready for political reform,

I.  having regard to the political dialogue initiated under the auspices
of the UN Special Envoy, Razili Ismael,

J.  whereas the visit of Razili Ismael to Rangoon, scheduled for 6 June,
could be called into question if he is not given an opportunity to meet
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi,

K.  whereas more than 1000 people are still being detained in prison for
political reasons,



1.  Strongly condemns the detention of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other
detained NLD members and demands their immediate release;

2.  Demands that the SDC immediately cease its practice of perpetrating
extrajudicial killings, systemic rape and political intimidation against
the Burmese people;

3.  Reaffirms its strong commitment and full support for democratic,
judicial and political change in Burma;

4.  Calls for the reopening of the NLD offices, and for the first credible
steps towards the restoration of democracy in Burma to be taken;

5.  Calls for the immediate reopening of all universities in Burma;

6.  Calls on the Council to implement immediately the extension of the
visa ban and assets freeze, as agreed in its aforementioned Common
Position 2003/297/CFSP, the implementation of which was suspended until 29
October 2003 in the hope, now clearly lost, of progress being made towards
the restoration of democracy and human rights;

7.  Demands that the SPDC relinquish its grip on power and that the
results of the last elections held be fully respected;

8.  Calls on the Council and the Commission to show their readiness, in
collaboration with the UN, to help facilitate the National Reconciliation
process in Burma;

9.  Calls upon ASEAN states to take urgent action to bring about change
for the better in Burma before there is more loss of life and a further
deterioration of the economic and political situation in the country;

10.  Calls on the Council to place the situation in Burma on the agenda of
the next ASEM Foreign Ministers' meeting on 23-24 July in Bali;

11.  Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council,
the Commission, the governments of the ASEAN Member States, Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi, the UN Secretary General and the SPDC.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
(1) OJ C 127 E, 29.5.2003, p. 681.
(2) P5_TA(2003)0104.
(3) OJ L 287, 8.11.1996, p. 1.
(4) OJ L 106, 29.4.2003, p. 36.
(5) OJ L 85, 27.3.1997, p. 8.
(6) OJ L 122, 24.5.2000, p. 29.


ANNOUNCEMENTS

International Rescue Committee
Updated Schedule-Public Health in Complex Emergencies Training Program (IA)

We now have the schedule for the Thailand Public Health in Complex
Emergencies training program.  It will be held at the Asian Disaster
Preparedness Center in Bangkok, September 22-October 4.

We are also still accepting applications for the first two courses:

July 21-August 2 - American University of Beirut, Lebanon
August 25-Sept. 6 - Makerere University, Institute of Public Health,
Kampala, Uganda

Participants will master key competencies in all of the following sectors:

Context of Emergencies
Reproductive Health
Epidemiology
Weapons, Violence and Trauma
Communicable Disease
Protection and Security
Environmental Health
Psychosocial Issues
Nutrition
Coordination

Please share this information widely with your colleagues in the field,
headquarters staff, coordinating committees and ministries of health.

For more info:
International Rescue Committee
122 East 42nd Street
New York, NY 10168
Tel:  212-551-3005
Fax: 212-551-3185
email:  shortcourse at theirc.org