BurmaNet News: June 20-21 2003

[editor at burmanet.org]

June 20-21 2003 Issue #2266

INSIDE BURMA

DVB: Burmese opposition radio reports further arrests of NLD supporters
DVB: Leaflets distributed in Rangoon
DVB: U Tin Oo and political prisoners transferred

DRUGS

Mizzima: Burmese illicit drugs hazard to Indian youths

INTERNATIONAL

Channel News Asia: Demonstrators in Washington protest at Myanmar Embassy
over detention of Suu Kyi

REGIONAL

Kyodo: UN Envoy on Burma to visit Japan 24-26 June
Malaysiakini: Six held for staging demo outside Burmese embassy
Nation: ASEAN to push junta for reforms
Straits Times: Singapore FM hails ASEAN’s Burma stance, China’s proposed
regional pact
Narinjara: Burmese lingering in the prison of Bangladesh

STATEMENTS/EDITORIALS

Statement of Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Dr. Ramos-Horta
New Straits Times: ASEAN must start calling a spade a spade
Indian Express: Aung San Suu Kyi-an inspiration to us all
FCO: Burmese ambassador summoned to the foreign office
Forum-Asia: Press release
Euro-Burma Office: EU’s relations with Myanmar/Burma
New Republic: Singapore dispatch: Hanoi Hotel

INSIDE BURMA

Democratic Voice of Burma June 21 2003

Burmese opposition radio reports further arrests of NLD supporters

It has been known that a student group, popularly known as people's
students' Oway Front, distributed leaflets in Rangoon on 19 June, Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi's birthday. The leaflets were circulated in North Okkalapa and
Thingangyun Markets in urban areas of Rangoon. According to a news release
from the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, one of the
demands in the leaflet is to make a detailed inquiry of the Tabayin
incident.

The first page of the leaflet carried five demands;

- that National League for Democracy, NLD, Vice-Chairman U Tin Oo and NLD
General Secretary Daw Aung San Suu Kyi be released immediately.

- that a committee of independent persons be convened to inquire about the
Tabayin incident.

- that a list of the dead and injured be announced immediately.

- that all members of the NLD Central Executive Committee including its
chairman, U Aung Shwe, be immediately released from house arrest.

- that the NLD head office and all branch offices be reopened immediately.

The second page described the 30 May Tabayin incident in detail and noted
that it was the worst atrocity committed by the military since the 8-8-88
mass demonstrations. The SPDC State Peace and Development Council
authorities have so far failed to report anything related to this news.

According to another news report received from Rangoon, six NLD youth from
Dalla Township in Rangoon Division have been taken in for questioning by
the military intelligence on 16 June. The youth were arrested while they
were having tea at a teashop. Sources close to the NLD said the family
members have not been told as yet where the youth were taken. Furthermore,
another NLD youth from South Okkalapa Township was also arrested the same
day.

Sources close to NLD which DVB Democratic Voice of Burma contacted said
there have been frequent arrests recently while some were taken without
anybody's knowledge. Moreover, they said, former political prisoners under
age 40 years, NLD youth, and youth close to the NLD were frequently
summoned and warned by the military intelligence. A latest report from a
Chin State source said the military intelligence have arrested an NLD
youth member and the NLD secretary from Matupi Township on 14 June.
__________

Democratic Voice of Burma June 21 2003

Leaflets distributed in Rangoon
It is reported that a secret student group popularly known as People’s
Students – Oh-Wei Front has distributed political leaflets in Rangoon on
the 19th of June – the birthday of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

The leaflets were distributed at the busy areas of Rangoon North Okkalapa
and Thingangyun markets and the main content of the leaflet demands
detailed enquiries into the incident at Dipeyin [Tabayin], according to
the news release of the NCGUB.

The first page of the leaflet includes five demands; the immediate release
of U Tin Oo and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, to enquire in details on the
incident at Dipeyin, to release the names of the wounded immediately, to
release all NLD leaders including chairman U Aung Shwe and to re-open all
the NLD offices as soon as possible.

On the second page, the detailed accounts on what happened in Dipeyin were
described and it states that the incident is the most brutal killing of
civilians after the 8888 uprising. The SPDC authorities haven’t issued any
statement regarding the news of the activities. Meanwhile, it is reported
that 6 NLD youth of Dala Township, Rangoon were arrested by the SPDC on
the 16th of June.

They were arrested while they were sitting in a teashop and it is still
not known where about they are being detained, according people close to
the NLD. Moreover, a youth of South Okkalapa Township, Rangoon was
arrested by the authority on the same day. According to the DVB’s regular
contact in Rangoon, there have been several arrests and some people are
still missing. Moreover, ex-political prisoners and NLD youth members and
their friends under the age of 40 are also frequently summoned and warned
by the military intelligence [MI].

According to the latest news from Chin State, the MI also arrested the
secretary of Matupi Township NLD and a youth member on the 14th of June.
___________

Democratic Voice of Burma June 21 2003

U Tin Oo and political prisoners transferred

According to the news obtained by the DVB, U Tin Oo and some political
prisoners who were detained in Kale [Kalay] Prison, Sagaing Division were
transferred to Mandalay-Ohpho Prison yesterday.

The ICRC is expected to meet U Tin Oo tomorrow and it is expected to meet
other NLD prisoners in prisons at Shwebo, Monywa and Khamtee. But, the
ICRC itself doesn’t know the exact number of people being detained and
they have to accept the figure given by the authority, said Ko Tate Naing
of AAPP as follows:

Ko Tate Naing : We are quite doubtful whether the meetings with prisoners
will be real as the ICRC is not allowed to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We
believe that they should try to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi first. Even now,
it is not clear whether the ICRC would be allowed to meet U Tin Oo. The
reason is – the SPDC hasn’t said where U Tin Oo is being detained to this
day. It is not either clear how many political prisoners would be allowed
to be seen by the ICRC because the SPDC has never declared how many people
were arrested and detained and they ICRC has to be content with the
prisoners it is allowed to see. For example, they could say to the ICRC
that they have arrested only 5 or 10 people and that’s all and the ICRC
has to be content with that. The AAPP don’t think that the ICRC wouldn’t
be able to tell the real conditions of the prisoners.

The military government has said that only 4 people were killed and 50
people were injured in the incident but eyewitnesses and opposition groups
in exile are stating that up to 70 people were killed and more than 200
people are missing and being detained. In order to overcome the disputes,
Burmese political organisations in Burma and abroad are demanding the
military authorities to allow an independent organisation or a UN-led
organisation to investigate the incident but the SPDC is still refusing
the permission.

