BurmaNet News; November 6, 2003

[editor at burmanet.org]

Novemeber 6, 2003 Issue #2363

INSIDE BURMA
AFP: UN rights envoy meets Myanmar's democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi

MONEY
AP: British American Tobacco announces Myanmar divestment plan
Company News Feed: British American Tobacco to sell its holding in Myanmar
(Burma)
BP: PTT's Petroleum Exploration Unit Buys Two Burma Concessions

REGIONAL
Xinhua: China's National People's Congress (NPC)’s vice-chairman meets
Myanmar guests
AFP: Silent pressure, not 'yelling', will lead to Suu Kyi release: Thaksin
Xinhua: News Analysis: High-ranking visit brings Myanmar-Indian ties to
new height

INTERNATIONAL
AFP: US endorses UN envoy in Myanmar, despite anger in Congress
AFP: UN Myanmar envoy rejects US congressman's call to quit
Irrawaddy: Jesse Jackson Calls For More Pressure on Burma (plus reprint of
interview)

OPINION / OTHER
STATEMENT: U.S. Congressman Joseph Crowley Expresses Frustration Over
Volatile Situation in Burma
Irrawaddy: Beyond the Generals


----INSIDE BURMA----

Agence France Presse   November 6, 2003
UN rights envoy meets Myanmar's democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi

UN rights envoy Paulo Sergio Pinheiro met Thursday with Myanmar's
democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, after coming under fire from the US
Congress for failing to achieve reforms in the military-run state.

Pinheiro saw Aung San Suu Kyi for nearly two hours at her lakeside
residence where she has been confined since September, but details of the
meeting were not released.

"Apart from confirming that the meeting has taken place, Mr Pinheiro has
not commented on it," a United Nations official told AFP.

Pinheiro is only the second outsider to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi since
her arrest in May in the wake of violent unrest in the country's north.

But as he conducted his sixth mission to Myanmar, Pinheiro was attacked by
US lawmakers who accused the United Nations of failing to end a deadlock
between the military government and the opposition National League for
Democracy (NLD).

"Let me be blunt -- that effort and the effort of UN envoy Paulo Sergio
Pinheiro has failed," Congressman Joseph Crowley said Wednesday.

"While the regime promises, as it has for the past 15 years, to make a
transition to democracy, there is absolutely zero evidence to suggest that
this is true."

US lawmakers also called for the resignation of UN envoy Razali Ismail, a
Malaysian diplomat who has been trying to build bridges between the junta
and the opposition, which won 1990 elections but has never been allowed to
rule.

Razali, who in 2001 brokered the landmark talks between the junta and the
opposition that broke down this year, rejected the call to quit and
allegations he had not been successful.

"At this moment I am still on my job and I'll stick with that," he told
AFP in Kuala Lumpur.

Analysts in Yangon have also complained that Pinheiro, who cut short his
last trip in March when he discovered his interviews with political
prisoners were being monitored with a bugging device, has little to show
for his work.

Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, however, spoke out Thursday
against the provocative criticism of Yangon and those working to improve
conditions in the country, saying "silent pressure" will lead to the
release of Aung San Suu Kyi far quicker than loud demands of Western
governments and rights groups.

"We have to give silent pressure, not direct pressure," he said.

"One country should not be pressured by others. If we stop pressure, then
they might do what we want."

On his latest mission Pinheiro is investigating alleged rights abuses,
including the May 30 unrest which led to Aung San Suu Kyi's arrest, and
claims that rape is being used as a weapon of war against women in the
rebellious Shan state.

Razali saw Aung San Suu Kyi early last month but did not shed any light on
the May incident, which reportedly left dozens of people dead. Observers
hope that during his six-day mission Pinheiro can clarify what happened.

Earlier Thursday he held talks with three senior NLD leaders -- chairman
Aung Shwe, Nyunt Wai and Soe Myint -- at a government "guesthouse" in
Yangon, a UN official said.

The three were put under house arrest during the crackdown, along with the
rest of the NLD's decision-making Central Executive Committee who are all
detained at their residences or in jail.

Despite the embarrassing bugging incident which ended his last mission,
Pinheiro has praised the government's "full cooperation" this week,
including permission to interview prisoners at Yangon's notorious Insein
jail.

"I talked to security and political prisoners I interviewed in the past to
evaluate their situation and to see if there was any change," he told AFP
late Wednesday.

"All in all we interviewed a total of 20 security and political prisoners
.... some of them were arrested after the May 30 incident."

A UN official said the envoy also Wednesday visited an exhibition on
HIV-AIDS, which health activists say is a major crisis in Myanmar that is
not being dealt with adequately by the military regime.

"Professor Pinheiro was impressed by the commitment of government in
addressing the issue of HIV-AIDS and its cooperation with the development
assistance community," the UN official said.


