BurmaNet News: August 2-4 2003

[editor at burmanet.org]

August 2-4 2003 Issue #2298

INSIDE BURMA
AP: Embassies in Myanmar feel bite of U.S. sanctions
Radio Australia: Burma says Suu Kyi is being held to prevent anarchy
Bangkok Post: Junta dispels quick fix to `hot situation'
VOA: Burma Remains Silent on Timetable for Aung San Suu Kyi's Release
Straits Times: Yangon wants time to study Thai plan
DVB: Increasing number of clashes between Burmese army and police lead to
more injuries
DVB: Rangoon US embassy said puts Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act into
action
Irrawaddy: SPDC Members Call on Kachin Leaders
Irrawaddy: Opposition MP Flees
Asian Tribune: Ad Hoc Commission into Burma massacre adds to pressure on
Security Council

INTERNATIONAL
The Guardian: Pressure on Burma Tours

MONEY
Xinhua: Myanmar makes efforts to promote air transport
The Independent: US oil firm on trial over Burma abuses

ON THE BORDER
The Nation: Refugees to be relocated

REGIONAL
Financial Times: Burmese workers find life brutal in Thailand
Mizzima: Where Thailand's 'Road Map' for Burma Leads is Unclear
Bangkok Post: UN sanctions against Burma `could put Thailand in a fix'
Mizzima: MASS REPATRIATION OF BURMESE MIGRANTS
Kaladan News: Human Rights Workshop for Arakanese Youths in Bangladesh

OPINIONS/STATEMENTS
The Nation: Burma protests: a solid international front
South China Morning Post: Criticism of Myanmar’s Junta Lacks Any Real
Force of Change
Fortune: Diplomatic Score; The UN's man in Myanmar has business interests
there too



 INSIDE BURMA

Associated Press August 4 2003
Embassies in Myanmar feel bite of U.S. sanctions
By Aye Aye Win

New U.S. economic sanctions against Myanmar are taking an unexpected toll
on foreign embassies here, diplomats said Monday.

As part of efforts to pressure Myanmar's ruling junta into releasing
detained pro-democracy leader Aung Sang Suu Kyi, the United States has
banned Myanmar imports, and frozen the assets of Myanmar officials and all
remittances to the country.

Although the sanctions were expected to deal the biggest blow to Myanmar's
garment industry, diplomatic missions in the capital Yangon were surprised
to find out last week that Washington's actions would make their
operations more difficult, said the diplomats.

Most foreign missions receive U.S. dollars for their expenses, including
staff salaries, remitted by their governments to the Myanmar Foreign Trade
Bank in Yangon.

But since dollar transactions are cleared in New York, most remittances to
embassies in Myanmar will not be allowed until their governments get
special licenses from the United States.

An Asian diplomat said on condition of anonymity that it was absurd for a
sovereign country to ask permission from the U.S. government to transfer
money to pay its bills.

The U.S. Embassy also faces the same new hurdle in getting its funds, and
until it gets a license will make temporary arrangements to get its money
from the U.S. Embassy in neighboring Thailand, a U.S. official said on
condition of anonymity.

He said the point of the sanctions was to make things difficult for
Myanmar's military government, but acknowledged that others will be
affected by them as well.

"They (the embassies) might be unhappy because they have to do a new piece
of paperwork they didn't have to do before, but it's not extremely onerous
for them," said the diplomat.
____________________________________________________
Radio Australia August 2 2003
Burma says Suu Kyi is being held to prevent anarchy

Burma's Foreign Minister, Win Aung says opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi
is being isolated to prevent political anarchy which could destroy the
country.

He says Burma's military rulers will free Ms Suu Kyi when the situation
cools.

Win Aung was speaking on the sidelines of a regional foreign ministers
meeting in Bangkok.

He gave no timetable for the release of the pro-democracy leader who has
been kept at a secret location since a clash on May 30th between her
supporters and pro-government youths.
____________________________________________________
Bangkok Post August 2 2003
Junta dispels quick fix to `hot situation'
By Achara Ashayagachat and Yuwadee Tunyasiri

Burmese Foreign Minister Win Aung yesterday expressed appreciation for
Thailand's proposed ``road map'' to democracy, but insisted that Burma's
domestic political conflict was complicated and needed careful
consideration with peace and stability in mind.

The Burmese minister said he would take the Thai suggestions home to his
government.

``We need time to work (things) out. What I can say now is the problem is
very complicated and we can't rush into any conclusion.''

The Burmese foreign minister met his Thai counterpart, Surakiart
Sathirathai, for 90 minutes yesterday.

It was the first time Burma was officially informed of the Thai proposal
which suggests how the Burmese political conflict can be resolved.

The proposed steps include an immediate release of Burmese opposition
leader Aung San Suu Kyi, resumption of national reconciliatory talks, and
the establishment of a constitutional drafting committee including all
parties.

Mr Win Aung again denied that the Burmese government was behind the May 30
bloody clash that led to the detention of Mrs Suu Kyi.

``We are waiting for a cooling down situation. If we are not calm, these
problems cannot be solved,'' he said.

While trying to overcome the problems, peace and stability had to prevail,
he added.

Mr Win Aung said he could not tell when Mrs Suu Kyi might be released.

``The people from outside do not know how hot the situation inside is.
But, of course, there is heat from both the inside and the outside,'' he
said.

Mr Surakiart said it was up to Rangoon to decide whether to accept the
Thai proposal, but he was very encouraged by his talk with the Burmese
minister.

He remained certain that the proposed road map was acceptable and
practical, Mr Surakiart said.

He reiterated that the Thai initiative was independent from, but
complimentary to, Asean's decision to send an envoy to have discussions
with Burmese government leaders.

Razali Ismail, the United Nations special envoy on Burma, would be invited
to Bangkok soon to discuss the road map and to a planned non-binding
brain-storming session, which Thailand expected to host, before the Asean
summit in Bali in October, Mr Surakiart said.

Countries expected to participate in the meeting included Malaysia,
Singapore, Indonesia, China, Japan, the European Union, the United
Kingdom, the United States, Australia and India, he said.
____________________________________________________
VOA August 1 2003
Burma Remains Silent on Timetable for Aung San Suu Kyi's Release
By Gary Thomas

Burma's foreign minister says the military government will not prolong the
detention of democracy activist Aung San Suu Kyi, but the generals still
refuse to give a timetable for her release.

