BurmaNet News Nov 15-17, 2003

[editor at burmanet.org]

Nov 15-17, 2003 Issue # 2370
www.burmanet.org


INSIDE BURMA
AFP: Myanmar rejects report of missile, nuclear links with North Korea
BBC Monitor: Burma rejects latest report by UN human rights envoy
BBC Monitor: Burmese PM says women have full rights, dismisses
"traitorous" accusations
AP: Myanmar textile industry recovering from U.S. sanctions

ON THE BORDER
Xinhua: Myanmar troops attack KNU's base
Narinjara: Gas Export Deal Kept Secret from the Arakanese

DRUGS
Xinhua: Thailand determined to eradicate poppy cultivation in 2 years

MONEY
AFP: Myanmar turns to Asian business links as Western sanctions bite
Xinhua: Myanmar to hold annual gems show in March 2004

REGIONAL
JEN: Japan, ASEAN prepare for special Tokyo summit in Dec.
Xinhua: Four-country visa to be launched soon: Thai FM
Mizzima: Burmese refugees kept from demonstrating against UNHCR

INTERNATIONAL
Houston Chronicle: Unocal denies blame in Myanmar abuses

OPNION / OTHER
Monterey County Herald: The effects of sanctions
Atlanta Journal: Progress is held hostage in Myanmar
Nation: On the road with mcdang: Burmese blessings
Canberra Times: Burma's hope lies in compromise
Time: Slave Labor


INSIDE BURMA
____________________________________________
Nov 17, AFP
Myanmar rejects report of missile, nuclear links with North Korea

Myanmar's ruling junta on Monday rejected a report that North Korea is
selling it missiles and providing nuclear technology, saying it had no
intention of threatening its neighbours with the weapons.
"Myanmar is a country which is everybody's friend and nobody's ally or
enemy. The country is living peacefully with her neighbours and does not
have any ambition to arm itself with nuclear weapons and to become a
threat to others," it said in a statement.
In an article entitled "Dangerous Bedfellows", the Far Eastern Economic
Review said that signs of growing military ties between North Korea and
Myanmar were causing concern among United States and Asian security
officials.
The report said diplomats had detected indications that Pyongyang may be
supplying or planning to supply Myanmar with new weapons, possibly in
exchange for shipments of heroin.
It cited them as saying that intelligence operatives had detected North
Korean technicians unloading heavy equipment near the central town of
Natmauk, near where the military government hopes to build a nuclear
research reactor.

The report said Myanmar has also begun negotiating the purchase of
surface-to-surface missiles and that North Korean technicians were working
at a naval base near Yangon, possibly preparing to install the weapons on
Myanmar warships.

"An alliance between two pariah states up against the wall could be
dangerous for the region and beyond, especially as one of them may have
nuclear-weapons technology that it is ready to export," it said.
In an official information sheet, the regime said the article was "rather
speculative" and that Myanmar needed all its resources to develop the
impoverished nation.

"Myanmar is too much preoccupied with building infrastructure for the
development of the country while health and education sector and narcotic
drugs elimination programs are given top priority," it said.

"This is the time Myanmar needs to focus and utilise all her strength and
resources in creating a better living standard of her people while
peacefully and stably going through a transition to a functioning
democracy and an open-market economy."

In January last year the military government confirmed it was planning to
build a nuclear research reactor to be used "for peaceful purposes" and
that it was negotiating with Russia over the facility.
The Review said Moscow shelved the project earlier this year because the
Yangon regime could not pay for it.
________________________________
Nov 17, BBC Monitor
Burma rejects latest report by UN human rights envoy

Burma has rejected the latest report by UN Special Rapporteur Paulo Sergio
Pinheiro on the human rights situation in the country, criticizing him for
relying on information from "armed insurgent groups" and "eye witness"
accounts with "low or no credibility". Focusing predominantly on the
unrest in Tabayin on 30 May which triggered the arrest of National League
for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the press release issued by the
Burmese embassy in London denied there was any "element of premeditation"
to the incident and sought to set the record straight by dismissing
reports regarding Suu Kyi's subsequent treatment. It called on the UN to
support Rangoon's efforts towards political transition and warned that any
moves to undermine this would be "strongly resisted". The following is the
text of Information Sheet No. C-2834( I/L ) 14th November, 2003 issued by
the "Myanmar Information Committee" in Rangoon on 14 November in English
by Myanmar Information Committee web site on 14 November

This office is presenting a press release No.10/2003 of 12 November, 2003
by Myanmar Burmese embassy in London for your information.

Press Release
Statement by His Excellency Dr Kyaw Win, Ambassador, Representative of the
Union of Myanmar Burma in the Third Committee on the Report of Professor
Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, Special Rapporteur, on the situation of human
rights in Myanmar
Agenda Item 117(c): Human Rights Questions
Mr Chairman,
As part of our longstanding policy of closely cooperating with the United
Nations as a responsible member country, Myanmar has accepted over the
years - an independent expert and two special rapporteurs on human rights
to visit the country.
Traditionally, in addition to their high academic qualifications,
professionalism and expertise in the field, certain special attributes are
also expected of such rapporteurs in carrying out their mandate in a fair,
objective and impartial manner. In practice, however, their ability to
withstand pressures, temptations and persuasions from powerful countries
and self-interest groups with hidden political agenda should be a major
determinant when the country under study considers their acceptability.
Furthermore, there has been a tendency of special rapporteurs to overplay
political considerations rather than concentrating on human rights
promotion when they themselves come under pressure from powerful western
countries in order to affect changes of political systems or to install
individual politicians with special connections to them into positions of
power. Because of such reasons some member states were unable to accept
there on special rapporteurs to visit the respective countries.

Mr Chairman,
The present rapporteur Professor Pinheiro has just visited Myanmar last
week for the sixth time and it had been our hope that he can withstand the
abovementioned pressures, spins and propaganda of expatriate dissident
groups whose testimonies and allegations have been repeatedly proven wrong
by credible UN envoys and international humanitarian organizations such as
the ICRC International Committee for the Red Cross .
In this context, it is my pleasure to recall that in the past two years at
these sessions we commended Professor Pinheiro for his integrity, his
impartiality and the high quality of work in the midst of negative
propaganda campaigns waged by residual armed insurgents over the border
and self-interest groups funded from Western countries and organizations.
And my intervention today is by no means against the person and stature of
Professor Pinheiro - but mainly against certain elements contained in his
report, which we feel, are based on information obtained from sources who
cannot consider to be completely scrupulous or constructive. It is worth
remembering, Mr Chairman, that these armed insurgent organizations,
initiated their military campaigns against the first democratically
elected government of 1948 opposing the independence of the Union and have
remained belligerent for their own separatist reasons. Only in recent
years they have started to use the cloak of democracy as a pretext to
justify their continued intransigence and their failure to join the other
17 armed groups that have returned to the legal fold in the past decade.
It is also worth remembering that the government extended the olive branch
to all of them and many have returned to be peacefully resettled in their
homeland.

At this juncture, I would like to draw to the attention of this esteemed
committee to a particular unfortunate incident in Myanmar, which has
underpinned Professor Pinheiro's interim report of July 2003 and
influenced much of his conclusions, taking note that he is not the
official investigator of the UN on this matter.

Mr Chairman,
Related to this incident and the sequence of events that followed it has
become necessary to seriously assess which is rumour, which is reality and
how pronouncements and actions taken so far have affected the credibility
of individuals, organizations and even whole countries.
Since May 2002, when the Myanmar government lifted some restrictions on
political parties, they were requested to initially confine their
activities to reopening of party offices and to hold party meetings within
their premises and compounds. This graduated process of political
liberalization was considered to be a prudent first step in a country that
has not seen western style political campaigning for decades and would
limit any untoward ramifications, such as the one at Tabayin, and its
possible undesirable consequences from adversely affecting the livelihood
of the silent and peaceful majority of Myanmar citizens, who are beginning
to enjoy the fruits of recent developmental projects instituted by the
government to improve their lives.