----MONEY----

Associated Press Worldstream   November 6, 2003
British American Tobacco announces Myanmar divestment plan

British American Tobacco said Thursday that it will sell its holding in a
Myanmar cigarette manufacturer, a move long sought by critics of the
company's involvement in the military-rule country.

BAT, the world's second-largest tobacco company, has a 10 million-pound
(US$16.6 million) cigarette factory in Myanmar.

Myanmar, also known as Burma, has long been criticized by the United
Nations and Western nations for its human rights record.

The British government, which has also denounced the military junta's
detention of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and crackdown on her
pro-democracy party, had asked BAT to withdraw from Myanmar in July.

Michael Prideaux, BAT's director of corporate and regulatory affairs,
admitted the decision was made in response to the British government's
request.

"As a UK-based multinational, we have taken the request seriously," he
said in a statement, received by fax in Bangkok. "We believe the solution
is a balanced outcome to a difficult dilemma."

British Foreign Office Minister Mike O'Brien welcomed BAT's announcement.

"I appreciate that this was a difficult process, but I am in no doubt that
the decision was the right one," he said in statement issued by the
Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

"It was inappropriate for a British company which cares about its
reputation for corporate social responsibility to be participating in a
joint venture with the business arm of Burma's military dictatorship."

BAT's Myanmar operation, Rothmans of Pall Mall Myanmar Pte Limited, is a
manufacturing and marketing joint venture 40 percent owned by the Union of
Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd. The remainder is owned by Rothmans Myanmar
Holdings Pte Ltd., a Singapore-based holding company for BAT.

Myanmar's opponents often criticize foreign investors in the country,
claiming their business helps extend undemocratic rule. BAT has come in
for strong criticism because its partner, the Union of Myanmar Economic
Holdings, is controlled by the ruling junta.

"This is a huge victory," said John Jackson, director of Burma Campaign
UK, a political pressure group opposed to the junta. "They had to be
dragged out kicking and screaming but at least they are out. If a company
like BAT can be forced out of Burma, any company can be."

BAT said it will divest its Singapore holding company to a Singapore-based
company, Distinction Investment Holdings Pte Ltd. Distinction Investment
has owned 15 percent of the Singapore holding company since 1993.
Financial details were not released.

"The agreement aims to secure local manufacturing jobs and the continued
responsible marketing of British American Tobacco's brands in Myanmar
(Burma) and is conditional on the continued operation of RPMM as a going
concern," BAT said.

The divestment should be completed within 12 months. BAT said it will
license its London and State Express 555 brands to the new shareholders.


Company News Feed (formerly Regulatory News Service)   November 6, 2003
British American Tobacco to sell its holding in Myanmar (Burma)

British American Tobacco has signed an agreement for the sale of its share
in Rothmans of Pall Mall Myanmar Pte Limited (RPMM) to a Singapore based
investment company.  The agreement aims to secure local manufacturing jobs
and the continued responsible marketing of British American Tobacco's
brands in Myanmar (Burma) and is conditional on the continued operation of
RPMM as a going concern.  Completion and implementation are expected over
the next 12 months. RPMM is a manufacturing and marketing joint venture
40% owned by the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd and 60% owned by
Rothmans Myanmar Holdings Pte Limited (RMH) in Singapore.

The agreement provides for the buyer to acquire full ownership of RMH,
thus acquiring the British American Tobacco Group 60% share in the
Myanmar-based RPMM joint venture, and for British American Tobacco to
license its London and State Express 555 brands for the Myanmar domestic
market to the new owners of RMH to manufacture and market them through
RPMM.

Michael Prideaux, Director, Corporate & Regulatory Affairs, said: "The
sale agreement follows the exceptional formal request by the British
Government in July for us to reconsider our investment in the joint
venture.  As a UK-based multinational, we have taken the request
seriously.

"We believe the solution is a balanced outcome to a difficult dilemma.  We
will sell our share in the Rothmans of Pall Mall Myanmar joint venture,
while ensuring its continuing stability as a going concern that can
maintain local employment opportunities and the orderly and responsible
local marketing of our brands.  We expect the arrangement to meet the
British Government's requirement.

"We are leaving our role in Rothmans of Pall Mall Myanmar with regret, as
our managers have established it as one of Burma's best employers,
operating to high standards of business practice and corporate
responsibility.  We have been assured that the new owners of our 60% share
aim to maintain the company's high operating standards and the best
possible employment prospects for its 500 employees."

ENQUIRIES
British American Tobacco Press Office
David Betteridge, Ann Tradigo, Teresa La Thangue
+44 (0) 20 7845 2888 (24 hours)

Notes:

*  Rothmans of Pall Mall Myanmar Pte Limited (RPMM) entered the British
American Tobacco Group when the Group merged in 1999 with Rothmans
International.

*  RPMM was established by Rothmans Singapore in 1993, at a time of
significant foreign investment in Myanmar which was encouraged by ASEAN
governments.  Myanmar belongs to ASEAN and trades with several members of
the 10-nation bloc, which seeks to build economic capacity through trade
and investment.