Speaking to reporters at a four-nation foreign ministers meeting in
Bangkok, Burmese Foreign Minister Win Aung said authorities will release
Aung San Suu Kyi when the situation in the country is calm, but he refused
to be pinned down to a timetable.

"We do not have any time frame right now [to release Aung San Suu Kyi],
but we do not have any intention to prolong the arrangement," he said. "We
are waiting for [the situation] to cool down."
Foreign ministers from Burma, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia met to discuss
economic cooperation. But the topic of Aung San Suu Kyi's detention was a
hot subject for reporters, who get few opportunities to question Burmese
leaders.

Aung San Suu Kyi was detained May 30 after she and her followers were
attacked by a government-backed mob. She has been kept in a secret
location since then. The Burmese government has given various accounts of
the incident, including that Aung San Suu Kyi might be assassinated and
that her repressed National League for Democracy Party was behind a coup
plot.

But the Burmese foreign minister insists the government has detained Aung
San Suu Kyi only to prevent anarchy and political turmoil. "We do not have
any animosity against Aung San Suu Kyi," he said. "That is why we do not
have any legal action taken against her or her party."

Thailand is pushing Burma to adopt what Thai officials have labeled a
"road map" to democratization in Burma. They have not released any details
of the plan, but they have said the first step must be Aung San Suu Kyi's
release.

Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai labeled the recently-imposed
tougher U.S. sanctions on Burma counter-productive. "We do not agree with
sanctions," said the foreign minister, "and we say that so many times,
because sanctions do not lead to democracy. Sanctions create hardship to
the poor people; so we have a different approach. We do not adopt
sanctions."

Mr. Surakiart said economic sanctions will only result in more refugees
flooding into Thailand, where he said there are almost one million illegal
Burmese.

Burma has been under Western sanctions for years, because of its human
rights abuses. Since Aung San Suu Kyi's most recent detention in May,
normally reticent Asian nations have become more critical of the military
government's stance toward the democracy movement.
____________________________________________________
Straits Times August 3 2003
Yangon wants time to study Thai plan

Myanmar expressed broad support for Thailand's proposed roadmap for
democracy, which includes the release of opposition leader Aung San Suu
Kyi, but said it needed more time to discuss the proposal.
After talks here on Friday, Myanmar's Foreign Minister Win Aung pledged to
deliver the proposal to Yangon's ruling generals.

'We discussed our situation and all the things which we needed to discuss
and we had a friendly exchange of views, and I'm now taking these
suggestions and discussions with me back home,' he said.
When asked whether the roadmap would make any difference to Myanmar's
actions, Mr Win Aung said: 'Yes, I hope everything will be okay, that I
can say.'

Thailand has proposed the roadmap to ease mounting pressure on its
military-ruled neighbour to free Ms Suu Kyi, detained after a junta-backed
mob attacked a convoy she was travelling in on May 30.
Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai said the roadmap included
steps such as how to release Ms Suu Kyi, how to bring Myanmar's political
groups into a dialogue, drafting of a Constitution and eventually having a
democracy.
____________________________________________________
Democratic Voice of Burma August 1 2003
Increasing number of clashes between Burmese army and police lead to more
injuries

At least one policeman was dead and four were wounded after continuous
clashes with the army in Burma last week.
The first incident happened on 25th July near the military academy at
Myamyo in Mandalay Division.
Eight Chinese youth attacked six soldiers with motorbikes after they had a
heated argument in a restaurant. Later, the youth fled to a house and
called the police for help.
According to an eye witness, the police tried to stop the fight but was
unsuccessful. Finally the police needed to split the groups by gun fires.
One soldier was wounded on the arm and the head of the police station was
hospitalised.
Another incident happened on the 28th July at the police station of
Mikyaungyae Village near Magwe in upper Burma.
According to the local people, the shooting was started because the new
police officer, U Than Tin who was transferred from the army made
unpleasant comment on U Tin Tun, the chief police officer of the station
and the district officer U Tin Tun Oo.
Both police officers were seriously wounded. Special Forces from Tatmat
[Battalion] – 88 and the police forces were called to arrest U Than Tin
after he attempted to escape.
The last incident which led to the death of one policeman, however, was
not a result of direct dispute between the army and the police.
On 29th July, three policemen who were guarding a bridge at Palaw-Palauk
motorway tried to stop and search a car without knowing the driver’s
identity.
But the driver, Aung Myo San of Infantry Battalion [IB] – 208, swore at
the policemen and drove off.
When the policemen argued whether they should have stopped the car, Soe
Win, a police officer shot his colleague Hla Win who died on his way to
Palaw Hospital.
____________________________________________________
Democratic Voice of Burma July 31 2003
Rangoon US embassy said puts Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act into action

It has been learned that the United States Embassy in Rangoon has begun
implementing the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act 2003 recently signed
into law by President Bush.
The United States Embassy in Rangoon has denied a visa to Ma Mya Myintzu,
daughter of Col Sein Lin (director of Ordnance) who is studying in the
United States and returned to Rangoon for a short while. Ma Mya Myintzu's
mother, who resides in the United States, said that she had tried very
hard to obtain a visa for her daughter to attend college.
However, Burmese activists claimed the US government's decision was very
appropriate and noted that action should also be taken against the SPDC
(State Peace and Development Council) generals' family members who are
currently in the United States.
The Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act 2003, which ban imports from Burma
and imposes visa restrictions on SPDC generals, Union Solidarity and
Development Association (USDA) officials, and their family members, was
signed by US President Bush on 28 July.
____________________________________________________
Irrawaddy August 4 2003
SPDC Members Call on Kachin Leaders
By Naw Seng