DRUGS

Mizzima News June 21 2003

Burmese illicit drugs hazard to Indian youths

India: Mizoram, one of the major states of the northeast India, is facing
severe threat from drugs. The state, bordering Burma, has been witnessing
increasing incidents of drug abuses during the past several years causing
a matter of concern for the young generation. The problem is aggravated
day by day due to unabated flow of drugs and other psychotropic
substances.

“The drugs have already claimed more than 800 youths during the last 10
years”, the Mizoram Health and family welfare minister F Malsawma told
this correspondent in Guwahati. He further said that a section of illegal
migrants of “Myanmar” has started drug trafficking in the state taking
advantage of porous border leading to a serious problem in the state.

It is worth mentioning that the state enforcing agencies have made several
seizures along the Indo-Burma border in the past several years. Most of
the consignments of the seized drugs were brought from Burma for various
destinations of India.

The health minister further advocated initiating a pragmatic step in
contain the menace.” initially They (Burmese) sell the drugs at a cheaper
rate in a bid to attract the youths and later they start business”, the
minister said.

Asked what steps were taken to combat growing drug trafficking along the
international border as the traffickers were adopting several tactics, he
stated that The state police and the other enforcing agencies had been
asked to gear up operations along the Indo-Burma border.” We have a huge
stretch of border with Burma which has been helping the traffickers in
running their business,” the health minister said adding that The people
living along the border use the immigrants in various works, which is
creating problem.

Malsawma appealed to the political parties of the state to fight together
in containing the problem.” the entire Indo-Burma border should be sealed
in order to contain the problem”, he added.Worried over the problem, the
government of India has decided to erect fencing along the Indo-Burma
border.

INTERNATIONAL

Channel News Asia June 20 2003

Demonstrators in Washington protest at Myanmar Embassy over detention of
Suu Kyi

The birthday of Myanmar's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi was marked by
protests against the country's rulers.

In Washington, demonstrators protested the imprisonment of the Nobel peace
laureate and her followers at the Myanmar Embassy.

They are calling on the Bush Administration to send Myanmar's ambassador
home and impose strict sanctions against Yangon.

A small but vocal group of protestors gathered outside Myanmar's embassy
in Washington, to mark Aung San Suu Kyi 58th birthday.

In the US, the country is referred to as Burma.

"The time for political dialogue is obviously dead, and what's needed now
is a regime change in Burma," said Dan Beeton, an activist from the Free
Burma Coalition.

Aung Din, former prisoner in Myanmar, said: We're here to protest outside
the Burmese embassy, to protest for the arresting and attempting to
assasinate of our leader Aung San Suu Kyi, U Tin Oo, and other party
members in Burma on May 30th."

After the demonstrators trespassed on Embassy property, a handful were
arrested.

But if two senior US senators get their way, this embassy could soon be
shutted and US-Myanmar relations downgraded.

Republican Senator Mitch McConnel said: "It's another way of conveying the
message that we consider this a pariah regime that does not even deserve
the respect of having an ambassador here."

Senator McConnel, the number two republican in the Senate, is asking the
Bush Administration to send Myanmar's diplomats packing.

He is also one of the authors of the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act
which calls for a ban on imports from Myanmar, a freeze on any of the
Government's assets in the US, and other economic, political and travel
sanctions.

"I know there are some sceptics, maybe not in this room, but there are
some sceptics that sanctions can ever work.

"There's one place where they clearly worked and that was South Africa,
clearly worked. And the reason was there was widespread international
cooperation, and that's what we're hoping for here, beginning with ASEAN
and then spreading out from there, that they'll be widespread
international cooperation and we won't be engaged in unilateral sanctions,
but multilateral sanctions that squeeze this regime," said Senator
McConnel.

Senator McConnel said he is confident that President Bush will support the
new sanctions legislation when it reaches him.

But first the lower House of the US Congress must pass it. That is
expected to happen shortly.

Activists say they support the legislation.

Dan Beeton of the Free Burma Coalition said: "These sanctions are going to
help the people of Burma, this is what the people of Burma have
continually said they need, this sort of economic and political pressure
on this regime. The regime totally controls its exports, especially of
garments."

The Senators are also asking the Bush Administration to pressure the UN
Security Council on the issue so the International Community is united in
its approach.

REGIONAL

Kyodo News June 20 2003

UN ENVOY ON BURMA TO VISIT JAPAN 24-26 JUNE

Tokyo, 23 June: UN special envoy Razali Ismail, who met with Myanmar's
(Burma's) detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi earlier this
month, will visit Japan from Tuesday to Thursday, the Foreign Ministry
said Monday (23 June).

Razali will meet with Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi and other
government officials to exchange views on achieving Suu Kyi's release, it
said.

Razali became the first outsider to meet Suu Kyi on June 10 after she was
placed in "proactive (protective) custody" following violent clashes on 30
May between her supporters and those supporting Myanmar's junta.
________

Malaysiakini June 19 2003

SIX HELD FOR STAGING DEMO OUTSIDE BURMESE EMBASSY
By Yap Mun Ching,

Six persons were arrested in the vicinity of the Burmese embassy this
morning as police foiled attempts by a group of Burmese nationals to
protest against the continued detention of pro-democracy leader Aung San
Suu Kyi.

The five men and one woman were part of a group of 40 demonstrators who
attempted to march past the embassy bearing pictures of Suu Kyi and
posters calling for her release.

However, they were stopped by police some 20 metres away from the embassy
building and forced to disperse. Several persons who persisted in holding
up their posters were arrested.

The six have been brought to the Cheras district police headquarters.

When contacted, an officer at the police headquarters said the six were
arrested for participating in an illegal assembly. The officer said
investigations are underway if the group would be charged.

Today's demonstration was meant to be a follow-up to a similar event two
weeks ago when the same group of protesters gathered peacefully to
highlight the political problems in Burma and to demand for Suu Kyi's
freedom.

She was detained on May 30 following clashes between her supporters and
pro-government groups. The Burmese government, who insisted that she as
held for her own safety, has kept her incommunicado except for a visit by
UN special envoy Razali Ismail last week.

Arrested refugee

Of the group of demonstrators this morning, most are Burmese asylum
seekers who claim to have fled ethnic and religious persecution by the
military government in their home states.

The group of 40 protesters, who had initially planned to demonstrate
outside the Burmese embassy, were prevented from approaching the mission
by the presence of about 10 police officers.

They gathered shortly at a petrol station along Jalan Ampang Hilir before
proceeding to march towards the embassy after securing permission by
several police officers to do so.

However, another group of plainclothes officers stopped them some distance
away from the embassy and arrested them.

Of the six detained, two are said to have valid working visas. However,
they are also believed to have applied for political asylum with the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

The sole woman arrested, 37-year-old Mu Mu Kyaw Lwin, is said to be
recognised as a refugee by the UNHCR. She is due to depart for
resettlement in Canada on June 24.