*  RPMM employs some 500 people.  It is the country's leading tobacco
company, with a modern factory, pay and benefits in the top 25% of major
companies locally and programmes to develop agriculturally and
environmentally sound leaf cultivation by local farmers.  It has
introduced British American Tobacco's International Marketing Standards to
Myanmar and supports numerous charitable and community programmes.

*  British American Tobacco believes that businesses can contribute in
developing countries by operating to internationally recognised standards
of business practice and corporate social responsibility.  We continue to
believe that it is not the best way forward for businesses to withdraw
unilaterally from countries whose governments' human rights records have
been criticised. However, we do not believe that business can step into
areas of political authority, and we recognise the importance of the UK
Government's position to the investment decisions of a UK-based
multinational business.

*  The Singapore investment company now to assume control of RMH is
Distinction Investment Holdings Pte Ltd (DIH), which invests in various
business ventures in South East Asia.  DIH has owned 15% of RMH since 1993
and the sale agreement provides for it to purchase the 85% British
American Tobacco Group share.

                      This information is provided by RNS
            The company news service from the London Stock Exchange


Bangkok Post, Thailand   November 6, 2003
PTT's Petroleum Exploration Unit Buys Two Burma Concessions
By Yuthana Praiwan

 PTT Exploration and Production Plc (PTTEP), the petroleum exploration
subsidiary of PTT Plc, has acquired two natural gas exploration and
development offshore concessions in Burma's Gulf of Martaban.

Both concessions are located between Yadana and Yetagun, two other
oilfields in which PTTEP has concession rights. It pumps a combined total
of 700 million cubic feet of gas per day to supply Thailand for
electricity production from the fields.

Burma is scheduled to grant the exploration rights to PTTEP on Nov 12 in
Pagan at a meeting of leaders of Burma, Cambodia, Laos and Thailand to
discuss regional trade and economic development, said Energy Minister
Prommin Lertsuridej.

Both fields are expected to contain approximately 7.5 trillion cubic feet
of gas reserves.

The gas obtained from the fields will be supplied to both Thailand and
Burma for electricity production and for use in cooking.

Dr Prommin said Burmese and Thai government agencies were considering
building a power plant and a gas separation plant in Burma which would
utilise gas pumped from the two fields.

Also under consideration is the construction of an undersea gas pipeline
connecting the two fields with Yadana and Yetagun to increase the supply
of gas to Thailand.

"This deal would be a win-win situation because Burma needs money for
petroleum exploration and development while Thailand wants to increase its
petroleum reserves," he said.

Gas pumped from both fields will help extend the lifespan of petroleum
reserves by an additional five to 10 years from the existing 30 years.

PTTEP shares closed yesterday on the Stock Exchange of Thailand at 196
baht, up 13 baht, in trade worth 892 million baht.


----REGIONAL----

Xinhua General News Service   November 6, 2003
NPC vice-chairman meets Myanmar guests

BEIJING, Nov. 6 (Xinhua) --Ismail Amat, vice-chairman of the Standing
Committee of China's National People's Congress (NPC), met here Thursday
with a mayors' delegation from Myanmar.

The delegation is headed by Rangoon Mayor Aung Thein Lin and Mandalay
Mayor Yan Thein.


Agence France Presse   November 6, 2003
Silent pressure, not 'yelling', will lead to Suu Kyi release: Thai PM

Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra said Thursday that "silent
pressure" on Yangon will lead to the release of Myanmar opposition leader
Aung San Suu Kyi far quicker than the loud demands of Western governments
and rights groups.

"People who are far away can yell anything, but we are neighbours,"
Thaksin told reporters of the kingdom's prickly relationship with Myanmar.

"We open our windows and see each other. We have to have different
measures (from Western governments) but we have the same goal."

An international chorus of condemnation erupted against Myanmar when the
country's military junta detained Aung San Suu Kyi May 30 after violent
unrest in northern Myanmar where she was on a political tour.

She was shifted to house arrest in late September, but Yangon's continued
detention of the Nobel peace laureate -- and United Nations envoys'
failure to achieve reforms in the military run state -- have come under
fire from the US Congress.

UN rights envoy Paulo Sergio Pinheiro met Thursday with Aung San Suu Kyi
at her lakeside villa in only her second meeting with outsiders since her
detention. UN special envoy Razali Ismail was allowed to visit her early
last month.

But as Pinheiro conducted his sixth mission to Myanmar, he was attacked by
US lawmakers who accused the UN of failing to end a deadlock between the
military government and the opposition National League for Democracy
(NLD).

"Let me be blunt -- that effort and the effort of UN envoy Paulo Sergio
Pinheiro has failed," Congressman Joseph Crowley said Wednesday.

"While the regime promises, as it has for the past 15 years, to make a
transition to democracy, there is absolutely zero evidence to suggest that
this is true."

Thaksin said such provocative criticism of Yangon and those working to
improve conditions in the country was counterproductive.