The junta’s number four, Lt-Gen Thura Shwe Mann, and others from the
ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) met leaders from the
Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) on the China-Burma border today.
Sources close to the KIO said Thura Shwe Mann, who is the joint chief of
staff of the army, navy and air force, spoke to Kachin leaders at their
headquarters in Laiza, Kachin State. Other military officials, including
Secretary-Two Lt-Gen Soe Win, Northern Commander Maj-Gen Maung Maung Swe
and SPDC member Lt-Gen Ye Myint were also at the meeting.
Members of the NLD (Liberated Area) branch in China and other analysts,
including senior KIO representatives, see the meeting as an effort by
junta leaders to win back support from the Kachin group after the
government-organized crackdown on the opposition in Depayin on May 30.
In the first week of July, seven ethnic groups that had signed ceasefire
agreements with Rangoon released a statement expressing regret for those
who were killed in the May 30 clash. The KIO is one of the largest of the
seven groups to sign the statement.
The seven ceasefire groups also called for immediate tripartite dialogue
between the junta, the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) and
ethnic groups.
In mid-July, Brig-Gen Kyaw Thein, a senior intelligence officer, visited
KIO leaders to ask them to support the government’s plan for a National
Convention. He also stressed that the government has no intention to hand
over power to the NLD, said a Kachin leader who attended the meeting.
Sources say Kyaw Thein also warned the KIO against siding with the NLD.
"You don’t have two girlfriends at the same time," Kyaw Thein reportedly
said.
NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi planned to visit KIO leaders at Laiza, but was
blocked by junta officials during her trip to Kachin State in May.
A KIO officer, who spoke to The Irrawaddy this morning on the condition of
anonymity, said officials at today’s meeting would discuss the impact of
recent international pressure on Rangoon. A leading KIO member said Thura
Shwe Mann and the other delegates would be meeting with more ceasefire
groups in Kachin State over the next week.
The KIO signed a ceasefire with Rangoon in 1994. According to sources
close to the organization, KIO leaders were planning to celebrate the 10th
anniversary of the military accord next February. However, junta leaders
said they would only attend if the KIO agreed to enter the "legal fold"
and lay down their arms.
____________________________________________________
Irrawddy August 4 2003
Opposition MP Flees
By Kyaw Zwa Moe

Burma’s first elected female Member of Parliament fled the country
recently to avoid arrest by the military regime, which has increased
pressure on political dissidents since the May 30 attack on the opposition
in Upper Burma.
Daw San San, 73, MP of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD),
said she left the country to avoid a possible lengthy prison sentence for
her political activities following the incident in May. The violent
clashes in Depayin led to the arrest of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi
and other senior NLD members.
"After the Depayin incident, a few of us who remain free organized 70
members of Parliament to send a signed letter to the top military leader
listing our demands [for resolving] the Depayin incident," Daw San San
told The Irrawaddy. "I am certain that they [military intelligence, or MI]
will soon call and investigate me about the activities. And I would not be
released again due to my long involvement in politics."
She said the letter to junta chairman Sr-Gen Than Shwe demanded that the
junta release Suu Kyi and other senior NLD members, investigate the
incident and disclose the number of those killed and injured, and convene
Parliament for the members who gained seats through the 1990 election.
She added that intelligence officers have already interrogated her about
another May 30 eyewitness who fled to the Thai-Burma border, asking if she
had helped finance his escape from the country.
In mid-July, a senior NLD member from Kachin State, Du Wa Maran Zau Aung,
71, fled Burma to avoid potential arrest in connection with the May 30
clash.
Daw San San said the Depayin incident was not only designed to disrupt the
gathering of the opposition in Upper Burma but was the junta’s attempt to
assassinate Suu Kyi. The incident has caused shock and anxiety nationwide.
In 1989, Daw San San was arrested and sentenced to 25 years imprisonment
because of her political activities but was released after serving 18
months in jail. She was arrested again in 1996 for similar reasons and
released in August 2001. She was elected in 1990 for the constituency of
Seikkan Township in Rangoon.
____________________________________________________
Asian Tribune August 4 2003
Ad Hoc Commission into Burma massacre adds to pressure on Security Council

Ad Hoc Commission into Burma massacre adds to pressure on Security Council
Burma Lawyers' Council and National Council of the Union of Burma have
jointly established the Ad Hoc Commission on the Depayin Massacre, to
collect evidence and establish whether or not the incident amounts to a
crime against humanity.

In a statement issued by Asian Human Rights Commission, (AHRC), it is
revealed, “To date, the actual number of victims killed or injured,
captured or missing remains a mystery.”

The full text of the statement by the Hong Kong based human rights
commission is given below:

Two months after the brutal attack on the National League for Democracy
convoy led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Tin Oo at Depayin, northern
Burma, both leaders remain under detention, while arrests and
disappearances continue. To date, the actual number of victims killed or
injured, captured or missing remains a mystery to all except perhaps the
perpetrators, who continue to enjoy absolute impunity.

In response, the Burma Lawyers' Council and National Council of the Union
of Burma have jointly established the Ad Hoc Commission on the Depayin
Massacre, to collect evidence and establish whether or not the incident
amounts to a crime against humanity. While the Commission's work is far
from complete, the material it has collected to date confirms that an
organized and premeditated crime was committed at Depayin, not merely
civil unrest between opposing groups of civilians, as claimed by the
military government.

In an earlier statement, the Asian Human Rights Commission insisted that
the UN Security Council set up an independent tribunal to investigate this
atrocity (6 June 2003), a call that has since been echoed by the UN
Secretary-General and some US senators. The work of the Ad Hoc Commission
will only build pressure on the Security Council for active and immediate
intervention.

Why must the Security Council intervene? Firstly, because although they
are useful expressions of international sentiment, bans and economic
embargoes alone will not resolve the crisis in Burma. Secondly, efforts at
compromise with the military rulers of Burma will likewise be protracted
and fruitless exercises in confused diplomacy, as they have been in the
past. Meanwhile, the lives of thousands of political detainees hang in the
balance, while the people of Burma continue to experience daily grinding
hunger and man-made poverty.

The Security Council has the power to intervene in Burma; what it needs is
only the will to do so. The Depayin massacre must be investigated as a
crime against humanity without further delay. This is the first step
required of the international community to bring about an end to military
rule in Burma. Nothing short of it will suffice.