The status of the other three individuals is uncertain but it is believed
that they do not have valid immigration visas.

Imprisonment

When contacted, UNHCR protection officer Shinji Kubo declined to comment,
saying that the agency would first have to verify the identities of those
arrested.

Earlier this week, seven Burmese Rohingyas were arrested when they
attempted to scale the gates of the United States embassy in Kuala Lumpur
in a bid to seek asylum.

They are still detained at the Cheras district police headquarters.

Malaysia is home to more than 10,000 undocumented Burmese nationals,
mostly members of various ethnic minority groups.

Although many were repeatedly arrested on immigration charges and deported
by Malaysian authorities to neighbouring Thailand, most returned within
weeks out of fear of being sent back to Burma.

They claimed that they would be imprisoned by Burmese authorities if they
are returned to their home provinces.

[Ed note:  Sources on the ground say that the six were ordered to be
remanded (kept in police lock-up) for four days and were scheduled to be
produced at the Kuala Lumpur Magistrate's Court on Tuesday, June 24.
However, the detainees were produced on Monday June 23rd, a day ahead of
schedule and ordered to be remanded a further four days. The authorities
neglected to inform the detainees' lawyers about the court appearance,
therefore they were unrepresented today.

Legal aid has been provided to the detainees through Malaysian NGOs.
According to one of the lawyers working on their case, it is up to the DPP
to decide whether or not to levy charges against the group. In this case,
the possible charge will be for illegal assembly, which carries a minimum
fine of RM2,000 (US$540) or a maximum penalty of a fine of RM10,000
(US$2,702) AND a year's jail.

The UNHCR will be contacting the DPP's office about the case, since there
is at least one recognized refugee amongst the detainees.]
_________

Nation June 21 2003

Asean to push junta for reforms
By Rungrawee C Pinyorat

High-level visit in the works, but only after release of pro-democracy leader

The Association of Southeast Asia Nations will send a high-level mission
to Rangoon when Aung San Suu Kyi is released to help accelerate the pace
of political reform in Burma, Philippines Foreign Minister Blas F Ople
said yesterday.

The proposal was put forward by Indonesia's Foreign Minister Hassan
Wirajuda during a meeting of Asean foreign ministers on Tuesday.

"We are actually trying to avoid a situation where Myanmar [Burma] will be
completely isolated from the international community and before they are
economically crippled by sanctions," Ople said.

He had asked Wirajuda, as the next Asean foreign ministers' chairman, to
arrange a high-level mission to Burma and offered to take part.

The objectives of the mission will be to push political and constitutional
reform, which are essential for the development of Burma, Ople said.

The mission will want to talk to pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi,
members of the National League of Democracy and other opposition parties
before holding discussions with the ruling junta.

Burmese Foreign Minister U Win Aung - who was put under tremendous
pressure at the Asean meeting in Phnom Penh during the week - said his
government had no intention of prolonging Suu Kyi's detention and
expressed a commitment to work toward the establishment of a civilian
constitutional government.

However, he asked for understanding of the complexities of Burmese society
from the international community as characterised by the number of armed
minority groups waging war against the government.

"We believe that the Myanmar [Burmese] government will take the necessary
steps to convince the international community that changes are underway to
relieve the suffering of the majority of the Burmese people", he said.

Ople said, "Once Aung San Suu Kyi is released, we will send a mission to
Rangoon. Ideally it should be before the Asean summit in October."

He said this mission would not overlap with the work of the United
Nation's special envoy, Razali Ismail, who has been sent to Burma to help
broker peace talks between the military government and the opposition.

For the first time in Asean's 36-year history its strict principle of
non-interference in the internal affairs of member states was broken when
the grouping called for the lifting of restrictions on the movements of
Suu Kyi and her supporters.

The Philippines was most vociferous, saying: "it is not fair that Asean's
image is being defined by the events transpiring in your country [Burma]".

Meanwhile, the meeting adopted a Declaration on Human Rights, which binds
all Asean members along the lines of principles espoused by the European
Union, Ople said.
_________-

Straits Times June 20 2003

SINGAPORE FM HAILS ASEAN'S BURMA STANCE, CHINA'S PROPOSED REGIONAL PACT

China has proposed a new agreement to anchor a strategic partnership with
ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) countries, a move which
underscores Beijing's growing political and economic interest in Southeast
Asia.

Separately, Russia yesterday signed a joint declaration with ASEAN to
cement their ties, a first step that could lead Moscow to sign up with the
grouping's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, a code of conduct aimed at
strengthening regional security.

For ASEAN, the forging of closer ties with China and Russia underlines the
outward orientation of the 10-member regional grouping and its desire to
expand the existing links with its key dialogue partners. The Chinese
proposal for a new pact to promote peace, stability and prosperity in the
region came yesterday as ASEAN members held a series of meetings with its
partners, which also includes the United States, Australia and Japan.

Foreign Minister S. Jayakumar said the Chinese wanted a new document which
encapsulated the various facets of their relationship with ASEAN.

Beijing now has a framework agreement on economic cooperation with ASEAN
and negotiations are under way to create an ASEAN-China free trade area
within the next 10 years. Beijing is also committed to acceding to ASEAN's
Amity Treaty.

Explaining Beijing's growing interest, Chinese Foreign Minister Li
Zhaoxing said yesterday: "ASEAN is already a very important factor in the
world economy and in maintaining world peace. ASEAN's role in future will
be greater."

His remarks mirrored those of Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong, who
spoke for the group at yesterday's ASEAN-China dialogue when he said:
"ASEAN's relations with China are among the most critical that ASEAN has
with other countries.

"The significance of the relationship arises not only from our
geographical proximity but also from the quality and potential of our
cooperation, and its impact on the stability of our region and the lives
of our peoples."

ASEAN is keen to collaborate more closely with all its major dialogue
partners, including Japan and India. The forging of closer ties could be
reflected in a variety of ways, Prof Jayakumar noted.

"Many countries are showing deep interest in undertaking projects with
ASEAN or seeking declarations which will capture all the existing projects
and their approaches with ASEAN," he said.

Summing up the three-day annual conference in the Cambodian capital, Prof
Jayakumar said the discussions on Myanmar (Burma) showed that the regional
grouping had reached a new level of comfort.

This let the ASEAN ministers discuss sensitive issues that were previously
off limits because of the non-interference principle, he said.

On Myanmar, he stressed that ASEAN was not telling Yangon (Rangoon) what
to do.

"It's significant that we discussed the issue, just as the Indonesians
briefed the ASEAN ministers on the situation in Aceh.