"We have to give silent pressure, not direct pressure," he said.

"One country should not be pressured by others. If we stop pressure, then
they might do what we want."

"We have to stay silent sometimes."

Thaksin's comments came ahead of his meeting with an international rights
and peace campaign group which included renowned US civil rights leader
Reverend Jesse Jackson.

Jackson, speaking at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand Tuesday,
called on the global community to "apply more economic and diplomatic
pressure" on Yangon to stop the repression which causes thousands of
refugees to flee to Thailand and other countries each year.


Xinhua General News Service   November 6, 2003
News Analysis: High-ranking visit brings Myanmar-Indian ties to new height
By Duan Tingchang

YANGON, Nov. 6 (Xinhua) --Indian Vice-President Bhairon Singh Shekhawat
concluded his four-day official visit to Myanmar on Wednesday, having
brought the relations between the two countries to a new height.

During the visit of Shekhawat, the highest-ranking Indian leader to have
visited Myanmar in 16 years since 1987 when the late Prime Minister Rajiv
Gandhi paid a visit to the country, he exchanged views with Vice-Chairman
of the Myanmar State Peace and Development Council Vice Senior-General
Maung Aye on a wide range of bilateral, regional and international issues.

Both sides expressed satisfaction over the progress made in various
respects of the bilateral relations in recent years, agreeing to enhance
their cooperation in economy, trade, education, culture and technology as
well in defense in a bid to ensure that their common border remains one of
peace, stability and tranquillity.

The two sides also agreed to strengthen cooperation with the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the BIMST-EC ( Bangladesh, India,
Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Thailand-Economic Cooperation).

While Myanmar expressed support for India's aspiration to become a
permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, the Indian side
promised to extend to Myanmar a 57 million US dollar credit for upgrading
a railway linking the capital of Yangon and the country's second largest
city of Mandalay.

In addition, the two sides signed an agreement on visa exemption for
official and diplomatic passport holders of the two countries and a
memorandum of understanding on human resources development.

Both sides decided to increase their bilateral trade to 1 billion dollars
by 2006 from over 400 million dollars in 2002.

All these represented a remarkable warming up of the Myanmar-Indian
relations, which had experienced a long cool-down period since 1988, when
Myanmar military took over the power, and began to improve after Myanmar
joined the ASEAN in July 1997 and the BIMST-EC in August that year.

One of the main reasons behind the improvement of the Myanmar-Indian
bilateral ties is the two countries' political need. Under the country's
long-term strategy to win "the position of the center of Asia," India has
introduced a "look east" policy.

Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, during his visit to Singapore and
Cambodia in April 2002, reiterated that the Southeast Asia region is one
of the stressing areas of India's diplomacy, and that India seeks to
establish political, economic and security ties with ASEAN.

Myanmar, an ASEAN member, stands in a location linking South Asia and
Southeast Asia, and, as such, the India-Myanmar relations have constituted
an important part of India's "look east" policy.

As for the Myanmar side, in order to expand its diplomatic space and ease
the heavy international pressure in connection with its attitude to the
opponents, Yangon has adjusted its policy towards New Delhi and attached
much importance to its relations with its neighbor to the west. By doing
so, Myanmar gains not only politically but also economically.

More broadly, as Myanmar Deputy Foreign Minister U Kyaw Thu put it
recently, "in a world of increasing interdependence and growing economic
competition, no country can stay aloof and in isolation." So, it's only
natural that Myanmar and India, which are immediate neighbors and have no
fundamental divisive differences, should strengthen their cooperation.

Observers here believe that as long as India pushes forward it' s "look
east" policy and the process of regional economic integration continues,
the bilateral ties between Myanmar and India in various fields will be
further enhanced.


----INTERNATIONAL----

Agence France Presse   November 6, 2003
US endorses UN envoy in Myanmar, despite anger in Congress

The US government on Thursday endorsed UN rights envoy Paulo Sergio
Pinheiro's Myanmar strategy -- despite claims in Congress that the world
body's bid to ease political deadlock in the country were an abject
failure.

The State Department said it had noted Pinheiro's meeting earlier in the
day with democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who is confined to house
arrest.

He was only the second outsider to meet her at her compound in Yangon
since her arrest in May in the wake of violent unrest.

"We remain supportive of his efforts and continue to call for the
immediate and unconditional release of all those held for freely
expressing their political beliefs," said Adam Ereli, the department's
deputy spokesman.

Pinheiro, and United Nations Myanmar envoy Razali Ismail came under attack
in the US Congress on Wednesday, as frustration at Myanmar's political
plight boiled over.

Congressman Joseph Crowley of New York recalled how for the past three
years the United States had supported the UN bid to spur talks between
Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy and the junta.

"Let me be blunt -- that effort and the effort of UN envoy Paulo Sergio
Pinheiro has failed," he said.

New York Republican Peter King also raised concern about the UN's efforts
in Myanmar, the former Burma.