INTERNATIONAL

The Guardian August 4 2003
Pressure on Burma Tours
By Tom Templeton

The Foreign Office says it will continue to increase the pressure on tour
firms operating to Burma until the military regime releases opposition
leader Aung San Suu Kyi and allows her National League for Democracy party
(NLD) to operate freely.
British officials are due to meet the 18 UK travel companies still
operating tours to explain how their operations are supporting the
military regime.
Foreign Minister Mike O'Brien launched a high-profile campaign two weeks
ago in direct response to the 30 May attacks by government-sponsored
militia forces which killed up to 70 NLD members and resulted in Suu Kyi's
imprisonment.
It is estimated that Burma receives half a million visitors a year of whom
just 6,000-8,000 are British. These visitors annually raise around £25
million in foreign currency for the regime from entry certificates alone.
Many of Burma's tourism developments were built using forced labour, and
have caused forced relocation of the local people. The democratically
elected NLD has always argued that the benefit of the little tourism money
that filters through to the locals is outweighed by the cost to Burma's 42
million inhabitants of propping up the current regime.
Western diplomats in the capital Rangoon report that the military junta
and their cronies are benefiting directly from recent tourism
developments. A list of owners of the hotel plots at the newest beach
resort in the country, Ngwesaung, reads like 'a Who's Who of generals and
their cronies', one said. These include the Htoo construction group, owned
by U Teza who is barred from visiting European Union countries as part of
EU sanctions against the regime.
Htoo is also apparentyl building a new $3m complex - comprising a viewing
tower, souvenir shops, meeting rooms and a hotel - at the Bagan heritage
site. The tower, which is said to have appeared to Than Shwe, leader of
the junta, in a dream, will overshadow the tallest of the ancient pagodas
there. The residents of Bagan were not consulted about the complex.
Tour operator Abercrombie & Kent announced last week that it would drop
Burma from its 2004 brochure due to lack of demand. However, if a client
insists on visiting Burma after being advised of the political situation
A&K will organise their travel arrangements.

MONEY

Xinhua August 4 2003
Myanmar makes efforts to promote air transport

Myanmar has been making efforts to promote its air transport sector by
adding infrastructure to the sector.

According to a report of the Ministry of Transport on Monday, five new
airports have been built during a 15 years' period since 1988, bringing
the total number of airports in Myanmar to 26 now.

The most significant achievement in the air transport sector is
highlighted by the building and inauguration of a new international
airport, the Mandalay International Airport, in September 2000, which has
become Myanmar's second gateway linking the country with the outside world
after the long-existing Yangon International Airport.

Meanwhile, another new international airport, the Hantharwaddy
International Airport in Bago, 80 kilometers north of Yangon, has been
under implementation since 1994 to substitute the Yangon International
Airport in the future.

According to tourism sources, although there are two international
airports in Myanmar, international carriers land at the two airports only
59 times a week due to various reasons, compared with the aircraft landing
at Changi Airport in Singapore 3,434 times a week.

It was reported that after Myanmar launched 10 years ago its first
international joint-venture carrier, the Myanmar Airways International, an
agreement to establish another joint-venture airline, the United Myanmar
Airlines, was signed in July.

Foreign airlines that fly to Yangon regularly include Thai Airways
International, Biman, Royal Brunei Airline, Air China, Malaysian Airline
System and Silk Air.
____________________________________________________
The Independent August 2 2003
US oil firm on trial over Burma abuses
By Andrew Gumbel

The US oil company Unocal has been ordered to stand trial to determine its
responsibility for a string of human rights abuses, including rape,
torture, forced labour and extrajudicial killings, arising from a pipeline
project it has co-sponsored in Burma.

The ruling by the Los Angeles Superior Court marks a potential turning
point in the policing of corporations overseas, since it suggests that US
courts can assert jurisdiction when the events took place on the other
side of the world.

The suit against Unocal is based on an ancient US tort law originally used
to combat piracy on the high seas, and could have profound implications
for dozens of corporations accused of tolerating human rights abuses
committed while work was carried out on their projects in remote areas of
the Third World.

Ordering Unocal to stand trial on 22 September, Judge Victoria Chaney
rejected the company's argument that any human rights violations should be
subject to Burmese, not US law. She agreed with the plaintiffs that there
has been "no effective rule of law" in Burma since the establishment of
military rule in 1988, making any court proceedings there "radically
indeterminate".

Judge Chaney also appeared to agree with the plaintiffs that Unocal knew
what it was getting into when it started the Yadana gas pipeline. She
said: "Prior to its involvement ... Unocal had specific knowledge that the
use of forced labour was likely, and nevertheless chose to proceed."
Lawyers for Unocal said that they would appeal.

The suit has been brought by 14 villagers who allege that Unocal tolerated
systematic human rights abuses by the Burmese military as the pipeline
project progressed.

The pipeline, the largest single foreign investment in Burma intended to
carry natural gas across the border to Thailand, is a joint venture by
Unocal and Total, the French oil company, which is being sued separately
in Europe. The project is being managed by Burmese subsidiaries of the
parent companies.
The success of the legal channel being pursued by the Burmese plaintiffs
and human rights groups such as EarthRights International has spooked the
White House, which has a pursued a policy of active support of overseas
energy projects by US corporations, many of whom have been generous donors
to George Bush's campaign.

The White House filed a friend-of-the-court brief on behalf of Unocal,
arguing among other things that the suit was a threat to the war on
terrorism. In another case, it is advocating the release of institutional
funds so that two well-connected Texas energy giants, Halliburton and Hunt
Oil, can complete a gas pipeline project in Peru, despite widespread
concerns of environmental damage.

ON THE BORDER

The Nation August 3 2003
Refugees to be relocated

About 16,000 displaced people from Burma living in Mae Hong Son's Mae
Sarieng district will be relocated to a site nearer the Thai-Burmese
border in October, Mae Hong Son Governor Supoj Laowanasiri said yesterday.

Supoj said the Burmese refugees, who were living at Ban Mae Kongka-Sala in
the Mae Sarieng district, would be transferred to Ban Mae La-uun in the
Sob Meui district, about five kilometres from the border.

The relocation is aimed at solving illegal logging problems in the Salween
Forest and keeping the refugees safe from frequent flooding, he said.