"The discussion on Myanmar was not resisted. Myanmar's minister took in
the various views and understands the concerns of the other ASEAN
countries... It is a good development that ASEAN can feel comfortable
talking about these matters," he said.

In the talks with ASEAN's dialogue partners, there was now a sharper focus
on cooperation to deal with new problems such as SARS (severe acute
respiratory syndrome) and the terrorist threat.

The ASEAN Regional Forum, which meets annually, could be primed to react
quickly to deal with urgent security problems, Prof Jayakumar added.
_________

Narinjara News June 21 2003

Burmese lingering in the prison of Bangladesh

A total of forty four Burmese prisoners have already spent eight years
after the expiry of their prison terms in a prison in the southeastern
hilly district town of Rangamati, the daily Janakantha said today.

Though the government of Bangladesh has again and again tried to
repatriate these prisoners into Burma during these years, the Burmese
junta has never recognized them even as their own citizens said one of the
prisoners who declined to identify.  “We only know that the prison
authorities have again and again tried to attract the attention of the
Burmese regime by informing the Burmese embassy in Dhaka in vain. The
Burmese military regime has all along been reluctant either to recognize
as their legitimate citizens or simply disregarded our appeals, on grounds
only known to them,” he said.

According to the prison authorities, these Burmese citizens were arrested
while illegally crossing the international border or caught fishing
illegally in the Bangladesh waters.  Interestingly enough most of the
Burmese prisoners were found to be fishermen.  These 44 persons were
arrested in 1994  96 but all attempts to repatriate them have gone futile
as because of the red tape involved.

One of the five Burmese prisoners, released last year by the intervention
of the UNHCR, told us that the process of release of the Burmese prisoners
who have overstayed their prison terms by as many as eight years is very
bureaucratic.  While in the jail in Chittagong, the second city of
Bangladesh, they tried to get in touch with the UNHCR.  Failing which all
the dozens of Burmese prisoners staged hunger strike, and though they were
given the promise of ‘freedom’ by the Deputy Commissioner, nothing
happened for a couple of times.  Then they again and again resorted to
various demonstrations, hunger strike, rally, and whatever.  Every time
they had to face more and more harsh treatments.  Long after that they
were lucky enough to have a meeting with the General Officer Commanding
(GOC) of the Chittagong region.  Meanwhile representatives from the UNHCR
met them for a couple of times. And at last they were released under the
custody of the UNHCR, Bangladesh.

But not all of the Burmese prisoners are as lucky as them.  There are
still seven to eight hundred Burmese refugees in the various jails of
Bangladesh.  Till now only eleven persons have been ‘freed’ by the UNHCR
and some other NGOs dealing in human rights.

The future of the hundreds of the Burmese prisoners is still uncertain. 
Though in recent times the bilateral relations of the two neighbouring
countries have ‘improved substantially’, according to the Foreign Ministry
of Bangladesh, there has been no significant policy regarding the release
or repatriation of the Burmese refugees, said a head of a local NGO
dealing in human rights.

STATEMENTS/OPINIONS

Noble Peace Prize Laureate Dr. Ramos-Horta statement on Burma
Phnom Penh

The following is a statement he has issued in Phnom Penh while attending
the 36th ASEAN Ministerial Meeting.

"Only a few weeks ago hopes were high that finally peace and democracy
were slowly but steadily returning to the suffering people of
Burma/Myanmar. I was even begin to believe that it was time for the US and
the EU to gradually lift some of the sanctions and restrictions imposed on
that country.

The recent events in Burma/Myanmar have wiped out all our moderate sense
of hope and optimism. The attacks on Daw Aung Suu Kyi and her supporters
were a premeditated act orchestrated by hardliners of the military regime
who are against the dialogue and reconciliation process supported by
others in the same regime.

We cannot be concerned only about the fate of our Nobel Laureate
colleague.  We are profoundly worried about the fate of hundreds of her
supporters of whom we haven't heard from at all.

I commend the ASEAN leaders for breaking a taboo when it comes to gross
and systematic human rights violations within the region voicing their
demands that Suu Kyi be freed immediately.

However, the simple release of the Burmese democratic leader is not
enough. The military regime must accept a clear timetable towards free and
democratic relations in Myanmar within a reasonable period of time.

The UN, working in close consultation with ASEAN leaders, must be involved
or lead the process towards, and supervise, free and democratic elections
in Burma/Myanmar.

In working towards a peaceful and stable transition and a free and
democratic Burma, the democracy movement in Burma as well as the
international community must also consider safeguards, guarantees and
incentives for those in power today who might seek such safeguards.

ASEAN is facing a unique challenge to its own credibility. If there is any
virtue left with the authorities in Rangoon, they should at least show
loyalty to their ASEAN friends and neighbors, spare them embarrassment,
and heed their friendly advice.

Burma is a country blessed with rich natural resources and a gifted
people.  It can prosper and be an important regional player if its current
leaders were to relinquish their absolute power and accept the inevitable
changes that will come sooner or later."

_________

New Straits Times June 21 2003

Comment: Asean must start calling a spade, a spade
By Ashraf Abdullah

June 21 2003:  FOR all the pomp and grandeur that host Cambodia
strenuously put up for the 36th Asean Ministerial Meeting in Phnom Penh
this week, the regional grouping can only claim to have inched a little
forward.

Asean Ministers discussed a whole lot of issues and came out of the
meeting with the familiar diplomatic phrase that they would "endeavour" to
work towards the success of the scores of Asean programmes.

Rhetoric aside, perhaps the only significant outcome of the Phnom Penh
meeting was the grouping's decision on the restrictions imposed by the
Myanmar Government on Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the National League
for Democracy.

Although the Joint Communique which the Ministers issued at the end of the
two-day meeting touched on the matter with cautiously-chosen diplomatic
language, behind closed doors, they bluntly told Myanmar's Foreign
Minister Win Aung that they want Suu Kyi to be released.

Singapore's Foreign Minister Prof S. Jayakumar drove home the point when
he described Myanmar's action as a "setback" to Asean.

"It is a setback for Asean because Asean had admitted Myanmar despite
strong opposition from some Western countries because we felt that it is
better that Myanmar be part of Asean and we have constructive engagement,"
he said.

Even if Myanmar had volunteered to explain to the meeting its actions
following the May 30 incident, Asean's decision to discuss the domestic
affairs of a member nation and to reflect it in the Joint Communique are
unprecedented.

It goes to show that the grouping is coming of age.

This is so because the grouping subscribes to the principle of
non-interference which is not only outdated but serves as a stumbling
block for Asean nations to move together as a team.

The non-intervention principle is enshrined in the Treaty of Amity and
Co-operation in Southeast Asia, signed in Bali on Feb 24, 1976 by the
leaders of the original five Asean member countries.