Although the first six months after May 2002 saw a disciplined and
cooperative effort of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her colleagues making
visits around the country to view first hand abovementioned developmental
projects as well as to attend to her party matters, the second six months
became a different picture. After unilaterally reneging on the agreed
ground rules, she and her colleagues declined government offers of
security arrangements and travelled with dozens of vigilantes on
motorcycles as escorts, but who would now and then take the law into their
own hands to arrest some peaceful protesters as well as some bystanders
disenchanted by the kind of political rowdiness that they have not seen
for a long time. Even several days before this unfortunate incident, the
ire of the peace loving citizens had been aroused by several displays of
arrogant behaviour and offensive remarks made by them in the townships of
Shwebo district which incidentally happens to be the historic heartland of
highly nationalistic and anticolonialist sentiments.

The veracity of the matter, Mr Chairman, is that people, who clashed with
Daw Suu Kyi's motorcade in the night, in a remote area where there is no
police or military presence, were neither limited to government supporters
nor those with affiliations to any political party. In short, if Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi and her group were travelling under proper security
arrangements, as all prominent political figures should, this unfortunate
incident would have been completely avoided. The security personnel who
had to be summoned from nearby townships brought the situation under
control but four persons had died and several dozens had been injured and
were hospitalized. This has all been confirmed by an official police
inquest and this is where the matter should be laid to rest.

It must now be pointed out that compared to what has been going on around
the world these days, the Tabayin incident cannot be classified as a major
one. It began to appear like one only after the politically motivated
rumours became magnified by western supporters of the dissidents who were
responsible for spreading them. This was definitely not an event that
threatened international peace and security but a situation that the
Government of Myanmar could handle without any difficulty. But in order to
prevent further skirmishes and protect their own selves among political
groups the government placed the political leaders under protective
custody and took legal action against those involved in the violent clash
regardless of their affiliations. However, the accounts provided by
so-called "eye witnesses" who fled across the border following this
incident need to be objectively seen as follows;
1. The "Eye Witness" accounts - claimed initially that Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi sustained a broken arm and facial injuries which were highlighted by
the international media.

The reality - was UN secretary-general's special envoy Ambassador Razali
after seeing her, confirmed the government report that she was unhurt
"without a scratch" and to be in "high spirits".

2. The "eye witness" account - the vice-chairman of the NLD former Gen U
Tin Oo was either fatally or severely injured. The reality-representatives
of the ICRC after visiting U Tin Oo and his colleagues reported that he
too was unscathed.

3. The same discredited "eye witness" accounts have been claiming that
over one hundred people were killed. These claims being made without a
shred of credible evidence that must include particulars for
identification that all Myanmar citizens posses such as father's name,
addresses, and national registration numbers of the imaginary fatalities
and the whole incident described in seemingly realistic details by
individuals who may not even have been present at the scene.

The fact of the matter is that the police inquest revealed that only four
persons died - a fact the learned special rapporteur a few hours ago
informed us as being accepted by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself.

We are therefore perplexed, Mr Chairman, when the distinguished special
rapporteur who last visited Myanmar in March 2003, in his report covering
up to July this year quoting "information from various sources" seemed to
join the chorus of our detractors who were promoting the impression that
this incident was stage-managed by the government and that is "indicated
and element of premeditation" and part of a general pattern of growing
harassment of NLD supporters."

The fact of the matter is that the government was completely taken by
surprise and itself baffled by the wisdom of politicians who behaved as if
they were invincible and were without any opposition to their policies
which included calling for economic sanctions and bans on tourism with
such negative socio-economic consequences for people at the grassroots.

We are also somewhat perturbed when the special rapporteur remained
oblivious of such considerations and lent credence to the accounts of
individuals with low or no credibility when preparing his report. We felt
that the UN should certainly remain objective and refrain from taking
sides based simply on of the so-called evidence provided by the
"opposition" inside and outside of the country.

We were also once again disappointed when someone of his stature and
professionalism again allowed himself to be swayed by the false and
malicious rumour that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was on a hunger stike - the
rumour that the Myanmar government and even the Thai government strongly
denied and later the ICRC found Daw Suu Kyi not to be on hunger strike as
alleged. The government has been looking after her every need and at a
later date the government facilitate her hospitalization and successful
gynecological treatment from which she is now recovering.

I would therefore sincerely request the distinguished special rapporteur
to be aware that sources that misled him in the recent past are also
unlikely to provide him with correct and objective data at present and in
the future as well.

Furthermore, may I point out that from the scientific point of view,
"research" to yield credible data must be carried out on populations
without bias or political affiliation. So long as such research studied
are carried out exclusively on one side of the border the conclusions will
remain biased and questionable. We are amazed that, despite the
government's full cooperation with him he has chosen to conduct his
research on the supporters of armed insurgents, who for decades terrorized
the people of Myanmar and later fled across the border when the military
campaign that they started faltered. Regrettably we will have no choice
but to completely reject such findings and conclusions. Most importantly
the special rapporteur in our opinion, should cautiously deal with
so-called human rights organizations such Shan Women Action Network and
Shan Human Rights Foundation which have been choosing to act as if they
are judge, jury and executioner.

Mr Chairman.
The Government of Myanmar did concede that the incident at Tabayin was an
unfortunate event on the long road to reconciliation but would certainly
differ from the special rapporteur's contention that the reconciliation
process "has been undone in one stroke". We would like to remind him that
this is the government that has been able to bring peace with 95 per cent
of 40-year-old armed insurgencies and is not going to be deterred by this
single incident from carrying on its political transition process with all
political parties and ethnic nationalities willing to join the process
sincerely and responsibly.

Mr Chairman,
Turning to other parts of the special rapporteur's interim report, my
comments will be brief and made with a view to clarify some specific
statements which could have conveyed unnecessarily negative picture of the
true state of affairs.

The first concerns the so-called "relocations" in the Shan State. The
populations from poppy growing areas of Wa State were moved by their own
ethnic leaders into the fertile valleys where they could grow alternative
crops, raise livestock and sever themselves from addiction to opiates. All
who are opposed to poppy cultivation should find such efforts laudable
rather than criticizing them.

Despite such criticisms even the United States government satellite
imagery-based estimates in 2002-2003 growing season have revealed a 39 per
cent decline in output of the opium crop from the previous year,
maintaining a trend that has been taking place for the past three years.

From the human rights angle, thousands of human beings are being rescued
from poverty as well as from their addiction and livelihoods as suppliers
of narcotic drugs, while anti-drug campaigns in developed western
countries with billion dollar drug markets, will also be significantly
helped.

The second concerns the phrases used in his concluding observations as if
Myanmar people are lagging behind "the peoples of the rest of Southeast
Asia". It should have been noted that Myanmar is definitely not occupying
the lowest position on the UNDP's Human Development Index in Southeast
Asia, although it is striving hard, against Western sanctions, to improve
itself.
Also when using a phrase such as "national reconciliation" he seems to be
concentrating on a certain individual and certain political party only but
ignoring the fact that it was this government only that brought to an end
the loss of thousands of lives from armed insurgencies, through a national
reconciliation process with profound political implications as well as
improvement of the human rights situation.

Thirdly, in spite of Myanmar's utmost cooperation with him and despite the
fact that the Prime Minister of the country himself had received the
Special Rapporteur and personally explained his plans for the democratic
transition, it is most regrettable that the Special Rapporteur dubbed this
plan as the "so-called road map of the SPDC State Peace and Development
Council ", a terminology used by the anti-government elements. For it is a
genuine road map that will be implemented systematically under conditions
of peace and stability which no one should dismiss summarily out of hand
or even criticize prematurely it should be noted that the Association of
Southeast Asian nations, at its Summit in Bali in October 2003, has thrown
its full support behind this road map.

Mr Chairman,
Myanmar has cooperated and hopes to continue to cooperate with the United
Nations, so long as its vital interest, namely, the sovereignty and the
integrity of the Union, is not infringed upon.

Any move, which will undermine Myanmar's interest and national sovereignty
by manipulating the UN mechanisms will be strongly resisted.

In conclusion, may I emphatically state that it is Myanmar's fervent wish
and resolve to continue the political transition with the involvement of
all strata of the society within the Union. The steps taken so far have
been done because we consider them the right things to do for our citizens
and not because of pressure from any quarter. Myanmar's cooperation
therefore should not be interpreted as a sign of weakness and its good
will construed as acting out of fear.

As such, all intrusive and prescriptive attempts that will compromise
Myanmar's national interest and sovereignty will be totally rejected.