"We need to take a serious look at the efforts of the United Nations
Secretary General's special envoy to Burma, Razali Ismail," he said.

"Are his efforts hampering or helping the struggle for freedom in Burma?"

Pennsylvania congressman Joseph Pitts, also savaged the role of the world
body in Myanmar.

"The UN has spent years encouraging the regime to dialogue with the
opposition, but to no avail -- the regime continues to stall any
progress," he said.

Congressman Lane Evans said it was time for Razali to go.

"We need to strengthen the authority of the UN envoy and replace him with
someone capable of rallying international support for change," he said.

"The present system is not working -- let's fix it."

The remarks betrayed growing frustration on Congress at the lack of a
breakthrough in Myanmar, despite increased US pressure in the form of
bolstered economic sanctions and UN engagement.

Pinheiro on Tuesday met Myanmar's Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt who
announced a planned "roadmap" to democracy after being appointed premier
in August.

Myanmar's opponents in the United States and elsewhere however have
branded the "roadmap" as nothing more than a ruse to deflect attention
from the lack of progress.


Agence France Presse   November 6, 2003
UN Myanmar envoy rejects US congressman's call to quit

The UN special envoy to Myanmar, Razali Ismail, Thursday rejected a call
in the United States congress for him to quit over a perceived lack of
success in pushing the military government towards democracy.

"Certainly I will not go on the basis of what some congressmen are saying,
but if I think I am no longer able to do anything, then of course I will
go," Razali, a former Malaysian diplomat, told AFP here.

Asked whether this meant he believed he was making some progress, he would
say only: "At this moment I am still on my job and I'll stick with that.

"I'm not too bothered by what some congressman says. He has the right to
say what he wants. It's a free country."

Frustration at Myanmar's political plight boiled over in the US Congress
on Wednesday, with Congressman Lane Evans saying it was time for Razali to
go.

"We need to strengthen the authority of the UN envoy and replace him with
someone capable of rallying international support for change," he said.

New York Republican Peter King also raised concerns about the UN's efforts
in Myanmar, the former Burma.

"We need to take a serious look at the efforts of the United Nations
Secretary General's special envoy to Burma, Razali Ismail," he said.

"Are his efforts hampering or helping the struggle for freedom in Burma?"

The UN's human rights envoy Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, who was in the Myanmar
capital Yangon Thursday, also came under fire as Congress accused the UN
of failing to end a deadlock between the military government and the
opposition National League for Democracy (NLD).

"Let me be blunt -- that effort and the effort of UN envoy Paulo Sergio
Pinheiro has failed," Congressman Joseph Crowley said.

Pinheiro met with leaders of Myanmar's pro-democracy opposition Thursday
and was also expected to see the movement's detained figurehead Aung San
Suu Kyi.

He is investigating alleged rights abuses including May 30 unrest which
led to the Nobel peace laureate's detention. She is now under house arrest
at her Yangon residence.

Razali, who has been trying to build bridges between the junta and the
opposition, which won 1990 elections but has never been allowed to rule,
would not be drawn on his future plans.

"Obviously I'm trying to urge the government in a certain direction,
including the release of Aung San Suu Kyi.

"These things are quite delicate. It's not as if there is any other
alternative is there?" he said.


The Irrawaddy   November 6, 2003
Jesse Jackson Calls For More Pressure on Burma
By Min Zin

American civil rights activist Jesse Jackson said more regional pressure
is needed to bring democracy to Burma. Jackson made the comment while on a
visit to Thailand.

Jackson, a Baptist minister who once ran for US President as a Democrat,
said Thailand, China and Burma’s trading partners need to apply collective
pressure because military-ruled Burma "stands as a source of embarrassment
for the region."

He described Southeast Asia’s non-interference and constructive engagement
approach to Burma as immoral. "We have a moral obligation to address
suffering and exploitation wherever we see it," Jackson said in the
northern Thai city of Chiang Mai, after returning from a visit to refugee
camps on the Thai-Burma border.

On the question of US policy on Burma, Jackson said America should use its
collective diplomatic and economic strength to bring change to Burma. But
Jackson said he does not support military intervention, not even on
humanitarian grounds.

"We have not exhausted our collective economic and diplomatic levers,"
Jackson told The Irrawaddy.

Jackson said he planned to persuade Thai authorities that by being humane
to Burmese political dissidents and refugees, Thailand stood to gain moral
capital. Jackson said he would also appeal for the release of Burmese
pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been held by military
authorities since the end of May.

Jackson is a well-known African-American leader who worked closely with
Martin Luther King in the 1960s. He is in Thailand to speak today at the
lecture series, "Bridges—Dialogues Towards a Culture of Peace," at
Thammasat University in Bangkok.