Basically, the principle prohibits interference by Asean in the domestic
affairs of any member.

But many things have changed since Asean's Treaty of Bali came into effect.

Globalisation has opened up borders, exhorts greater international trade
by lifting of tariffs and nontariff barriers and makes team participation
in global conventions of paramount importance.

If Asean does not act against members who resort to actions condemned by
the international community, then the purpose of having these members in
the grouping is defeated.

The argument that Asean should not deal with Myanmar even if itcauses
hardship to other member States, borders on the absurdity.

Myanmar's domestic politics had put a dent on Asean's external relations,
especially with the European Union, the grouping's second most important
trading partner.

Why should Asean allow one member to be the stumbling block to progress?
Asean should seriously re-evaluate its policy of non-intervention and a
branch of it — the principle of constructive engagement which seeks
to bring about changes through diplomatic persuasion and leadership by
example.

But how much change has constructive engagement brought to Myanmar after
it became a full member of Asean almost six years ago? Forced labour is
still practised, freedom for pro-democratic leaders is still restricted to
the bare minimum and thousands of people are still fleeing the country.

Non-interference, if not reviewed, may lead to serious repercussions in
the not-too-distant future.

Some of the areas which may be affected include overall regional politics
and security, trade and investment, both regionally and individually as
well as in the social aspects.

It can lead to the collapse of institutions and bring about negative
implications to the region.

For some years now, there have been a number of proposals for the regional
grouping to rethink the nonintervention principle.

Thailand has been in the forefront of the proposal to include a "flexible
arrangement" to replace the non-intervention policy, a proposal which
culminated in the establishment of the "Asean Troika".

At the Third Asean Informal Summit in Manila on Nov 28, 1999, the Asean
Heads of State/Government agreed to Thailand's proposal that an Asean
Troika, comprising the past, present and future chairmen, be constituted.

The Troika, an ad hoc body at the ministerial-level, is for Asean to
address and co-operate more effectively on issues affecting regional peace
and stability.

Allowing the Troika to look into internal developments of member States
which attract international attention and concern, would be a good start.

But since its inception, the Troika has never been tested. It's
effectiveness, unknown.

If Asean cannot even deal with its own regional problems, how can it
convince the global community that it can work together to deal with
international issues? As the world moves towards globalisation, there must
be a strong Asean where members listen to one another and can work as a
team.

But to do that, it must first start calling a spade, a spade.
_________

The Indian Express June 21 2003

Aung San Suu Kyi - An inspiration to all
The Burmese junta and its cronies are a cancer gnawing at the heart of
South East Asia. The international community must ensure that Aung San Suu
Kyi is released immediately
By Jack Straw

Yesterday was Aung San Suu Kyi’s 58th birthday. What should be a day of
quiet celebration with family and friends for the Nobel Peace Prize Winner
was instead spent in detention in a military barracks somewhere in Burma.
The Burmese regime claims she is in ‘‘protective custody’’ after her
supporters clashed with opponents on May 30. But we know from eyewitness
accounts that the regime’s version of events that day totally lacks any
credibility.

Armed thugs attacked Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters in a premeditated
attack planned by elements of the regime itself. Tens of people were
killed and injured, scores arrested and many more are in hiding. The
regime has closed the offices of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for
Democracy and detained party leaders and workers in Rangoon and other
cities.

Her crime? None that any of us would recognise as a crime. To the fury of
the Burmese military junta, Aung San Suu Kyi commands the support and
respect of the Burmese people. Ever since her party won an election in
1990, the regime has harassed and intimidated Aung San Suu Kyi and her
supporters endlessly. She has already suffered long spells of house arrest
and imprisonment, hundreds of her supporters are in prison, many without
trial. Others have been blackmailed or intimidated into giving up
politics.

The government-controlled media denies her a voice and publishes malicious
propaganda about her. But whenever and wherever she travels, ordinary
people still turn out in their thousands to see and hear her. For them she
is a beacon of hope for a better future.

The military regime, which attempts to run Burma through fear and
intimidation, is not only brutal but also corrupt and incompetent. A
once-prosperous country is being run into the ground. Poverty is rife and
diseases such as malaria, TB and HIV/AIDS are spreading. For the Burmese
regime, Aung San Suu Kyi’s vision of peace, stability and freedom is a
threat. But for the rest of the world, the Burmese junta and its cronies
is a cancer gnawing at the heart of South East Asia. There can be no
possible excuses for the continued misrule and intransigence of the
regime.

Aung San Suu Kyi must be released immediately. So must all the other
leaders of the National League for Democracy currently detained. The
National League for Democracy must be allowed to reopen its offices. And
the regime must enter into meaningful dialogue with the National League
for Democracy and other groups as a first step towards bringing democracy
to Burma.

Burma’s neighbours, especially its fellow members of ASEAN, have been
dismayed by the detention of Aung San Suu Kyi, and have called publicly
for her release. We hope that they will continue, publicly and privately,
to make clear to the regime the impact its behaviour is having on ASEAN’s
standing and the need for it to change its ways. The meeting this week of
the ASEAN Regional Forum in Cambodia offers a timely opportunity for them
to do so. And private individuals, tempted to visit Burma for its
undoubted beauty and its cultural attractions, may wish to delay doing so
until the present tension and uncertainty has been lifted and ordinary
Burmese people can welcome them in a climate free from fear and
persecution.

The United Kingdom, together with our partners in the EU, with the US and
with other countries stands ready to help Burma move towards national
reconciliation and democracy. We are committed to supporting the UN
Secretary General’s Special Representative on Burma, Tan Sri Razali
Ismail, in his efforts to broker a dialogue between the regime and
opposition groups.

We hope the Secretary General himself will consider what more the United
Nations might do. But the regime there has shown a cynical and blatant
disregard for the views of others and responds only to pressure. That is
why the European Union has decided to increase the pressure. We already
applied an arms embargo, a ban on the sale of any items that could be used
for torture or repression, a ban on defence links and a ban on
non-humanitarian aid. High level contacts were also banned.

We have now agreed to take these measures further. Our ban on Burmese
Ministers visiting the EU will be extended to include senior managers of
state-run enterprises and officials from organisations linked to the
government. We have already introduced an assets freeze and the European
Union has suspended Burma’s trading privileges under the Generalised
System of Privileges (GSP). The United States has taken similar steps.
Further pressure will follow unless the regime moves rapidly to restore
civilian rule and democracy.