Thank you, Mr Chairman.
_________________________________

Nov 16, BBC Monitor
Burmese PM says women have full rights, dismisses "traitorous" accusations
SOURCE: TV Myanmar, Rangoon, in Burmese 1330 gmt 15 Nov 03
Burmese women are accorded equal rights to those of men and are achieving
great success, Prime Minister Khin Nyunt has said. He added that those who
indicated otherwise did not understand Burma's traditions and wanted to
impose political pressure on the country. He dismissed reports of
trafficking and exploitation of ethnic minority women as fabrications by
Western powers and a "national traitorous clique" who sought to drive a
wedge between ethnic groups and to destroy the Union. Following is an
excerpt from a report by Burmese TV on 15 November

Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt held a meeting with members of the
Myanmar Burma National Committee for Women's Affairs MNCWA and officials
in charge of the women's sector at Myanma Information and Communication
Technology Park in Hlaing Township at 1300 local time this afternoon. At
the meeting, the prime minister gave guidance on matters aimed at
enhancing the activities of the MNCWA so that the tasks it carries out
will become more effective and extensive.

In his address, Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt said: The MNCWA has been
working nationwide for the development of the women's sector and many
tasks need to be accomplished. But, the activities being carried out
presently do not go far enough and that is why this meeting will be
discussing measures aimed at enhancing the activities of the MNCWA so that
the tasks for the women's sector will be extensive and effective.

Women make up 52 per cent of the population in the Union of Myanmar and it
constitutes a force which is greater than that of men. Myanmar women enjoy
equal rights to men throughout history according to existing laws.

Passage omitted
Although men and women enjoy equal rights, Myanmar women always give
priority to their husbands, and those who do not understand such noble
traditions accuse Myanmar of not giving women equal rights to those of
men. The customs of some countries, which misunderstand Myanmar's noble
traditions, run directly counter to Myanmar's with women getting priority
before men and children lacking respect for and treating parents rudely.

A married couple in Myanmar society leads a blissful married life with the
husband as the head of the household and the wife as a life partner and
the practice is derived from Buddhist customs and traditionally has been
preserved by our ancestors since ancient times.

Myanmar women have never lost their rights throughout Myanmar history and
because of this, many brilliant, outstanding, and capable women have
emerged, and traditionally, they have capably discharged their duties in
their given roles. Women today occupy positions which they well deserve
and men have given the women their rightful places and treated them with
respect. As a result, many women organizations led by women and comprising
women who are working for the development of the women's sector like the
MNCWA, the Myanmar Maternal and Child Welfare Association, the Myanmar
Women's Sport Federation, and the Myanmar Women Entrepreneurs Association
have emerged. Such women-led organizations participated in by women are
voluntarily discharging their respective duties in their given roles for
the development of the women's sector, for women to enjoy and retain their
rights, to stop violence against women, and prevent women from being
trafficked.

The government has consistently been providing assistance to these social
organizations for the success of their noble tasks. It is quite evident
that the women's sector in Myanmar has never lost or lagged behind in
rights, but has even occupied a leading role. As rights and opportunities
are made available to them, Myanmar women have become more efficient and
are outshining men in some sectors like education, health, economy,
culture, and sports. This clearly shows that Myanmar women are enjoying
the same rights as men and the women's sector in Myanmar is achieving
success.

But, with the intention of imposing political pressure on Myanmar, some
Western powers are still hurling accusations that Myanmar women are
victims of oppression, without rights, and are victims of human
trafficking. In addition, in order to drive a wedge between ethnic
nationalities, Western powers have been fabricating reports about Shan
women being sexually abused and being trafficked. Such fabrications are
the work of the national traitorous clique which has taken refuge in a
foreign country and is trying to destroy the Union and working in
collusion with Western powers opposed to the interests of Myanmar. Their
intent is to tarnish the image of Myanmar and its women and destroy
national unity.

Since those who are against the interests of Myanmar and the traitorous
elements who are colluding and making extensive use of the media opposed
to Myanmar to exaggerate their claims, people who do not know Myanmar well
are bound to be misled. Under such a situation, it is vital to develop the
women's sector in Myanmar and to further the rights of Myanmar women.
This being the case, it becomes vital for the MNCWA to work strenuously
and try to be in harmony with the political, economic, and social
objectives of the State in order to improve Myanmar women's rights and
develop the women's sector. In addition, in order to do so, Myanmar must
step up its collaboration with international NGOs which are voluntarily
providing assistance to Myanmar's social sector and with UN agencies which
adopt a fair and correct outlook towards Myanmar and are cooperating with
true goodwill.
MNCWA must therefore be improved so that it will be able to build a
peaceful, modern and developed nation; protect the rights of women;
develop the economic, health, and education of women; provide security to
women's lives; educate and nurture women so that they will come to cherish
the traditions and customs of ethnic nationalities; systematically prevent
violence against women and undertake their rehabilitation; reduce and
eliminate as a national task the trafficking of women and children;
cooperate with international organizations, regional bodies, and
organizations both at home and overseas to protect women's rights in
accord with national culture and traditions.
The MNCWA will need to introduce measures to develop the women's sector,
safeguard Myanmar traditional culture, customs, and characters; ensure
non-disintegration of the Union and further strengthen national unity; and
work for national development while discharging its national duties. The
women's sector will have to participate in the five rural development
tasks outlined by the head of state, Senior General Than Shwe, so as to
alleviate poverty, create job opportunities, and achieve economic
development in the rural regions. The women's sector must also participate
in the tasks to develop women's life in the country, provide a secure
social life, and improve their standard of living.

The MNCWA is an organization that not only provides leadership to women
who constitute a powerful force capable of improving the women's sector
and strengthening the national economy but also an organization that is of
paramount importance to the state. Responsible officials must, therefore,
make concerted efforts to enhance the MNCWA.

Following the meeting, Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt cordially greeted
those who attended the meeting.
_______________________________

Nov 16, AP
Myanmar textile industry recovering from U.S. sanctions
Myanmar's textile industry, hit hard by U.S. sanctions, is showing signs
of recovery as factories find new markets in Europe, a semi-government
weekly reported.

About 100 of Myanmar's 300 garment factories have been forced to close and
nearly 25,000 people made jobless since the United States imposed
sanctions in July to pressure the ruling junta to release pro-democracy
leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

The weekly Myanmar Times newspaper, published Monday, said the textile
industry has shown signs of improvement in the past two months as
companies find alternative markets.

"Many of the textile companies have increased sales through contracts with
buyers in Europe," the Myanmar Times said.

The report could not be independently confirmed.

"Companies are trading more with Germany, Spain and France. Even sales to
Britain have risen," the weekly quoted Myint Soe, chairman of the Myanmar
Garment Manufacturers' Association, as saying.

A spokesman for the Chindwin Banner Textile company told the Weekly that
it had reopened 12 of its factories after finding new markets in Europe.
The spokesman was not identified.

Managing director of Crocodile Textiles, Zaw Min Oo, who had to close two
of his factories, was quoted as saying that business has increased around
20 percent in the past few months and that he will consider reopening his
factories.

The U.S. sanctions banned Myanmar imports, froze the U.S. assets of
Myanmar officials and stopped all U.S. dollar remittances to the country.
Myanmar's exports to the United States - mostly garments - totaled about
US$356 million in 2002.

About 350,000 workers, mostly young women, were employed at 300 textile
and garment factories before the sanctions. According to earlier official
reports, the U.S. sanctions would affect 1 million people if workers in
related businesses and families were counted.

The United States accounted for 75 percent of Myanmar's textile exports
while the remaining 25 percent went to European countries, according to
pre-sanctions figures.

ON THE BORDER
____________________________________________

Nov 16, Xinhua
Myanmar troops attack KNU's base

Myanmar troops attacked a base belong to rebelled Karen National Union
(KNU) along Thai-Myanmar border, Thai authority advised local residents
not to harvest their crops, the Thai News Agency reported Sunday.

Baan Klang village headman Kiew Kraiphobcharoenkij, whose village is near
the base, was quoted as saying that the fighting had begun at around 18:20
p.m. on Saturday, ending 40 minutes later.