INTERVIEW TEXT:

Non-Interference Approach is Immoral

An Interview with Jesse Jackson

November 06, 2003—American civil rights activist Jesse Jackson yesterday
called on Burma’s trading partners to do more to bring democracy to
Rangoon. Jackson, a Baptist minister and well-known African-American
leader, is president of the Chicago-based Rainbow/PUSH Coalition, an
organization working for social change. He spoke to Min Zin and Kyaw Zwa
Moe while visiting Thailand on a lecture tour.

Question: You’ve spent today visiting refugees on the Thai-Burma border.
Can you promise them that you will do your best to make sure they can go
home soon?

Answer: I was anxious to see them. I know the pressure they’re living
under politically, and the horrific conditions. And so our organization,
the Rainbow/PUSH Coalition promised to help them. We want to thank the
Thai government for receiving them under these conditions and we encourage
the Thai government to protect them and defend them from incursions by the
Burmese government. They have a natural right to go back home, but cannot
go back because of threatening conditions. They have an international
right to be in Thailand because they have escaped for their lives—they are
in fact displaced persons. As you know there is not a big difference
between refugees and displaced persons. So US aid and UN aid must help
provide more humane services for those in the camps: education for their
children; health care for all of them; and really adequate housing. I hope
that we can keep our focus on using regional pressure on the government of
Burma to bring about a day of democracy so all of the refugees and
displaced persons can go back home and live in safety and security.

Q: Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has been put under house
arrest by the regime for the third time. When you are here, will you be
making a statement to appeal for her release?

A: We’ll certainly be appealing for her release. But those who are there
to set people free must take the high risk of jail and martyrdom. But the
act of jailing her paradoxically gives her strength. Mandela got stronger
in jail. Your stars come from your scars. As they jail her, they simply
giver her greater resolve. They also put more international focus on the
crisis.

Q: The US has been the strongest supporter of Burma’s democracy movement.
Washington has imposed several punitive measures, including sanctions. Do
you think the US could use more political leverage to push, for example
Thailand and China, to bring the generals into line?

A: Regional pressure on the Burmese government must take place. Burma’s
strongest trading partners are those with whom it’s connected at the
border. So China, Thailand and all the Asian rim must apply its collective
pressure. Because Burma stands as a source of embarrassment to the region,
it’s a step backwards from democracy. It’s bribing good people out. They
should have a right to live at home and live free. It’s also losing
valuable talent. You drive people away into these camps and you’re also
driving away very talented people. And no nation has enough of a surplus
of talent to drive people away.

Q: China, Thailand and Southeast Asian countries have pursued a line of
constructive engagement with Burma, which essentially means not
interfering in Burma’s affairs. What do you think of that?

A: That is immoral. We heard that when we were fighting apartheid in South
Africa. We were told the US has nothing to do with apartheid and that it’s
an internal issue. The fact is we are globally interconnected. We’re part
of a global family. What happened in Vietnam affected the whole world.
What’s happening in Iraq affects the whole world. What happened in Germany
affected the whole world. So as a globe, bound and connected, we have a
moral obligation to address suffering and exploitation wherever we see it.

Q: There have been many reports of maltreatment by Thai authorities of
Burmese migrants and dissidents. Will you be doing anything to put a stop
to this?

A: We’ll have to meet with some Thai authorities while we’re here to let
them know that the Thai government stands to gain some moral capital by
being humane to the Burmese. Thailand only makes itself better by treating
displaced persons in a humane way. It gives the Thai government a moral
authority and is a net plus for the government. Thailand could turn the
crisis into an opportunity. It could lead the way and it ought to.

Q: You’ve come out strongly against US military action in Iraq. But many
people in Burma expect and really want America to intervene in Burma, even
by military means.

A: But the US is not going to do that. And it should not have gone into
Iraq unilaterally. It was a big mistake. We broke international law with a
pre-emptive strike. There was no al-Qaeda connection. There were no
weapons of mass destruction. It became a weapon of mass deceit. And now
the quagmire: they can’t leave and they can’t stay. And Iraqis and
Americans are being killed everyday. We should have used collective
diplomatic strength to bring about a resolution. And I recommend we use
collective diplomatic and economic strength on Burma. I would discourage
military invasion.

Q: Even on humanitarian grounds?

A: Well, that has to be the very last pressure applied. And we have not
exhausted our collective economic and diplomatic levers.


----OPINION / OTHER----

Congressman Joseph Crowley Expresses Frustration Over Volatile Situation
in Burma
11/5/2003, Contact: (202) 225-3965

Washington, DC—Today, Congressman Joseph Crowley (NY-07) expressed his
frustration with the ongoing situation in Burma.

“For the past three years, the United Nations, with the full support of
the United States, has attempted to spur talks between Aung San Suu Kyi's
political party, the National League for Democracy; Burma’s ruling
military regime (junta); and the country’s ethnic groups,” said
Congressman Crowley. “Let me be blunt—that effort and the effort of UN
envoy Paulo Sergio Pinheiro has failed. It has failed mainly because the
regime refuses to participate in the talks. While the regime promises, as
it has for the past fifteen years, to make a transition to democracy,
there is absolutely zero evidence to suggest that this is true. To make
matters worse, the regime has been attacking and killing the very people
they are supposed to be talking to.”