The United Kingdom and the international community will not accept that
the hopes and aspirations of the Burmese people should perennially be
frustrated. The spirit and justness of the democracy movement cannot be
contained by sticks or prison cells. We call on friends of Burma in Asia
and around the world to redouble their efforts to help Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi and the people of Burma rapidly achieve the national reconciliation,
respect for human rights and democracy they so richly deserve. On her
birthday we pay tribute to Aung San Suu Kyi, an inspiration to us all.

(The author is the British Foreign Secretary)
_____

Foreign and Commonwealth Office June 20 2003

BURMESE AMBASSADOR SUMMONED TO THE FOREIGN OFFICE

Mike O’Brien today summoned the Burmese Ambassador, Kyaw Win, to express
the British government’s grave concern at the continued detention of Nobel
Peace Prize Winner Aung San Suu Kyi (ASSK).

Mr. O’Brien said:

“I told Ambassador Win that I was appalled by events in Burma. The UK does
not believe the regime’s claims that ASSK is being held ‘for her own
protection’. If this were true, why could I not speak to her on her
birthday? We had been informed that ASSK was being held in Insein Jail.
But our attempts to telephone the jail had been rebuffed, and the Burmese
Deputy Foreign Minister was not prepared to take our calls.  This was
simply not acceptable.

“I stressed to the Ambassador that the international community wanted to
encourage change in Burma and that we did not want to see the political
process there go into reverse.  I have asked Ambassador Win to see me
again on 25 June, when I hope to hear positive news on access to ASSK.”
________

FORUM-ASIA PRESS RELEASE

For Immediate Release
20 June 2003

Bangladesh repatriates hundreds of Rohingya refugees to Burma

The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is deeply
concerned by disturbing reports about forced repatriation, coercion and
intimidation of Rohingya refugees in Kutupalong and Nayapara refugee camps
in Bangladesh.

FORUM-ASIA calls upon the United Nations High Commission on Refugees
(UNHCR) and the Government of Bangladesh to immediately stop the ongoing
forced repatriation. In particular, FORUM-ASIA calls upon the UNHCR to
continue to provide effective protection and humanitarian assistance to
the Rohingya refugees in the camps until measures for voluntary
repatriation can be implemented. Given the rapidly deteriorating political
and human rights situation in Burma after the arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi
by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) on 30 May 2003, it will
be irresponsible for the UNHCR to abandon the Rohingya refugees.

Background

The Rohingya are a stateless Muslim minority group from Burma's Arakan
State. For many decades they are subject to the Burmese government's
policies of exclusion and discrimination. In 1992 more than 250,000 of
them fled to Bangladesh following a harsh campaign of oppression. To date,
about 21,500 refugees remaining from the 1991-92 exoduses are sheltered in
two refugee camps in Southern Bangladesh. While conditions in Arakan State
have not improved for the Rohingya refugees to return home safely and with
dignity, about 5,000 of them have been cleared for repatriation by the
Burmese government.

In early 2003, claiming financial constraints and donor fatigue, the UNHCR
announced a proposal for the phasing-out plan. This plan proposes the
transfer of responsibilities in the repatriation process as well as for
assistance from the UNHCR to the Bangladesh Government. Nevertheless,
there exist many questions with regard to monitoring mechanism for
protection and self-reliance of the Rohingya refugees as the plan is now
being implemented by the UNHCR although the Government of Bangladesh has
not endorsed it. As a result, about 5,000 of the Rohingya refugees cleared
for repatriation have been forcefully driven into Burma, whether they are
willing or not, before the deadline of 30 June 2003, when the UNHCR plans
to disengage from the repatriation process.

Since 7 May 2003 the rate of repatriations from Kutupalong and Nayapara
refugee camps increased significantly (704 people in May 2003 against 93
in April 2003), and so did the complaints of coercion and harassment.
Those unwilling to repatriate have been arrested and then given the choice
of signing up for repatriation or going to jail. Families had their ration
books seized until they agreed to repatriate. Other incidents have
involved confiscation of the refugee's belongings, sudden transfer to
other sections of the camp, and detention in the Camp-in-charge's premises
usually followed by a forceful removal to the transit camp. The
consequences have been particularly tragic when families have been
divided, when children have been separated from their parents, wives from
their husbands, old people left behind and sick refugees abandoned. Worse,
according to sources in and outside the two camps, the UNHCR has remained
silent on the severe suffering of the Rohingya refugees.

Refugees' accounts on the above situation received by FORUM-ASIA have been
compiled into a report titled "We are like a soccer ball, kicked by Burma,
kicked by Bangladesh!"
The report is now available on FORUM-ASIA website www.forumasia.org.

For further information or comments contact:
Somchai Homlaor, FORUM-ASIA Secretary-General on +66 (0)1 8995476
Sunai Phasuk, FORUM-ASIA Spokesperson on +66 (0)1 6323052
___________