Private Ger, a soldier of KNU fled into Baan Klang and was handed over to
the Thai police, said that around 40 to 50 Myanmar troops had attacked the
Matee base, home to 13 KNU soldiers, with K60 guns and grenades, and the
KNU soldiers had abandoned their base.

Sunday morning, Thai troops belonging to the 36th Border Division quickly
moved to join border patrol volunteers in Baan Klang of Mae Hong Son
province, 700 kilometers north from Bangkok.

Noppaporn Ruenchan, Commander of the 36th Division, said that no Thai
citizens had been endangered by the fighting, but the villagers in the
border areas were advised not to go into the fields to harvest their
crops.

The 2,000-strong KNU is one of Myanmar's ethnic armed groups yet to sign a
cease-fire agreement with the government.
_______________________________

Nov 16, Narinjara
Gas Export Deal Kept Secret from the Arakanese

Sittwe, November 17:The plan to export natural gas from Arakan to India
has been kept a secret from the people of the state, says an Arakanese
governmental official from the state capital, Sittwe (Akyab).

Under the condition of anonymity, the official claimed "It is unfair of
the SPDC military junta to sell the natural resources of the state without
the knowledge of the people.  At least they should be informed about it."

The foreign companies are about to start producing natural gas from Block
(A-1) of the Arakan coast, and the public has no idea about such a major
project.  At the same time, the people of Arakan do not know that the
state project is already sold to India.  Production will be commenced
within a fortnight by an international consortium led by Indian Kuogas,
according to a statement from India Gas companies Ongc Videsh Limited and
GAIL.

The consortium consists of Kugos, which has a sixty percent interest in
the project, ONGC Videsh Limited, a 20 percent interest, and GAIL and
Daewoo (South Korea) ten percent each (UNI).

The gas will be fed through a pipeline from Kyauktaw-Paltwa in northern
Arakan via Tripura and Mizrom in India to the state of Assam.

"We oppose the SPDC selling the natural gas from Arakan to foreign
companies.  The gas sale will not benefit the people of Arakan, or the
people of Burma.  In our view, the foreign companies are paying hard
currency to the SPDC, which buys arms to suppress the people of Arakan and
Burma," says Ko Khaing Zaw from the All Arakan Students and Youths
Congress, and also a member of the anti-gas export committee.

Arakanese leaders and activists in exile have formed an action committee
to organise a strategy with the help from other international communities
and Burmese democratic forces to stop the gas export of the military
government.

According to our reporter in Sittwe, the SPDC has built an artillery
military camp on Fharoongar Island in Pauk Taw Township, 20 miles south of
Sittwe, to provide security to the gas works.  Villagers from Saw Mae Gyi
- a village on the Island - were forced to build the camps.

DRUGS
____________________________________________

Nov 17, Xinhua
Thailand determined to eradicate poppy cultivation in 2 years

Thailand is determined to eradicate poppy cultivation in the country in
two years, an official from the Office of Narcotics Control Board (ONCB)
has said.

"We are confident we can eradicate opium planting in two years to mark the
36th anniversary of his majesty the King's initiative which began in
1969," Director of the northern ONCB Phittaya Jinawat was quoted by the
Bangkok Post as saying on Monday.

Hilltribes who were previously engaged with poppy cultivation will be
encouraged to take up crop farming instead, the report said.

Opium plantation has stopped in the remote and mountainous areas in Tak,
Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai and Mae Hong Song provinces.

Poppy cultivation around the country has dropped 0.64 square kilometers,
according to Phittaya.

According to a latest United Nations' report, Thailand has virtually
eradicate the cultivation of opium, while poppy planting fell 24 percent
in Myanmar and 15 percent in Laos.

The Thai government is pushing forward its war on drugs with an aim to
keep Thailand free of drugs on Dec. 5.


MONEY
____________________________________________

Nov 17, AFP
Myanmar junta turns to Asian business links as Western sanctions bite

Faced with tough new economic sanctions and the withdrawal of western
companies, Myanmar's ruling junta is making deals with more accommodating
Asian neighbours to circumvent the crackdown.

Even as the United States, Canada and the European Union use economic
weapons to punish the military regime for its May arrest of opposition
leader Aung San Suu Kyi, Asian nations are lining up to do business with
the generals.

One exception is Japan, Myanmar's top donor which suspended new economic
aid amid international outrage over the move against the 58-year-old Nobel
peace laureate who is now confined to her Yangon home.

Thailand is leading the charge. Its Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra
admitted after talks with his Myanmar counterpart General Khin Nyunt last
week that he "did not raise the question" of Aung San Suu Kyi.

Instead at a four-nation summit which followed with the leaders of Laos
and Cambodia in the former capital of Bagan, they announced a joint
economic roadmap aimed at accelerating growth in the region.

"Asian countries believe it is cooperation that will bring about gradual
change in Myanmar. That could be seen with the summit in Bagan," said a
Yangon-based diplomat.

"For them, it is up to Myanmar to deal with its own problems."

Its neighbours are mindful that "this is a completely under-developed
country which has fantastic possibilities for development: agriculture,
precious stones, forestry, gas: all are there in abundance," he said.

Myanmar is secure in the knowledge that it can survive without making any
political concessions thanks to trade and economic cooperation with its
neighbours -- particularly China and India, rival regional powers
manoeuvring for influence with Yangon.

"Myanmar is very interested in all these projects" with its neighbours,
said the diplomat to this isolated Southeast Asian nation which has been
crippled by sanctions on top of four decades of economic mismanagement
under military rule.

Washington's latest punitive sanctions are strangling Myanmar. A ban on
exports has put tens of thousands out of work while a freeze on dollar
transfers plunged the economy deeper into chaos and forced a hasty switch
to the euro.

"You can already see the catastrophic consequences for economic activity
in the country, in particular in the texile industry," said one western
expert.

Textile exports to the United States last year were worth about 350
million dollars, and more than half of the 300 textile factories in
Myanmar have closed since the imposition of the sanctions.

But despite the hardships for factory workers, mostly women and including
some who have been forced into prostitution as a result, the sanctions
have failed to loosen the generals' grip on power or prompt them to embark
on democratic reforms.

That is partly because while western companies are exiting Myanmar under
pressure from their governments and assailed by rights groups, Myanmar's
neighbours have been quick to fill the gap.

Last week, British American Tobacco (BAT) announced that at the request of
the British government it had withdrawn from Myanmar and sold its 60
percent holding in a cigarette factory to Singapore's Distinction
Investment Holdings.

And last year Malaysian national energy company Petronas bought a stake in
the Yetagun gas field from Britain's Premier Oil which had also come under
intense pressure to withdraw.

"Each time a western company goes away, an Asian company takes its place,"
the diplomat said. "Myanmar does not have any difficulty in finding
purchasers."

Myanmar's huge energy reserves are particularly coveted by its neighbours.

Thailand's PTT Exploration and Production last week signed an agreement to
begin natural gas exploration with a 15.8 million dollars investment in
two holdings.

Early this month India sent Vice-President Bhairon Singh Shekhawat to
Yangon to talk business. Shekhawat, who received a red-carpet welcome from
the generals, was the highest ranking Indian leader to visit Myanmar in 16
years.

Observers note that increased trade with nations like India, which plans
to boost two-way trade to 1.0 billion dollars by 2006 from 400 million
dollars currently, will compensate for the loss of exports to the United
States.

India is already involved in gas exploration in Myanmar while an
Indian-South Korean consortium is poised to carry out the first drilling
in a gas field off Rakhine state in the Bay of Bengal.

For its part, China has signed a series of economic cooperation agreements
with Myanmar including one on oil exploration, and never wavered in its
goal of reinforcing its influence on Yangon.

Its most recent contract was for a major hydroelectric power station in
Shan state, with a price tag of 176 million dollars, which will boost
Myanmar's capacity by one third.

The contract was signed in August, just as the US sanctions came into effect.
_______________________________

Nov 15, Xinhua
Myanmar to hold annual gems show in March 2004

Myanmar will stage the 41st annual gems exposition in March 2004 to put on
sale its domestically produced quality gems, jade, pearl and jewelry
through bidding and fixed prices, the state-run Myanmar Gems Enterprise
(MGE) announced on Saturday.

Myanmar started to hold annual gems show in 1964, introducing mid-year
ones in addition since 1992 to boost the country's foreign currency
earning.