In May of this year, the junta attacked and killed scores of Suu Kyi's
supporters. Just last month, the junta attacked and killed members of the
Karen ethnic group. And, just a few days ago, the junta opened fire on a
demonstration of Buddhist monks, killing one and injuring many more.
Congressman Crowley believes that is necessary to breathe new life into
the United Nations’ process, which will require a serious diplomatic
effort. A new United Nations special envoy for Burma must be
established—the present envoy’s efforts have failed and as of late has
done nothing more than provide political cover for the regime. The United
Nations Security Council must pass a resolution condemning Burma. Finally,
according to Congressman Crowley, the State Department must unequivocally
reject “roadmaps” that have been promised by the Burmese regime and their
Thai counterparts.

Congressman Crowley continued, “I believe that democracy is possible in
Burma, and we agree with Secretary Powell when he said that we need to
rally international support to stand up to Burma’s ‘thugs.’ We need to
move quickly to ensure that these words are acted upon.”

Burma’s junta is accused of widespread human rights abuses, including
using rape by soldiers as a weapon of terror to fight an ethnic insurgency
in eastern Shan State. UN envoy Pinheiro has said the junta holds about
1,200 to 1,300 political prisoners, many of them ailing and elderly. Suu
Kyi, a 1991 Nobel Peace laureate, was detained following a bloody clash on
May 30 between a group of her supporters and a pro-government mob in
northern Burma. She is under house arrest in Yangon.

Burma has been in a political deadlock since the current military regime
came to power in 1988 after crushing a pro-democracy uprising. It called
general elections in 1990 but ignored the results when Suu Kyi's party
won.


The Irrawaddy   November 06, 2003
Beyond the Generals
By David Fullbrook/Bangkok and Rangoon

This week the UN human rights envoy to Burma, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, is
whizzing around Rangoon’s elegant but neglected streets taking tea with
the junta and hoping for some un-bugged chats with the doyen of the
democracy movement, Aung San Suu Kyi, and other political prisoners.
Hardly a month seems to go by these days without some special envoy or
other dropping in for a futile chat with the generals over mending their
cruel ways.

Frowning countries, the UN, whose envoys jet into Rangoon, and campaign
groups, myopically focus on coaxing the junta into retirement. That focus
needs to adjust to account for the realities. Events in Iraq and
Afghanistan, clearly show that mean dictators and their cohorts do not
give up easily, especially when what follows is poorly planned and not
backed with enough cash and might.

Concerned states need to begin laying plans now for stabilizing and
nurturing Burma’s fractured ethnic hodgepodge after the State Peace and
Development Council is forced from power. Plans must also be laid for
apprehending the regime’s bigshots before they flee across the border to
sanctuary in China, from which they draw much support.

Since brutally picking up the reins of dictatorship from the previous
military regime in 1988, after slaughtering thousands of unarmed people
demanding democracy, the army has worked hard to embellish its notorious
reputation with volumes of well-documented atrocities against its people
and the economy, no mean feat in a country blessed with so much fine
farming land, forests and minerals.

Citizens of this cursed land, who look furtively left and right, sometimes
up and down too, before sharing their feelings or current rumors with
foreigners, talk wistfully of change coming soon.

"Very soon, maybe next year there will be change," says a Rangoon taxi
driver and former natural resources official. "Change will have to come
soon or there will be riots. The economy is broken and there are no jobs,"
says a well-read government transport worker.

The extent of Burma’s economic ill-health is hard to gauge. Telephones
have advanced from the 1950s to the 21st century over the last year or so
with the wiring of fiber-optics and modern exchanges. Roads are being
surfaced and provincial airport runways stretched, possibly on the backs
of villagers forced to labor, a practice Burma is infamous for and which
the International Labour Organization, among others, has condemned.

Some warn of an uprising should Suu Kyi, around whom the country’s
disparate groups rally, die. "Big trouble, big trouble. She is the only
one who can keep everybody together," says the taxi driver. "If she stays,
things will stay together. Nobody can replace her, well almost nobody,"
adds an ethnic Kachin student.

Legions of unarmed protestors, no matter how angry, are unlikely to turf
the well-armed generals from their gilded thrones. Their ruthless track
record strongly suggests they will not surrender power peacefully. Brutal
cliques only withdraw when their backers give up.

Suharto sloped off Indonesia’s political stage after the army cut its
support in chaotic, smoke-filled 1998, but many of his cohorts are still
corruptly fiddling. Eastern Europe’s communist dominoes toppled when their
ailing Soviet backer limped away in 1989.

Others tumble when the biggest guy on the block turns its guns on them,
witness US-led actions in Nicaragua, Haiti, Afghanistan and Iraq.