Euro-Burma Office June 2003

The EU's relations with Myanmar / Burma


Overview
Latest update:  June 2003

Political Context
Burma/Myanmar, independent since 1948, has been ruled by military
dictatorship since 1962. The current military regime, formerly known as
SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council), seized power in a bloody
coup in 1988. Under international pressure, general elections took place
in 1990. The main opposition party, under the leadership of Nobel Peace
Prize Laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy (NLD),
won 82% of the seats to the National Assembly. However, the results of the
elections were never honoured by the military regime, which instead
convened a "national convention" to draft a new constitution aimed at
reserving for the military a permanent role in Burmese politics. The
"national convention" has not met since 1996. The SLORC was dissolved in
November 1997 and replaced by the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC), but the old leadership remained basically in place and the old
repressive policies continued.
The population of Burma/Myanmar is made up of 60% Burmans and 40% from
130+ other ethnic groups and sub-groups. Of the main ethnic groups, 17
have signed somewhat shaky cease-fire agreements with the military regime,
while two of them continue in armed insurgency. The ethnic groups are
located in the border areas; (Burma/Myanmar is surrounded by Bangladesh,
India, China, Laos and Thailand), surrounding the central Burman area like
a great horseshoe. The people of Burma/Myanmar live under a highly
repressive authoritarian military regime, which is widely condemned for
its serious human rights abuses. Extra-judicial executions, massive forced
relocations and civilian abuse, including compulsory civilian "porterage"
for the army, are on the daily agenda. The economic situation continues to
deteriorate, with GDP growth low and FDI close to collapse.
Thousands of Burmese citizens remain in exile in Bangladesh and Thailand,
many of them new arrivals driven out by army attacks on ethnic minority
areas. Rohingya refugees returning from Bangladesh are officially
classified as "non-citizens" and subject to movement restrictions, which
seriously hinders their reintegration.
The government restricts workers’ rights and uses forced labour on a
widespread basis. Measures against Burma/Myanmar have been introduced
under Article 33 of the ILO Constitution with effect from 30 November 2000
– the first time the Article has been applied to an ILO member. The high
level ILO mission that visited Burma/Myanmar in September 2001 noted that
very modest progress had been made. In March 2002, the Burmese Government
and the ILO agreed on the appointment of an ILO liaison officer to help
stop the use of forced labour and in May 2003 the government agreed to
appoint a mediator for forced labour compensation.
The leader of the National League for Democracy Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was
released from house arrest on May 6th 2002 after spending more than 18
months in detention. The move raised hopes that the ruling military junta,
the State Peace and Development Council, was finally planning to embark on
a process of political reform. Since then, however, leading SPDC officials
have refused to engage in meaningful political dialogue with Aung San Suu
Kyi and her party the National League for Democracy (NLD).
Since May 2002 the junta has permitted Aung San Suu Kyi to travel freely
around the country and rebuild the NLD party network. She has been
received by large crowds but also increasing harassment and intimidation.
During her recent trips around the country, signs of a renewed campaign of
intimidation and harassment of NLD supporters have been growing. At the
end of May 2003 Aung San Suu Kyi was once again detained, following
violent clashes during her trip to Kachin State in the north. Several NLD
members have also been imprisoned and the government has ordered the
closing of all NLD offices in the country. A nation-wide closure of
universities has also been enforced.
The European Union has undertaken four official-level EU Troika Missions
to Rangoon, the latest one from 8-10 September 2002, in order to explain
the EU's position on Burma/Myanmar and to get first hand information on
the political and human rights situation in the country. During the visit,
the EU Troika encouraged a stepping up of the reconciliation process
between the SPDC, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnic minorities. The EU
Troika also urged for the immediate release of all remaining political
prisoners.
The EU’s interest in Burma/Myanmar is primarily informed by political and
humanitarian concerns, as well as by concerns about the supply of illicit
drugs. (Burma/Myanmar is, together with Afghanistan, one of the world’s
largest supplier of illicit drugs).
Legal basis of EU relations
The EU Common Position on Burma/Myanmar was first adopted in October 1996.
The Common Position, while confirming already existing sanctions - an arms
embargo imposed in 1990, the suspension of defence co-operation since 1991
and the suspension of all bilateral aid other than strictly humanitarian
aid - introduced a visa ban on the members of the military regime, the
members of the government, senior military and security officers and
members of their families, as well as the suspension of high-level
governmental visits to Burma/Myanmar. Separately, GSP privileges were
withdrawn from Burma/Myanmar because of forced labour. This also means
that Burma/Myanmar is not eligible to benefit from the "Everything but
Arms initiative" either. The Common position has been maintained since
1996 and was strengthened in October 1998, by widening the visa ban to
include explicitly transit visas and to cover the tourism administration
in Burma/Myanmar.
In April 2000, the Council decided on a further strengthening of the
Common Position, by (a) adding a ban on the export from the EU of any
equipment that might be used for internal repression or terrorism, (b)
publishing the list of persons affected by the visa ban, and (c) imposing
a freeze on the funds held abroad by the persons named in the list. At the
same time, the Council reiterated its desire to establish a meaningful
political dialogue with the SPDC and, in this context indicated that the
ban on the issue of an EU entry visa for the Burmese Foreign Minister
might be waived by agreement of the Member States where this would be in
the interests of the EU. The Council also invited the Commission to
examine the possibilities for increased humanitarian aid.
On 28 April 2003 a new Common Position was adopted. It is a consolidated
version of the original 1996 Common Position, subsequent amendments and
new measures decided on 28 April.
The EU could find no credible reasons for the Burmese government not to
agree on a definite timetable for the return of democracy to the country
and found that the positive steps taken so far were insufficient to
address the economic, humanitarian and political problems in the country.
Thus, existing EU sanctions was rolled over for another 12 months. The
Common Position has also been strengthened through an extension of the
scope of existing sanctions to target more persons linked to economic or
political activities of the State Peace and Development Council for the
visa ban and asset freeze, and through amending and strengthening the arms
the embargo. However the EU decided to suspended the implementation of the
new expanded sanctions until on or before 29 October 2003. If substantive
progress has not been made on a number of "key issues" before that date
(such as the start of a substantive dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi and the
NLD, the release of political prisoners reduction of violence and human
rights violations - particularly in ethnic minority areas) the new
sanctions were to be implemented.
However, after the events in the end of May and the detention of Aung San
Suu Kyi, the EU decided on 16 June to impose the new expanded sanctions,
decided on 28 April, without delay. The EU has also reiterated its call
for the immediate release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Trade/Economic Issues
Burma/Myanmar is a resource-rich, but poor country. State socialism and
international isolation have led to economic stagnation, despite a
short-lived effort at economic liberalisation in the late 1980s. Since the
mid 1990s, merchandise exports have stagnated, while imports have
continued to rise, resulting in a growing trade deficit and severe
depletion of international reserves. The government has printed Kyat to
buy dollars, implemented restrictive trade policies, borrowed foreign
exchange on commercial terms from foreign investors, finally slowing down
its external debt servicing to the point of default. The economic
difficulties have been compounded by the effects of the Asian financial
crisis. An estimated 67% of tax revenue, from a tax base of only 3.6% of
GDP, is dedicated to military expenditure.
International isolation has removed Burma/Myanmar’s access to most foreign
aid, including assistance from the International Financial Institutions.
The US, Canada and the EU have removed GSP preferences on imports from
Burma/Myanmar and provide no preferential financing for exports to or
investment in the country. The US Government has prohibited new investment
in the country by US firms and nationals. Total foreign debt was estimated
by the EIU at the end of 2000 at US$ 6.2 billions (most recent figure).
The Asian financial crisis triggered a dramatic reduction in foreign
investment, (from US$ 2.8 billion in 1996/97 to US$ 29.5 million in
1998/99) and a reduction in export earnings. In 2002, EU exports to
Burma/Myanmar totaled € 84 million, imports from Burma/Myanmar totaled €
438 million.
Community Aid
There is no bilateral co-operation programme with Burma/Myanmar. In
accordance with the EU Common Position, Commission funding is currently
limited to the repatriation and reintegration of Rohingya refugees from
Bangladesh (through the UNHCR and ACF) and a number of small NGO projects
working primarily in ethnic minority areas and focusing on water,
sanitation, medical care, reproductive health and HIV/AIDS prevention and
care. Substantial assistance is also provided for Burmese refugees in
Thailand and Bangladesh. The Commission has recently taken the decision to
contribute € 5 million to combat HIV/Aids in Burma/Myanmar. This
assistance will be implemented by NGOs and International Organisations.
Further humanitarian assistance could be foreseen, provided the
appropriate conditions for implementation can be secured and that there
will be no direct involvement of or transfer of funds to any SPDC or
SPDC-related body.
___________