Since 1964, Myanmar has earned a total of 431.98 million US dollars from
such events, according to the MGE statistics.

Myanmar, a well-known producer of gems in the world, is in possession of
nine gems -- ruby, diamond, cat's eye, emerald, topaz, pearl, sapphire,
coral and a variety of garnet tinged with yellow.

There are three famous gem lands in Myanmar -- Mogok in Mandalay division,
Mongshu in Shan state and Phakant in Kachin state.

Myanmar claimed that it has found in the country the world's biggest ruby
weighing 21,450 carats, largest star sapphire weighing 63,000 carats,
biggest peridot weighing 329 carats, largest pearl weighing 845 carats and
largest jade stone weighing about 3,000 tons. Among them, the biggest ruby
and the star sapphire were found in Mogok, while the largest jade stone
was discovered in Phakant.

To develop gem mining industry, Myanmar enacted the New Gemstone Law in
September 1995, allowing national entrepreneurs to mine, produce,
transport and sell finished gemstone and manufactured jewelry both at home
and abroad.

In April 2000, the government started mining of gems and jade in joint
venture with 10 private companies on profit-sharing basis.


REGIONAL
____________________________________________

Nov 17, Japan Economic Newswire
Japan, ASEAN prepare for special Tokyo summit in Dec.

Japan and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are holding a
two-day high-level meeting in Tokyo through Tuesday to make final
preparations for a special summit among their leaders next month in the
Japanese capital.

The Japan-ASEAN Commemorative Summit Meeting, to take place Dec. 11-12, is
expected to produce two documents -- a basic guideline on future
Japan-ASEAN relations and an action plan spelling out the measures to be
taken under the guideline.

Senior officials from Japan and the 10 ASEAN member countries are ironing
out the contents of the two documents during the two-day preparatory
talks, said Makarim Wibisono, the Indonesian Foreign Ministry's director
general for Asia-Pacific and Africa.

'At this stage, we are almost done with the political declaration...at the
same time, we are working to address the remaining issues on the plan of
action,' Makarim told Kyodo News on Monday.

'Hopefully, by tomorrow morning, we will be able to conclude the two draft
documents,' he said.

The declaration and action plan are meant to underscore the importance not
just of the 'very productive' Japan-ASEAN relationship in the past, but
also its future, he said.

Makarim said both ASEAN and Japan have generally agreed on the course of
their preparations to promote cooperation in a wide range of areas
including security and economic issues as well as to develop a good
partnership.

'We would like to intensify contact in making this partnership function to
secure the peace, stability and prosperity of the region,' the Indonesian
diplomat said.

He noted, however, that one problematic area is the difficulty Japan has
in finding additional financial resources for economic cooperation with
ASEAN.

The delegations meeting in Tokyo are also expected to discuss Japan's
entry into the 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia and
the democratization of Myanmar, where pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu
Kyi remains under house arrest, according to Japanese officials.

China, India and Papua New Guinea have joined the ASEAN amity pact, a
regional code of conduct in which signatory states pledge respect for the
independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries.

ASEAN -- which groups Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia,
Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam -- amended the
amity treaty in 1998, allowing non-ASEAN countries to join it.

Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and the ASEAN leaders last met
in Bali, Indonesia, in October as part of the annual summit meetings
involving ASEAN. Indonesia chairs ASEAN this year.

Koizumi invited the ASEAN leaders to a special summit in Tokyo to
commemorate the winding up of the ASEAN-Japan Exchange Year, which is
aimed at promoting ties between Japan and Southeast Asia.
_______________________________

Nov 16, Xinhua
Four-country visa to be launched soon: Thai FM

Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai expressed confidence that the
plan allowing people to visit Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos and Thailand on a
single visa would soon become reality since these three neighboring
countries of Thailand had agreed in principle to the scheme, the Thai News
Agency reported Sunday.

Surakiart said that he had asked his advisor to conduct a study into the
feasibility of the single visa, which was proposed by Thai Prime Minister
Thaksin Shinawatra and would allow tourists with a visa for one country to
visit the other three Economic Cooperation Strategy (ECS) nations.

Voicing optimism that concrete developments would be made on the scheme in
the near future, Surakiart noted that the leaders of Laos, Cambodia and
Myanmar had already agreed in principle in the leaders meeting of ECS in
Myanmar last week.

All that now remained, Surakiart said, was for the four countries to
exchange information to safeguard against possible security problems,
noting that each country had its own immigration blacklist and imposed
differing commission fees for visa applicants.

The minister stressed that when the ECS visa is in use, foreign tourists
in possession of a Thai visa will be able to continue their travels in
Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia, without having to make any further visa
request. At the same time, anyone with a visa for Myanmar, Laos or
Cambodia will be able to enter Thailand.

This is similar to the European Union, he said, noting that the issue
would benefit all four countries.
_______________________________

Nov 15, Mizzima
Burmese refugees kept from demonstrating against UNHCR

More than 200 Burmese nationals were detained at Lodhi Police Station,
Delhi, on 13 November when attempting to protest in front of the
headquarters of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

On 12 November, Delhi Police issued a prohibition order against
demonstrations around the UNHCR office, not allowing the Burmese to
demonstrate and forcibly dispersing demonstrators by using water cannons
and lathi [cane] charges.

According to the police, some of the demonstrators turned violent and
tried to enter into the UNHCR compound. The police thus had to use mild
force. In the scuffle, 12 police personnel and 22 Burmese were injured;
the police claimed.

Burmese demonstrators denied the Delhi Police version of the events,
saying that it was the police who started provoking the demonstrators.

Demonstrators had not tried to enter into the UNHCR compound but had been
demonstrating peacefully. They alleged that Delhi police had spread a
false story to cover police brutality against peaceful demonstrators.

Indian newspapers quoting the Delhi Police yesterday stated that a total
of 435 Burmese were rounded up, including women and children. Some were
injured and hospitalised. Most of the detained Burmese were later released
at night. Reportedly 12 Burmese were charged for rioting before a
magistrate in New Delhi on 13 November.

Several Burmese refugees have staged daily sit-in protests in front of the
UNHCR Office since October. They demand the recognition of refugees by
UNHCR and their resettlement in third countries.

The demonstrators are not representative of the entirety of Burmese
political activists in India. Many find that the demonstrators were
putting forward unrealistic demands. Critics of the demonstration are
ready to concede, however, that Burmese refugees in New Delhi face genuine
problems and hardships.

The UNHCR in India has refused to accept the demonstrators demands. In a
reply letter to the demonstrators on October 20, the UNHCR’s
officer-in-charge Ms. Wei-Meng Lim-Kabaa said that UNHCR does not grant
prima facie refugee status to all Burmese nationals who leave Burma.  “In
regard to the request for resettlement, this Office at this time does not
consider this as the most appropriate durable solution,” she added. On the
other hand, UNHCR has encouraged Burmese refugees to embark on training
and self-reliance activities, so that they could be empowered to improve
the quality of their living in Delhi.

When the Burmese continued their demonstrations on a daily basis, the
UNHCR had urged the Indian authorities to take whatever action necessary
to dispel them.
_______________________________

Nov 15, Mizzima
Human Rights Commission moved to act on behalf of  Burmese refugees

The Delhi-based Asian Center for Human Rights (ACHR) today made a formal
complaint with the Indian National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) against
alleged atrocities meted out to Burmese refugees by Delhi police on 12
November.

In the letter to NHRC Chairman Justice A.S. Anand, ACHR’s Director Suhas
Chakma complained against the torture of 80 Burmese refugees on 12
November and the arrest of more than 100 Burmese nationals by the Delhi
Police at Lodhi Police Station in New Delhi.

The ACHR has sought urgent intervention by the NHRC and appealed for an
investigation into the incidents of 12 November. It has also asked the
Commission to direct the Government of India to immediately release all
refugees, including 24 Burmese men and women who are now lodged in Tihar
Jail, and to drop all charges against them.

Several Burmese refugees had staged sit-in protests against UNHCR in front
of the UNHCR Office in New Delhi since 20 October. They demanded the
recognition of refugees by the UNHCR and their resettlement in third
countries.

On 12 November, Delhi Police took action against the demonstrators and
dispersed the Burmese refugees by the use of water cannons and lathi
charges.