REGIONAL

Financial Times August 4 2003
Burmese workers find life brutal in Thailand
By Amy Kazmin and Panvadee Uraisin

She was a reluctant migrant - fearful of living in the shadows of Thai
society - but her husband insisted they had no choice. Their Burmese
village, without power and two hours walk from the nearest telephone, had
no jobs. Her parents' small plot of land could not support an extended
family.

And so, Ma Than Nwe, 25, and her husband, Thein Naing, 33, joined the
rising tide of young Burmese flowing into neighbouring Thailand, searching
for work.

In the Thai border town of Mae Sot, they found jobs aplenty. Ms Nwe joined
around 700 other Burmese women working in a ceramics factory for Bt52
(Dollars 1.23, Pounds 0.76, Euros 1.1) a day, just 39 per cent of
Thailand's legal minimum wage. Thein Naing was hired at a construction
site for Bt65 a day.

But trouble soon came, beyond Ms Nwe's worst imaginings. On May 14, Thein
Naing and five other Burmese labourers were beaten unconscious with iron
rods, then hauled away, by a community chief and his security team. Days
later, the workers' charred remains were retrieved from a nearby field.

Ms Nwe is now hiding with the wives and sisters of the other murdered men,
as human rights activists demand the influential chief, freed on bail, and
his underlings, be punished. "I want to know what happened to my husband,"
the young widow says quietly.

Widely employed yet profoundly unwelcome, Burmese migrant workers in
Thailand routinely endure exploitation, abuse and violence.

"Migrant workers, especially the people of illegal status, are very
vulnerable," says a Thai labour activist. "Extra-judicial killing,
assault, financial extortion - it's common. It happens again and again.

"When people try to seek justice, or report to the authorities, it's
ignored," she adds. "That makes the general public think they can do
anything they want to Burmese people."

Thailand's prosperous economy has lured more than 1m migrant workers from
its poorer neighbours, including Laos and Cambodia. But the greatest flow
is from Burma, where the ruling military's decades of economic
mismanagement have left most of the country's 50m people struggling to get
by. Consumer boycotts and sanctions, like last week's US ban on Burmese
imports, add to the pressure.

Unable to find work at home, young Burmese pour into border towns like Mae
Sot, where an estimated 100,000 toil in 80 factories making garments and
ceramics. Around Thailand, Burmese migrants supply manpower for dirty or
dangerous industries, such as offshore fishing, fish processing, and
construction.

Yet life in Thailand remains precarious for most Burmese, long demonised
in Thai popular culture for destroying the former Siamese capital of
Ayutthya in 1789.

"It is not easy to make Thais see or think that Burmese are human beings,"
says Jaran Dita-apichai, a member of the Thai National Human Rights
Commission. "Burmese and Thai have been historic enemies, so many Thais
have negative attitudes towards them."

Most Burmese workers receive just a fraction of Thailand's minimum wage,
and risk prompt deportation by local authorities - often acting in league
with enterprise owners - if they demand better conditions. Police
routinely arrest, beat and threaten to deport Burmese migrants who fail to
pay bribes. Deadly violence is also a growing danger.

In January 2002, 17 migrants, their hands bound and throats slit, were
discovered in a stream near Mae Sot. Thai police, who dubbed the murders
as the "normal killing" of Burmese workers, advised villagers to float the
bodies downstream, though a public outcry forced an investigation.

Hostile rhetoric against Burmese migrants, and political dissidents, is
growing more virulent. Senior Thai officials now rank Burmese migrants as
a national security threat to rival illegal narcotics. Prime Minister
Thaksin Shinawatra recently complained that Burmese migrants have too many
children, spread disease, rob Thais and sell drugs.

His administration has sought to exert more control over migrants by
requiring them to register, although fees equivalent to three months'
wages mean only a fraction comply. Bangkok now wants to complete a deal
with Burma that will allow the military junta to control - and profit from
- a legal flow of migrants.

Thailand promises to protect registered workers from abuse. But old ways
of doing business seem unlikely to change. In June, police deported 420
registered garment workers who complained about their Bt1,000 monthly
salaries.

In April, police in Mae Sot also deported 34 Burmese workers after a
labour court ordered their employer to pay them back wages. Additional
reporting by Panvadee Uraisin
____________________________________________________
Mizzima August 2 2003
Where Thailand’s ‘Road Map’ for Burma Leads is Unclear
By Larry Jagan