The New Republic June 2 2003

SINGAPORE DISPATCH: Hanoi Hotel
by Joshua Kurlantzick

Singapore doesn't boast the tourist attractions of some of its Southeast
Asian neighbors. Unlike the Philippines, the authoritarian-minded
city-state is not known for beaches—unless you count Sentosa, a man-made
resort where the beach looks out onto an industrial port. Unlike
Indonesia, it does not possess many historic monuments. In a rush to
modernize during the 1960s and 1970s, Singapore's leaders tore down much
of the city-state's older architecture, and today Singapore's best-known
buildings are its gargantuan shopping malls.
Still, Singapore has one quality increasingly in demand among world
travelers: safety, guaranteed by a regime that brooks little dissent. As
terrorism and war have fostered global anxiety, authoritarian governments
are luring tourists in droves.
Since September 11, 2001, fear has loomed much larger in many people's
travel planning. Tourists have been avoiding nations linked in any way to
terrorism and instability, which means that much of the Middle East is now
off-limits. Tourism in Israel, for example, has fallen by 50 percent since
the beginning of the second intifada in September 2000. Meanwhile, in
Jordan, hotels are posting 15 percent occupancy rates.
The October 2002 bombing on the Indonesian island of Bali expanded the
zone of fear to Southeast Asia. "Bali put the image in foreigners' minds
that some parts of this region are unstable," says Simon Tay, an analyst
based in Singapore. In the wake of Bali, travelers have shunned Indonesia,
a nascent democracy rife with internal tension: Tourist arrivals to Bali
have fallen more than 60 percent since the attack. Travelers also have
reconsidered holidays in Thailand and the Philippines, emerging
democracies struggling to respect civil liberties while combating
militants—a struggle that has at times resulted in shoddy police work.
Taking advantage of this policing void, militants have detonated bombs in
the southern Philippines and in southern Thailand throughout the past two
years. In the Philippines, visitor arrivals were 10 percent lower in March
2002 than in March 2003, while in Thailand tourist arrivals plummeted by
40 percent in April 2003 as compared with April 2002. When I visited the
Thai resort of Koh Lanta two months ago, many hotels were empty. One
resort filled vacancies by inviting high school students to hold
graduation celebrations there—a desperate plan since teenagers are not
known for treating hotel rooms with care.
Seizing the opportunity, several authoritarian regimes have positioned
their countries as ideal holiday spots. "[S]afety is one of the things
we're focusing on in international marketing," Nguyen Van Luu, spokesman
for the National Administration of Tourism of Vietnam—a nation where
security agents monitor households and where I once was followed for
nearly five days by a security official—told the Los Angeles Times this
winter. "[T]he reality is we are drawing more tourists because of
terrorism elsewhere." "We can have an image as an island of stability in a
sea of trouble," added Chan Heng Chee, Singapore's ambassador to the
United States—stability that is achieved, in part, by making it difficult
to hold large political rallies. Laos, a self-isolated nation whose
government is known for surveilling citizens, harassing religious
minorities, and putting prisoners in stocks, has also begun looking to
tourism as a greater source of revenue. Whereas three years ago many roads
in Vientiane, Laos's capital, were merely dirt tracks, when I visited Laos
this March, the government had paved roads leading to tourist attractions
and lined them with billboards sponsored by international companies
touting Laos's tourism potential. Meanwhile, in Tunisia, where the
president won 99.61 percent of the last referendum, the government has
convinced the World Tourism Organization to help the country host more
international conferences, where it can show off its fierce security
efforts.
Even Burma, one of the world's most isolated and brutal countries—whose
military has allegedly committed mass rapes of ethnic minority women—has
launched a tourism campaign over the past three years promoting their new
international airport in Mandalay, its second-largest city. As part of its
efforts, tropical Burma has proposed building a ski resort in its northern
provinces and even appears to have convinced the customs authorities at
Rangoon's airport to treat travelers with more respect. When I was in
Burma last fall, the normally glowering customs officers, who usually ask
for bribes, smiled when I handed them $20 and offered me a receipt for my
"gift."
These efforts seem to be paying off. In Vietnam, tourist arrivals rose 13
percent last year, and new hotels are opening in its major cities. Leading
cruise lines have replaced cruises to the Middle East with voyages to
Vietnam. "Vietnam is continuing to grow in popularity because it's
perceived to be a safe haven," Sean Hunt, general manager of a hotel
project in Saigon, told The New York Times in January. "Usually we get
four or five [Web] inquiries a day" from abroad, Tony Nong, manager of
Vietnam's oldest privately owned tourism agency, told the Los Angeles
Times. "Now we're getting 15-20 a day."
Other unpleasant regimes are keeping pace. According to the Burmese
Ministry of Hotels and Tourism's most recent figures, arrivals rose by
nearly 14 percent in the first eight months of 2002, despite the fact that
Burma's roads are rudimentary. Toni Neubauer, owner of Myths and
Mountains, a leading adventure-travel company, told the Chicago Tribune
that demand for trips to Burma "has been huge this year." Meanwhile, John
Koldowski, managing director of the Pacific Asia Travel Association, a
Bangkok-based tourism research center, estimates that travel to Laos is
rising, a contention supported by travel agents. And, according to
CubaNews, a regional publication, Cuba reported record tourism revenue
during the first two months of 2003. In fact, leading international hotel
chains are expanding properties on the island.

he State Department unwittingly abets these authoritarian regimes'
comparative advantage. Since the Bali bombing, State has issued travel
advisories rightly cautioning against visits to Indonesia but also
overstating the threat in Thailand and the Philippines, which is actually
localized to certain areas of the countries, by warning that "[t]he
terrorist threat to Americans in the Philippines remains high" and noting
that attacks might occur in Thailand. At the same time, Foggy Bottom notes
that Singapore and Burma are relatively safe.
It is true that there have been no incidents of Islamic terrorism in
Burma, Laos, or Vietnam. But authoritarian countries face a different,
unappreciated source of tourism-threatening instability: their own people.
Over the past six years, Thailand has peacefully weathered an economic
crisis and changed parliament twice. But, in the past six months, gunmen
have attacked several buses outside Vientiane, killing more than 20
people, including at least two tourists. Diplomats in Vientiane believe
the bus killings were the work of anti-government forces. Meanwhile, Burma
has been rocked this year by bombings the government blamed on ethnic
minority groups unhappy with centralized rule. And, in Vietnam, ethnic
minorities recently have launched a wave of protests over religious
freedom and land rights. Sure, democracies may be vulnerable to terrorism.
But dictatorships are no day at the beach, either.