A total of 435 Burmese, including women and children, were rounded up by
the police. Several got injured. The police later released all but 24
Burmese men and women who were charged with rioting.

Delhi police claimed that some demonstrators had turned violent and tried
to enter the UNHCR compound.  The police thus had to use mild force. In
the scuffle, 12 police personnel and 22 Burmese were injured, the police
stated.

The Burmese demonstrators stated that it had been the police who had
started provoking the demonstrators who had not tried to enter the UNHCR
compound. They said they had been demonstrating peacefully.


INTERNATIONAL
____________________________________________

Nov 16, Houston Chronicle
Unocal denies blame in Myanmar abuses

Unocal, which has oil and natural gas operations on five continents, told
a judge Friday it isn't responsible for human rights abuses that occurred
at a $ 1.2 billion pipeline project in Myanmar in the mid 1990s.

Villagers living near the pipeline sued the company in a California state
court in 2000, saying it bears responsibility for atrocities committed by
Myanmar soldiers who tortured and murdered local people and forced others
to work on the natural gas pipeline.

Unocal says it didn't authorize the actions of the Myanmar military and
doesn't condone human rights violations.

Unocal, ChevronTexaco and Exxon Mobil all face suits over their potential
liability for the acts of third parties acting on their behalf in foreign
countries.

"There is no liability," Unocal lawyer Daniel Petrocelli told Superior
Court Judge Victoria Chaney in Los Angeles. The villagers "want to hold
Unocal responsible for what some soldiers do to people."

"They are the ones who are liable," said Dan Stormer, a lawyer for the
villagers, referring to Unocal. "They are doing everything they can to
prevent a trial from going forward."

Also Friday, Unocal won tentative rulings on the kinds of evidence that
can be presented about human rights abuses at the pipeline project in
Myanmar.

Chaney indicated that she would allow the company to present evidence that
Myanmar villagers should have sued units operating the pipeline instead of
Unocal.

Chaney also said she would likely restrict some testimony from the
villagers about the abuses until a later portion of the trial. "We don't
need to go there yet," Chaney said.

The villagers also sued El Segundo,Calif.-based Unocal in federal court.
That suit is on appeal to the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals after a
three-judge panel reinstated the villagers' suit last year.


OPNION / OTHER
____________________________________________

Nov 17, Monterey County Herald
The effects of sanctions

It would take some chutzpah for me to accuse President Bush, congressional
Democrats and a courageous Nobel Peace Prize-winning dissident of
bolstering some of the world's most odious dictators.

But here goes.

The Bush administration has variously backed, threatened, acquiesced in or
hinted at tough new sanctions against Cuba, Syria, North Korea and Burma.
Democrats helped lead the fight for a new ban on imports from Burma. And
the gutsy Nobel laureate from Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi, backs sanctions
that help impoverish her own people.

The United States imposed 85 new unilateral economic sanctions on foreign
nations from 1996 to 2001. But sanctions, which cost U.S. companies up to
$19 billion in 1995 alone, aren't a policy; they're a feel-good substitute
for one. Usually they hurt just the people we're trying to help.

Fortunately, the Senate last month joined the House in voting to ease
restrictions on travel to Cuba. There is now some hope that the United
States will dismantle the Cuba sanctions, which have hurt ordinary Cubans
while helping Fidel Castro, giving him a scapegoat for his economic
failures.

Take Burma (or Myanmar, as its thuggish generals have tried to rename it).
Republicans and Democrats alike approved tough new sanctions against Burma
this year, by a vote of 97-1 in the Senate.

The reality is that Western sanctions have already been failing in Burma
for the last 14 years, as they have for more than 40 years in Cuba, as
they did for a dozen years in Iraq. We should have learned from Iraq that
arms embargoes and U.N. inspections can do some good, while economic
sanctions kill children. The claim that sanctions killed 500,000 Iraqi
children, a figure that originated in a UNICEF report, was probably
exaggerated, but no one doubts that U.N. sanctions contributed to child
malnutrition and mortality in Iraq.

The U.S. State Department says in a new report that our July ban on
Burmese imports has already led to 30,000 to 40,000 layoffs in the garment
industry, and that ultimately 100,000 Burmese will lose jobs. Most of
these are young women who have no other way of earning a living, and the
State Department says that some are being forced, or duped, into
prostitution (where many will be killed by AIDS).

''We do believe that some of those young women have gone into the sex
trade,'' said Richard Boucher, the State Department spokesman, although he
defended sanctions and said that they would eventually make life better in
Burma. So in the best-case scenario, we're ousting 100,000 people from
their jobs -- while the generals keep theirs.

Burmese are already living on the margins: In Burma, one child in 10 dies
before the age of 5, 44 percent of children are malnourished, and 58
percent of pregnant women are so poorly fed that they have anemia. Fewer
births are attended by a trained nurse now than back in 1982.

So our sanctions will cause babies to die, young women to succumb to AIDS
and families to go hungry. Suu Kyi has shown exceptional courage in
standing up to Burma's generals and the harm they cause. She should also
be brave enough to back down and call for ending sanctions that hurt her
people.

If we knew that sanctions would lead to a better Burma, I could understand
sacrificing helpless young women. But when sanctions, especially
unilateral ones, are mostly ineffective -- one major study found that they
worked to some degree one-third of the time -- why are we so eager to
adopt measures that impose such suffering on innocent Burmese, or Cubans
or Syrians?

In fairness, I was also skeptical of sanctions against South Africa, and
in retrospect I was wrong: Partly because they were multilateral, they
were one of many factors that led to peaceful change there. But in the
more typical cases of Iraq, Haiti, Cuba and North Korea, sanctions seemed
only to empower dictators. And when dictatorships crumbled in places like
Indonesia, Taiwan, South Korea, Brazil, Spain and Portugal, it was because
growing wealth nurtured a middle class, not because of sanctions.

That's why I fervently hope that Congress' push for easier travel to Cuba
marks a sea change in attitudes toward sanctions. They are ill suited to a
complex world where a senator can nobly stand before the cameras to
denounce Burmese tyrants, and the upshot is that a child on the other side
of the world dies of hunger.

Nicholas D. Kristof writes a column for The New York Times.
_______________________________

Nov 16, The Atlanta Journal
Progress is held hostage in Myanmar

Yangon, Myanmar --- "See that sign?" asks a tour guide, pointing to
Burmese script on a bridge spanning the Hlaing River. "It says, 'Build a
modern country.' "

He snickers. A decade ago he quit his job as an engineering professor
because his salary was less than $10 a month. The sign reminds him of the
military regime's sloganeering, posted on billboards throughout the
country, directing the people to oppose and crush enemy forces.

"How can we build a modern country when our slogan is oppose, oppose,
oppose, crush?" he said.

Myanmar, formerly called Burma, is run by a military junta that for more
than a decade has defied international pressure to cede power. Distrusting
foreign countries --- many of which have supported rebellions in Myanmar
at one time or another --- the junta sees itself as the only institution
that can hold the country together.

It refused to recognize the results of a 1990 election won overwhelmingly
by the National League for Democracy. It has kept the party's leader,
Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, under house arrest for much of the
past 15 years.

Washington's strategy has been to isolate and pressure the junta. Bill
Clinton's administration banned new investment by U.S. companies in 1997.
After a violent clash May 30 that put Suu Kyi and dozens of her supporters
back in detention, the Bush administration imposed more sanctions this
summer.

But the sanctions' goal --- political reform --- has been elusive.

About 40,000 garment workers --- mostly young women --- lost their jobs
within a month because of the latest sanctions, and 60,000 more might
follow, according to the State Department.

Tourism has plummeted, hurting craftsmen, taxi drivers, restaurant owners,
independent travel agencies and others who depend on tourist dollars. The
ban on financial services under sanctions imposed by the Bush
administration made the use of credit cards impossible, hitting hotels and
jewelry businesses especially hard.

After decades of isolation, many of Myanmar's 42.5 million people want
more foreign engagement, not less. Lu Maw, a comedian in Mandalay, said
meeting foreigners gives him an opportunity to educate them about his
country.

"If you don't come here, I can't give you information," he said.