Thailand is pushing ahead with its initiative to bring democratic change
to Burma by pursuing discussions on a road map to national reconciliation
and democracy, but where this political journey leads to remains unclear.
This week, Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai discussed his ideas
for this road map with his Burmese counterpart Win Aung in Bangkok. Win
Aung said he would take the Thai ideas back to Rangoon for further
discussion.
Since Thai officials met with Burma’s deputy prime minister Khin Maung
Win, who visited Bangkok as a special envoy for Gen Than Shwe recently,
Surakiart has been canvassing vigorously for support from countries in
Asia and Europe that have expressed interest in helping Burma implement
democratic reform
Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has said that Thailand was taking
the initiative because the crisis in Burma was more than Rangoon could
handle, and that it would be easier for it to deal with friendly
neighbours than for the matter to be brought before the U.N. Security
Council.
“We are doing what we are doing now because we are concerned about Burma.
We are not pressuring Burma or interfering with its internal affairs,” he
said. “Since we are Burma’s close neighbour, we should initiate something
that leads to the international community’s acceptance of developments in
Burma.”
Under its vision for this road map, Thailand wants the Burmese regime to
propose a series of concrete and practical steps towards democratisation.
As part of this process, the Thai government would then host a meeting of
interested parties that would be tasked with fleshing out the Burmese road
map.
But where this will lead—if it leads anywhere -remains unclear.
To date, the Thai idea of this road map, floated in the wake of the
detention of
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, seems rather vague. ”It’s really only
a concept that still needs to be flesh-out,” said a senior Thai foreign
ministry source.
”It’s a working idea that has to be refined before it gets seriously
unveiled,” added a senior Thai diplomat.
European leaders who discussed with Surakiart at various bilateral
meetings during the Asia-Europe Meeting in Bali last week all seemed to
have been given varying versions of it.
”It’s not really a road map as such,” a senior European official at the
Bali meeting said in an interview, ”but ten or twelve proposed steps which
would help the Burmese military government to move towards full democracy
within the next few years”.
For all of the talk about the Thai road map however, many foreign
governments and the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN), of
which Burma is a member, believe that the first step on any road map must
be the release of Suu Kyi.
For more than two months now, she has been held under what the government
calls protective custody after a violent attack on her and her supporters
in northern Burma. That attack has been blamed on pro-Rangoon elements.
”ASEAN and the Thai government have called for Aung San Suu Kyi’s
immediate release and we would like to see steps taken that would move
towards her release,” said Surakiart in Bali last month. ”The recent
release of more than ninety-one political prisoners is a good signal and
if these steps can be spelt out as part of the road map as to how and when
she would be released that would be very helpful.”
But U.N. special envoy Razali Ismail - who helped broker the original
talks between Suu Kyi and the generals—has also been very clear: there can
be no dialogue process when one of the key partners is under detention.
Privately, ASEAN leaders have made it clear to Rangoon that they expected
Suu Kyi to have already been released by now.
Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad has warned the generals that if
nothing happens soon, ASEAN will have to consider expelling Burma –
although this would only be done as a last resort.
At the ASEAN meeting of foreign ministers in Phnom Penh in mid-June, Burma
was asked to give them a firm date for Suu Kyi’s release. This was
reiterated by Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda last week during
Win Aung’s visit to Jakarta.
Burma continues to ask its Asian allies to be patient. ”We need some
breathing space,” Win Aung told his Indonesian hosts.
But international pressure may be having an impact on Burma’s generals.
Last week, the military authorities allowed the International Red Cross in
Rangoon to visit Suu Kyi in the guesthouse in which she is being detained.
Thai officials say they see the road map as having a course of steps –
after the release of Aung San Suu Kyi - which would lead to Burma becoming
a fully-fledged democracy before 2006 when Rangoon takes over the
chairmanship of ASEAN.
The other steps would include Thailand hosting an international forum,
which in the words of the Thai foreign minister would “brainstorm” with
representatives of the Burmese military government on economic
liberalisation, increasing political freedom, drawing up a constitution
and then holding elections within the next two years or so.


In truth, there is very little new in this framework that Razali has not
already been discussing in detail with the three main players in Burma -
the military, the democratic opposition and the ethnic minorities. But
what is new is the Thai proposal to host an international forum on Burma.
”This would be a senior officials meeting rather than a ministerial one,”
said the Thai foreign ministry spokesman, Sihasak Phuangketkeow.
Originally, it was to be to include representatives of ASEAN, China, Japan
and Europe. The United States did not seem to be on the original
invitation list.
But in the course of the last week or so, ministry officials have realised
that the guest list has become too long and the thinking now appears to be
an initial meeting which would include Thailand, China and India with
representatives of the Burmese military junta.
Thaksin has said that neighbouring countries need to agree first on
political change in  urma. ”As Burma’s neighbours have the greatest
interest in seeing the country become democratic and thereby ensure
regional stability and security,” added a senior Thai diplomat, ”it would
make sense for them to be the main participants in the road map forum”.
____________________________________________________
Bangkok Post August 3 2003
UN sanctions against Burma `could put Thailand in a fix'
By Supamart Kasem

Thai-Burmese ties will suffer if the United Nations Security Council
imposes sanctions on Burma, as proposed by Western countries, says House
foreign affairs committee deputy chairman Kobsak Chutikul.

The former diplomat said Thailand would not suffer much if the United
States or other countries imposed sanctions, but would run into trouble if
the UN did so.

Thailand would have to think carefully about its stance towards Burma in
that case, as it would risk flouting the UN resolution if it pursued
interests with Burma at the same time as the sanctions were in effect.

The situation involving Burma had nearly reached a deadlock. If the UN
Security Council sanctioned Burma, an international crisis in the region
would result, he said.

Security Council sanctions against South Africa had caused problems for
countries in Africa, he said. Thailand should show the UN that the Foreign
Ministry's ``road map'' could pose a viable alternative for solving
problems in Burma. However, the road map was just a draft and still lacked
clear objectives.

Mr Kobsak said Thailand wanted to see the release of Burmese opposition
leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the reconciliation process in Burma proceed
quickly, though it was not as active as Malaysia, which warned of Burma's
ouster from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations unless Mrs Suu Kyi
was freed.

Assada Chaiyanam, a former Thai ambassador to the UN, said he did not
believe the UN would impose sanctions on Burma because China and Russia,
the two permanent members of the UN Security Council, might wield their
veto.

The US might use World Trade Organisation rules to force China to endorse
the sanctions, but it was hard for western countries to pressure Russia,
he said.

Problems in Burma would remain unsolved if the military junta refused to
share power with other groups.

He said the road map was just an idea and contained no guidelines,
objectives or detail.
____________________________________________________
Mizzima July 31 2003
Mass Repatriation of Burmese Migrants
By Toe Lay

Burmese migrants and workers are being repatriated on mass from the Indian
 State of Mizoram.
According to reports yesterday, some 1320 Burmese migrants have reached
the  border where the Burmese authorities have been granting entry. The
migrants  are required to display their national identity card and those
without  identification are given fines on the spot.
The mass repatriation of Burmese migrants and workers from the Indian
state  of Mizoram has followed a rape case committed by a Burmese migrant
against a  nine (9) year old Mizo girl on July 17. The recent rumour of
the death of  the victim in the rape case was found to have been a hoax.