With 150,000 US troops, plus 15,000 British soldiers, struggling to bring
order to Iraq, thousands more treading water in Afghanistan’s bubbling
cauldron, and hundreds of thousands of others marking time in case North
Korea takes a wrong turn, an Iraq-style US-led invasion of Burma is
unlikely.

Should interventionist winds gust through London and Washington, however,
an Afghanistan-style operation that puts little strain on regular forces
is the likely strategy. Leaders of rebel forces, mustering over 100,000
experienced jungle fighters in Burma’s border areas, will almost certainly
rally to the Stars and Stripes and Union Jack, as many of Afghanistan’s
warlords did. Australian forces will likely be on the ground too, perhaps
joined by platoons from key US Asian allies Singapore and South Korea.

Asean-led it will not be, as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(Asean) pointedly does not poke its nose into members’ domestic affairs. A
free Burma, with legions of cheap labor, may not interest its Southeast
Asian fellows. It will compete hard for foreign investment. With a little
help Burma’s farmers will ramp up production, pushing down global prices
for many commodities, such as rice and cassava, which other Asean
countries export heavily.

Meanwhile the generals’ biggest ally, China, shows no signs of distancing
itself from this odious regime. For a China which detects Western
loyalties among many of its neighbors, Burma is one of the few it can
count on. China now has 27 military divisions based near the Burma border,
claims one local observer with close links to the Shan State Army (South)
leadership.

If true, China maybe warning off Western intervention, or preparing to
install a regime that toes Beijing’s line while toning down human rights
abuses to gain worldwide recognition.

Not only is Burma able to provide materiel support for Chinese warships in
the Indian Ocean, it is also a treasure trove of natural resources that
China’s roaring economy has a huge appetite for. US and European sanctions
make those resources cheaper as they hand more power to Chinese companies,
buyers of last resort for Burma’s exports.

Nevertheless, the generals, while feeling confident enough to allow
satellite television and Internet cafes to open, are not taking their
position for granted. In July, 50 Type 72 tanks ordered from Ukraine
arrived in Rangoon, the Democratic Voice of Burma reported. More recruits
are also being put through their paces by drill sergeants.

Burma’s state-run media pumps out images of "reviled US invaders"
suffering at the hands of defiant Iraqis. For loyalists it is a call to
guerrilla arms, for the majority praying for the day the sun rises on a
free land, it is a warning.

Sowing chaos is the last card of the generals and their legions, for while
confusion reigns justice will be denied. In recent years dictators and
their entourages, who thought themselves safe from prosecution, have seen
their fortunes change drastically in Afghanistan, Argentina, Chile and
Iraq. International prosecutors are slowly hunting down war criminals in
the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda.

In such a climate assassinating Suu Kyi would almost certainly unlock the
door to widespread trouble and strife. Popular leaders have always been a
favorite with assassins’ bullets, as was the fate of her father, Gen Aung
San, Mahatma Ghandi and Iraq’s Ayatollah Mohammad Bakr al-Hakim, to name
but a few.

Held in high esteem by all parties, except the generals, she is the glue
that holds Burma’s ethnic jigsaw together. With her gone, it will be a
struggle to hold the door closed on old enmities. Yugoslavia’s tragic
disintegration shows how easily smouldering ethnic bitterness can be
fanned into the flames of war.

Given the abuses perpetrated by the Burma Army, many ethnic groups may
strike out on the road to succession, rather than remain in what is little
more than an ethnically Burman empire, euphemistically called Myanmar,
risking more atrocities. "Some groups maybe tempted to leave," says the
student on Suu Kyi’s death.

Although still relatively early days in post-invasion Iraq and
Afghanistan, they both bloodily illustrate the consequences of failing to
plan and prepare for rehabilitating a country brutalized and riven with
ethnic and religious feuds.

The messy aftermath of invasion in those ethnic milieus might be taken as
a warning against meddling for the international community. But not to
meddle is surely worse, as shown by Afghanistan’s descent into terrorism’s
training ground after the Soviets left.

Foreign interventions have been successful when well planned, resourced
and staffed. Germany and Japan’s resurrections from World War Two’s ashes
are the greatest examples. More recently, while the international
community has yet to find a magic wand that brings milk and honey to
troubled lands overnight, it has done reasonably well in similar
situations.

Cambodia and East Timor admittedly are not booming, and each has their own
fiendish problems, but they are not at war and are in the hands of nascent
democracies, albeit imperfect. This is a significant improvement over
their respective situations prior to the UN strapping on its boots and
putting on its blue helmet.

If Burma’s glue fails, Asia will face its own Yugoslavia. Secessionist
wars fought on multiple fronts to forge new states will send refugees
pouring into Burma’s neighbors, where many have ethnic and kin ties. In
such a power vacuum criminals and terrorists will thrive. Resentment
against the ongoing influx of Chinese traders may explode into a pogrom.

David Fullbrook is freelance reporter and political analyst based in Bangkok.

The views expressed here are the author’s own.