Opposition split

The National League for Democracy argues that sanctions work and that
tourists and foreign investors should stay away to pressure the regime.
But Lu Maw --- a Suu Kyi supporter whose brother Par Par Lay was
imprisoned for six years for telling a joke at an event held by Suu Kyi's
party --- disagrees. "You stay at a family hotel, eat at a family
restaurant. Your money doesn't go to the government," he said.

But Htein Lin, 77, a former newspaper editor in Yangon and longtime
democracy activist, said, "Because of the sanctions, the people may suffer
a little, but without the sanctions the people won't benefit. We have to
struggle."

Gregory Love, a New York native who has lived in Myanmar for eight years
working with farmers to cultivate coffee for export, says the U.S.
sanctions have only made the regime dig in its heels. While Myanmar's
government has taken some positive steps, such as reducing drug production
and signing cease-fire agreements with ethnic insurgent groups, Washington
continues to apply more pressure.

"If every time they do something right you hit them over the head, they
become xenophobic and paranoid and don't want to open up," Love said. "The
government should be engaged, like we've done with China. When people have
more, they want more."

Western governments are swayed to a large extent by Aung San Suu Kyi
(pronounced ahng sahn sue chee). In the eyes of many, she is infallible,
but David Steinberg, director of Asian studies at Georgetown University's
School of Foreign Service, who has met with her several times, disagrees
with her stance.

"She has been uncompromising, and she's been wrong sometimes." He added,
however, "To say that is like criticizing Joan of Arc. There is a rigidity
and orthodoxy on all sides in the Burma question."

Suu Kyi still popular

Much to the dismay of the ruling generals, Suu Kyi is very popular with
Myanmar's people. Her father, the late Gen. Aung San, is a national hero
whose face appeared on the currency until the junta changed the English
name of the country from Burma to Myanmar in 1989.

Soon after Suu Kyi returned to Myanmar from England in 1988, Ma Thanegi
became her personal secretary for a year. But she has since fallen out
with Suu Kyi over the league leader's demand for political reform before
all else.

"We shouldn't put economic reforms on hold until we get utopia," said Ma
Thanegi, now a writer living in Yangon. "It's not the time for revolution
anymore. It's time for evolution."

But if ordinary Burmese don't want sanctions, they still trust Suu Kyi.

"People do want prosperity first," said Ma Thanegi. "But because she's the
general's daughter, they all love her."

U.S. foresees crisis

Meanwhile, the State Department says a humanitarian crisis is emerging.
Myanmar's health system is in shambles, blackouts occur regularly, private
banks collapsed earlier this year, and inflation runs at 40 percent,
leaving many unable to afford basic commodities.

Yet Steinberg, who meets with senior Myanmar officials when he visits the
country, said, "As military regimes go, it's certainly nothing as bad as
North Korea. The system may be wrong. The leadership is completely
misguided. But there are people in the system who are worth talking to and
who might in the future play a role if we don't isolate them."

Instead of sanctions, he'd like to see a well-defined dialogue.

"I want to see us offering certain staged responses to changes --- you do
A, we will do B --- and make them very explicit," said Steinberg. "Say you
give us a date [for an election], and we will nominate an ambassador."

The United States has not had an ambassador in Myanmar since 1990.
_______________________________

Nov 16, Nation
On the road with mcdang: Burmese blessings

I’ve just returned from Mandalay, Burma, where a friend invited me to see
the hotel he’d invested in seven years ago. The property was initially
operated by the Novotel group, but with the continuing political
instability there, the company has withdrawn.

My friend's family must thus run the Mandalay Hills Resort by themselves.
Last year business was good, but this year it’s suffering from the West’s
disfavour of travel to Burma.

I was in two minds about visiting the country, but decided to see for
myself what the situation is like. Burmese culture has been intertwined
with Thailand’s for ages, and I feel quite a strong bond with our
neighbour? It’s not an enemy, but a fellow member of the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations.

Phuket Air had a direct flight to Mandalay, but so few people knew about
it that our return flight was the last. This is a real shame, because the
Mandalay airport is brand new and very convenient for visitors.

Mandalay was the last capital of the old Burmese kingdom. King Thibor
ruled for just seven years before the British took over the country and
turned the palace into a garrison. It was bombed and razed during World
War II and only rebuilt in 1992 as a tourist attraction.

There is much to see in Burma. I felt sad knowing that during the 1950s,
this was a rich country, its economy as strong as those of Hong Kong and
Singapore. But everything has changed, and there are many people out of
work and poor. Sanctions imposed by the global community only sink them
deeper into destitution.

The country really needs help, but politics aggravates the situation. I
truly believe dialogue and closer contact with the Burmese authorities
would better serve the poor. One must remember that this is a country rich
with natural resources, and perfect for tourism. I only wish it could open
up and be allowed to grow.

I went to Pyin Oo Lwin, one of the hilltop stations near Mandalay where
the British used to spend their summers in the cool of the highlands. The
town has many buildings, country homes and botanical gardens built by the
British.

I went in a hired horsedrawn carriage to tour these great homes, thinking
I was in the English countryside. The air was cool, even cold in the
shade, as I had a typical Burmese lunch at an old mansion that?s become
the Kandawgyi Lodge.

The food was very interesting, a mix of Indian, Southeast Asian and
Chinese cuisine. Typically, a plate of nuts, fried garlic and tealeaf
salad is served at the beginning and end of each meal.

We had soup of lentils and glass noodles seasoned with turmeric. It was
enjoyably different and not too thick or greasy.

Rice here, as at home, is the main starch. There are dips like our nam
prik, but their food is less spicy, including the salads with lime and
fish sauce dressing.

The curries are milder than Thailand?s and not as fragrant as India’s. The
chicken and fish curries both use tomatoes, shallots, garlic and ginger as
a base and a small amount of spices for fragrance. Tamarind juice is used
to perfection for the fish curry.

All of us felt that what was missing in this otherwise perfect repast was
chilli peppers, but we realised that we were being very Thai to want other
people’s food taste as strong as ours.

I much enjoyed my meal at the lodge, though I felt a little strange eating
on the deck of this English country house in Burma. But considering the
country’s history, there shouldn’t be anything strange about it.

I was brought back to the present on my way back to Mandalay, when I
watched the sun set over a lake with the long, historic U Bein teak bridge
in Amrapura, the ancient royal capital. It was an amazing sight and a
perfect finish to the day.

_______________________________

Nov 15, Canberra Times
Burma's hope lies in compromise

Many Australians read the political challenges in Burma as revolving
around the confrontation between the movement for democracy and its
leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, and the all-powerful military, the Tatmadaw.
Andrew Selth does not deny the significance of that struggle, but his 25
years' study of Burma and its armed forces as a diplomat, strategic
defence analyst and academic has produced more subtle elements.  Selth
sees an important key to an understanding of the present situation in the
link between Aung San Suu Kyi and her nationally revered father, Aung San,
who was Defence Minister in World War II under Japanese occupation but led
his force to join the Allies in 1945.

He led Burma to independence after World War II but was murdered with six
of his Cabinet colleagues shortly before its achievement in 1948.Selth
notes Aung San Suu Kyi's deep commitment to democratic government and
human rights, but sees her guiding principles as "clearly deriving from
Aung San". She has, he says, "made it clear on numerous occasions since
1988 that she fully accepts the legitimacy of the armed forces as an
institution of the state, and personally holds it in high regard. "Selth's
history of the Burmese armed forces puts them in the same perspective. He
rates the Tatmadaw as not only "being on active service for more than 50
years", but also exercising "a major influence on the political, economic
and social development of the country".

He is not, however, by any means a defender of the military. He is
receptive of the Tatmadaw argument that its armed procurement program is
basically defensive and not aimed at power projection. At the same time he
is convinced that its increased recruitment campaign and arms procurement
"seem aimed above all else at preventing or, if necessary, quelling
renewed civil unrest in the main population centres". He believes its
efforts to defeat or neutralise ethnic insurgent groups in the countryside
can be seen as part of its continuing determination to impose "its own
peculiar vision of the Burmese state" upon the entire country. That brings
up the vexed question of ethnic difference. Burmans, who make up almost 70
per cent of the population, dominate the central lowlands. The Shan, Karen
and other minority groups who live mostly in the highlands comprise the
main insurgent groups. They also, says Selth, provide a primary
justification for the Tatmadaw's determination to establish a permanent
presence throughout the country.  That element dominates his incisive
analysis of the social and economic history of the Tatmadaw.