“The time that Burmese people are being given to leave Mizoram varies
depending on the locality. Some regions have been granting five (5) days
as  a dead-line to leave, and others a little more. Weavers have been
given  August (20) as their last date. The harshest deadline is in
Chandmari where  the incident took place. They must leave by tonight.”
said U Thant Sein,  an Aizawl based M.P from constituency No.(1) of Pa Le
Township, Sagaing  Division of Burma. It is reported that a final date to
leave has been set  as (15) August for Burmese migrants in Lunglei.
Burmese pro-democracy activist are relieved at the repatriation exemption 
granted to other Burmese migrants. Photographs and identity cards of the 
(48) pro-democracy activists recognized by the former state government
were  collected and were sent to the Chief Minister’s office, the District
Police  Station, the Home Ministry and the Deputy Commissioner’s office.
Only  members who possess the said identity cards are permitted to
continue stay  in the state. Additionally, Burmese born Indians are not
affected by the  repatriation programme.
A Burmese weaver, speaking on condition of anonymity, said only a quarter
of  the total amount of Burmese weavers remain in Mizoram, while the rest
of the  weavers have already been repatriated. He also said that a social 
organisation named the Zomi Reunification Organisation (ZORO), in Zemabawk
 of Aizawl, had started a camp for the disabled and for people who cannot 
afford to return to Burma. As per yesterday’s statistics there are around 
(30) people in the camp.
U Thant Sein, in relation to the work permits held by Burmese workers,
said  “The Mizo Weaving-House Owners’ Union suggested that the State
Government  issue Burmese weavers with a work permit, which would be for
(6) months or  (1) year, and they could renew their permits as they
expire. Otherwise it  would mean a great loss for the Weaving-House
Owners”.

The repatriation orders are being given by the Young Mizo Association
(Y.M.A) and the Mizoram District Council (M.D.C), as the State Government
is  currently busy with it’s monthly financial accounting matters.
Burmese migrants in Mizoram have always performed unskilled tasks such as 
road construction, woodcutting, taxi driving, electronic repairs,
waitering,  broking, bus drivering and other forms of physical labor.
____________________________________________________
Kaladan News August 4 2003
Human Rights Workshop for Arakanese Youths in Bangladesh

The Human Rights Education Institute of Burma (HREIB) based in Thailand,
conducted a day-long human Rights workshop for two youth groups of Rakhine
and Rohingya recentlyin Bangladesh.

According to information given by one participant, fifteen youths from two
youth organizations - Arakan Patriotic Youth Organization and (APYO) and
Rohingya Youth Development Forum (RYDF) coming under the Arakan Education
and Welfare Association (AEWA) attended the training camp.

The training camp was held in Chittagong, on 1st of August. One of the
youths attending the training program told that, the training camp was the
first of its kind conducted by HREIB in this part to the Burmese ethnic
group. He added that it was a great opportunity for those Burmese youths
who attended the camp, who have been ironically forced to leave their
country for a difficult life in foreign countries.

The training camp opened up new vistas, which might tend to change their
approach on lives, as they have learned many unknown facts about the
“Human Rights,” which are frequently committed by the Burmese ruling
military regime in the Arakan state and in the whole of Burma.

Another participant said that people living in the Arakan State don’t know
what human rights are or the human right atrocities they have been
subjected to by the present Burmese ruling military regime. According to
the participants this was a new and fruitful experience, a wonderful one
on human rights and human liberty.

OPINIONS/STATEMENTS

The Nation August 4 2003
Burma protests: a solid international front
By Kavi Chongkittavorn

The consolidation of support from various parts of the world calling for
freedom for Aung San Suu Kyi has reached a tipping point: the Burmese
political crisis has become internationalised. Thanks to the brutal
crackdown by the Burmese regime, international pressure has been
solidified, sustained and augmented. Before long, the United Nations will
play a more prominent role in easing the situation.

In the past two months, these external forces have already forced Asean as
well countries sharing borders with Burma - Thailand, China, India and
Bangladesh - to review their engagement with the beleaguered country.

Tainted by the crisis, Asean was first to respond and since then has
repeatedly called for Suu Kyi's release. Rangoon has turned a deaf ear.
Asean is now looking for a way to use existing mechanisms such as the
Asean Troika as a conduit to exert influence inside Burma.

The Asean Troika was used successfully on a non-Asean member to end the
political impasse over the 1997 coup in Cambodia. Without Rangoon's
permission, the troika team would be rendered powerless. The longer Asean
waits, the more frustrated its members will become and that could
influence the summit meeting of their leaders in Bali on October 7-8.

Since Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's bashing of Burma, Indonesia,
Malaysia and the Philippines have upped the ante against Burma beyond the
release of Suu Kyi. They want to see the political dialogue and national
reconciliation process proceed, otherwise there will be punitive measures
against Burma. They also perceive the ongoing impasse in Burma as a threat
to the grouping's security.

Their biggest concern is that the failure of Asean to develop adequate
political mechanisms to address conflicts within the grouping would tempt
external powers to interfere. As a preventive measure, Asean must
establish a common security community based on new rules that reflect
changes in the post Cold War world.

To do so, Asean leaders must support the Indonesian plan to set up Asean
Security Community. it is a prerequisite if there are to be punitive
measures against a member. The Burmese impasse has accelerated the
discussion and the need for such a framework.

Asean's position has placed Thailand's Burma policy in a dilemma. As it
turns out, Thailand has now become the military regime's closest friend.
Bangkok's willingness to accommodate Rangoon has surprised the
international community. In the past weeks Thailand has been playing a
cat-and-mouse game over its proposed "road map" on Burma. This is a
non-paper consisting of suggestions for confidence-building measures that
could lead to further dialogue.

Although several non-Asean countries expressed interest in the Thai
overture, the government has somehow failed to send a strong signal to
Burma that its time is running out and it must act now for face a dire
consequence.

As the international pressure intensifies, the UN Security Council is
likely to step in. Special UN envoy for Burma Razali Ismail went to New
York in mid-July to give an informal briefing to the UNSC members on his
last visit to Rangoon, where he was the first outsider to meet Suu Kyi
since her detention on 30 May. Later on the UNSC members agreed to invite
Razali to make an official briefing to them in future on Burma. The
so-called "Razali porcess", which began in February in Tokyo, has
re-energised his role and furthered UN and UNSC involvements.

It is an open secret that the UN has its own road map on Burma, which has
been on the drawing board since the UN General Assembly took up political
and human-rights issues inside Burma in the past decade. The UN plan will
be more visible if the regional effort fails to materialise. The UN
successfully ran Cambodia and East Timor during transitional periods and
sponsored elections there that led to elected governments in place today.

Within Asia, the mounting international pressure also disturbs China,
India and Bangladesh, with which Burma has developed closer relations as a
means to counter economic sanctions. Since the Burmese Freedom and
Democracy Act will hurt Burma's ailing economy and exports, border trade
with these countries will become even more important for the regime's
economic survival. Pressure from Western countries will now shift to their
border trade with Burma.

While China continues to stand firm on its principle of non-intervention,
China-Burma ties have been put under the world's microscope. With its
international standing and Asean-China ties at stake, Beijing might
distance itself a little from Rangoon in the near future. After all,
Asean's frustration over Burma could have a spill-over effect on its
relations with China.

As Suu Kyi's detention continues, Asean is less likely to defend Burma as
the grouping used to do in the past. If Beijing's backing increases
Burma's intransigent attitude, it would alienate the grouping and
jeopardise their excellent ties.

Interestingly, Burma has long been a yardstick for China's influence in
Southeast Asia. To counter China's growing influence, Asean decided to
embrace Burma in January 1995, leading to its membership in 1997. For now,
China's influence is proliferating far and wide in Burma, very much to the
chagrin of Asean.

Burma's effort to stop the internationalisation of protest and pressure
against it will not succeed because of the worsening of domestic
conditions. Economic hardships and political oppression could force the
Burmese people on the streets again.

If this process intensifies with every player at regional and
international levels coming into play, a regime change in Burma is
inevitable.
____________________________________________________
South China Morning Post August 4 2003
Criticism of Myanmar’s Junta Lacks Any Real Force of Change
By Peter Kammerer

Asian nations lack the desire to do more than criticise Myanmar's military
regime for refusing to implement democracy, observers have agreed.

International pressure has forced the Association of South East Asian
Nations (Asean) to take the unprecedented step of criticising a member
country, but there was little more the group could - or would - do. Even a
much-publicised road map for democratic change proposed by Thailand was a
vague concept rather than a firm proposal, one observer said.

Myanmar's Foreign Minister, Aung Win, returned to Yangon last week after a
tour of Asean countries to discuss the moves. In Indonesia, after the US
toughened diplomatic and economic sanctions, he hinted that detained
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi could be released before Asean's annual
summit in October. Asean, breaking its principle of non-interference in
the affairs of member nations, formally asked for the release of Ms Suu
Kyi and hundreds of her supporters and implementation of greater democracy
at a meeting of foreign ministers in Phnom Penh on June 18. They repeated
the call, along with their European counterparts, at the Asia-Europe
Meeting (Asem) in Bali on July 25. Days earlier, Malaysia's outgoing prime
minister, Mahathir Mohamad, suggested Myanmar could be expelled from Asean
for non-compliance with its demands.

Asean expert Amitav Acharya said the requests showed the organisation was
changing, although it was "not completely out of the non-intervention
mode". But he doubted the efficacy of Asean's cautious approach to
Myanmar's rulers.

"I don't think what Asean has done so far would make a big difference,"
said Dr Acharya, the deputy director of Singapore's Institute of Defence
and Strategic Studies. "It may lead to the release of Aung San Suu Kyi,
but that's addressing the symptom, not the cause - and even that happening
cannot be taken for granted."

He said China's backing of the regime was allowing it to retain power, and
while this continued, external efforts would achieve little.

Thailand-based observers agreed that Asean lacked the ability to force the
democratisation of Myanmar. An adviser to the Thai foreign affairs
committee, Sunai Phasuk, said that Asean was in a bind because Myanmar's
military had clearly indicated an intention to retain power indefinitely,
yet it had done its best to appease international pressure for action.

The pressure had been the reason for Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart
Sathirathai's road map, which the professor of political science at
Bangkok's Thammasat University described as "a slip of the tongue". Dr
Sunai claimed the announcement was made in the lead-up to the Asean
meeting without the consultation of either the junta or pro-democracy
groups, or the knowledge of Foreign Ministry officials and advisers.

Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra said after meeting General Aung Win
that he was willing to go to Myanmar to discuss the idea. He has already
offered to mediate between the junta and the international community.

Dr Sunai believed little would come of the plan - especially as Thailand,
like the junta, had never recognised the victory of Ms Suu Kyi's National
League for Democracy political party in 1990 elections.

Other than proposing Ms Suu Kyi's release, other details of the plan were
unclear. Dr Surakiart had spoken of unity for Myanmar and the assurance of
the status quo through armed groups giving up their weapons and Thailand
being a conduit for talks.

"In general, the idea is in favour of the junta and could endanger the
pro-democracy side by forcing those engaged in armed struggle to give up
weapons," said Dr Sunai, also a spokesman for the Thai human rights group
Forum Asia.

Debbie Stothard, co-ordinator of the Bangkok-based pressure group
Altsean-Burma, agreed that the lack of consultation made the road map
problematic.

She said Thailand was showing which side it really supported by cracking
down on most exiled pro-democracy groups from Myanmar based in Thailand.
____________________________________________________
Fortune August 4 2003
Diplomatic Score; The UN's man in Myanmar has business interests there too
By Eric Ellis

As United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan's special envoy to Myanmar
for the past three years, Malaysian diplomat Razali Ismail has found a way
to mix business and politics.

Razali's UN mission is to nudge Myanmar's military rulers toward a
transition to democracy. It's a tough job, since the junta doesn't appear
to be interested. And things have gotten even worse since May 30, when
pro-democracy opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi was ambushed and
detained.

But at least the 62-year-old Razali, who has twice served as president of
the UN Security Council, can keep an eye on his business interests in
Myanmar. Razali is chairman of Iris Technologies, a Malaysian company that
is introducing electronic-passport technology at Yangon's government-run
airport. He is also a director of Wah Seong, a Malaysian engineering group
that owns a trading company with property-development interests in Yangon,
and of Leader Universal Holdings, a cable, fiber-optics, and
telecom-equipment firm that is seeking business in Myanmar. A Leader
spokesman confirms that senior executives have met with government
officials there. And Razali is chairman of a Malaysian water-treatment
group, Salcon Engineering, which has exhibited at a trade show in Yangon.

Razali did not respond to FORTUNE's requests for an interview. But in
November he told the Malaysiakini News Service, "I have never once spoken
to the leaders in Myanmar about Iris There is not an iota of conflict
involved." The UN, he noted, could always terminate his contract if it
felt there was a conflict of interest.