He believes that, given the security problems in the country, there is
some justification for its growth since 1988, particularly given the
demands of government and administration on its resources. He points out,
too, that its size in relation to the population is still less than its
counterparts in Brunei, Singapore and Cambodia. Has that domestically
oriented program produced the required results for domestic stability? His
answer is positive. "The likelihood of another serious challenge from
urban dissidents has receded," he says. "Well over half of the major
ethnic insurgent groups have entered into cease-fire arrangements with
Rangoon, while others (including the once-powerful Karens) have been
gravely weakened by internal divisions and military offensives

In terms of external relations, Selth sees the regime winning back some of
the diplomatic ground it lost in 1988. He notes its close relationship
with China, membership in ASEAN and the comment of the International
Crisis Group that it is "presently very comfortable in its resistance to
internal and external pressures for change".

"A much more worrying prospect for the regime," he says, "would be a loss
of loyalty and cohesion in the armed forces, its sole power base. "That
possibility has now emerged publicly through the changes in the structure
of the military dictatorship announced recently. A reputed reformer,
General Khin Nyunt, has acceded to the prime ministership and reportedly
promised a "road map to democracy" involving a new constitution leading to
elections and talks with the National League for Democracy. Selth foresees
this development by his references to domestic differences in Tatmadaw,
and particularly the battle for control between the "intelligence faction"
led by General Kyunt in the senior ranks of the military and the "hard
line army faction" led by General Maung Aye. His warning of the danger of
perpetuating a privileged caste of military personnel underlines the
central question about its future development.

"By relying on the armed forces to guarantee the country's unity and
stability, the regime has mortgaged Burma's vast and diverse political,
economic and social resources to continued dependence on military
strength," he says. "The future stability and prosperity of the country
will depend, not so much on the capacity of the armed forces to crush
dissent and physically eliminate its opponents, but rather on its
willingness to contemplate a future for the country in which the Tatmadaw
does not have the first call on its resources and is not the sole source
of political power. "On the other hand, Selth does not believe a genuinely
democratic government could survive in the short term without at least the
passive support of the Tatmadaw. He sees a compromise like those that have
already emerged in South Korea, South Africa and Chile benefiting not only
the Burmese people, but the armed forces themselves.
_______________________________

Nov 24, Time
Slave Labor?

Unocal is being sued in the U.S. for ignoring abuses in Burma. It's the
next globalization battle
By ADAM ZAGORIN

The farmers and fishermen who live in jungle villages along the southern
coast of Burma were long overlooked and neglected by their government. And
they liked it that way, given the notorious methods of the country's
military dictatorship. But their lives changed horribly, they say, after
two oil companies, the U.S. giant Unocal and its French partner Total,
began exploiting natural-gas deposits offshore. The gas discovery prompted
construction of a $1.2 billion pipeline through hundreds of miles of rain
forest to an electrical plant in neighboring Thailand. At that point,
villagers contend, the government began to view them as another kind of
natural resource to be exploited. Burmese troops were brought in to
provide security and build infrastructure for the project. Overnight,
claim the villagers, soldiers forced them at gunpoint to build army camps,
helipads and roads. Many fled into the jungle, but others could not escape
what they charge were terrible abuses. One victim, a slightly built,
middle-aged rice farmer, told TIME of beatings by Burmese soldiers, who
forced villagers to carry heavy loads through the jungle, sometimes for
weeks at a stretch. "The government calls us volunteers," he said. "But
the truth is, we were slaves."

To protect his identity, the rice farmer is known as "John Doe No. 8" in a
lawsuit in which he and 14 other unnamed victims accuse Unocal of "aiding
and abetting" abuses carried out by Burmese soldiers. The villagers,
assisted by American labor activists, have asked U.S. courts to award
damages that could exceed $1 billion. How Unocal fares in a trial
scheduled for December in a California state court and in federal
litigation will be closely watched because the oil company is just one of
many big U.S. companies facing similar court cases, a potential minefield
for multinationals that do business in unsavory nations. Other targets
include Fresh Del Monte Produce, which is being sued by Guatemalan
laborers who say the firm hired goons who kidnapped and tortured union
organizers, and ExxonMobil, which faces claims by Indonesian villagers
that the oil company is liable for the brutality of local security forces.
"We want to establish that multinationals, which are among the biggest
players in the global economy, are bound by the rule of law," says Terry
Collingsworth, executive director of the International Labor Rights Fund,
which is backing many of the lawsuits.

The law in question is a once obscure statute drafted in 1789 by the first
U.S. Congress and known as the Alien Tort Claims Act. Originally designed
to combat piracy, it fell into disuse until 1980, when courts began
applying it to liability for aiding and abetting violations of fundamental
human rights no matter where they occur — a standard similar to one used
to prosecute German companies at the Nuremberg trials after World War II.
More than two dozen cases have been filed against firms doing business in
developing countries. No judgments have been awarded so far, but the
potential liability could reach $200 billion.

The high stakes have prompted companies to fight the lawsuits vigorously —
and not just in court. A corporate lobbying blitz helped persuade the Bush
Administration to argue in legal briefs that such cases would disrupt U.S.
diplomatic relations with governments aiding in the war on terrorism. The
Justice Department has asked the Supreme Court to consider whether the law
is unconstitutional. A corporate-funded study titled "The Awakening
Monster" projects that if all the cases went against U.S. multinationals,
$300 billion in global trade and investment could be wiped out. Many
human-rights specialists, however, argue that target firms are
exaggerating the threat posed by the lawsuits. "The alien-tort law has
been used sparingly against corporations and applies only to knowing and
concrete support for the most extreme abuses," says Harold Koh, an expert
on international human rights at Yale Law School who dealt with issues of
labor and diplomacy in the Reagan and Clinton administrations. "This law
is nothing for a responsible American company to worry about."

Corporations doing business in Burma have come under particular pressure
because of protests by the country's Nobel-prizewinning opposition leader,
Aung San Suu Kyi, who is under house arrest. Most U.S. companies heeded
her call in the 1990s to sever ties with Burma because foreign investment
lends legitimacy and economic support to the junta (which changed the
country's official name to Myanmar). In 1997 Congress outlawed all new
U.S. investment there, and Bush imposed further sanctions this summer. But
Unocal argues that its presence has a positive effect. Infant mortality in
the pipeline vicinity is one-fourth the national average, it says, and
such social indicators as school attendance and employment have gone up.
In an annual report, Unocal noted, "If there were any possibility that our
project was connected with human-rights abuses, this would be absolutely
unacceptable to us."

But TIME has obtained unsealed court documents that challenge the
company's assertion. A Unocal consultant warned the firm in 1992 that
"throughout Burma, the government habitually makes use of forced labor"
and that "in such circumstances Unocal and its partners will have little
freedom of maneuver." A later memo, written by another adviser, informed
the company that the Burmese military was indeed committing abuses
directly connected to the project. The adviser, a former U.S. military
attache in Burma, told Unocal of "forced relocation without compensation
of families from land near/along the pipeline route; forced labor to work
on infrastructure projects supporting the pipeline ... and imprisonment
and/or execution by the army of those opposing such actions." The
consultant added, "Unocal, by seeming to have accepted the [Burmese
military's] version of events, appears at best naive and at worst a
willing partner in the situation."

A Unocal spokesman told TIME that the military attache had been unable to
visit the pipeline personally because it was in an area closed by the
Burmese government. He also said, "Forced labor was not used on the
pipeline, and there is no question about that. It was not." The company
did acknowledge several years ago that abuses by the military may have
been committed in preparation for building the pipeline. Even so, the
spokesman argued, as a "passive" investor — Unocal has a 28% stake in
Total's pipeline — the company is not responsible for what soldiers may
have done. He asked, "If Unocal invested in Los Angeles, would it be
responsible for the actions of the Los Angeles police department?" It will
be up to the court to decide how much the oil company is responsible for
what it may have ignored. And even if Unocal prevails in this case, the
wave of litigation and scrutiny has forced America's giant corporations to
take a fresh look at the moral code they follow in places that don't abide
by the rule of law.