BurmaNet News, Dec 13-15, 2003

[editor at burmanet.org]

Dec 13 - 15, 2003 Issue # 2387


INSIDE BURMA
AFP: Myanmar says Suu Kyi's party to help draft new constitution in 2004
AFP: Myanmar faces pressure at landmark talks on democractic reform
Narinjara: US Embassy officials visit Arakan

DRUGS
UN Wire: Opium Ban Seen Spurring Humanitarian Crisis In Myanmar Region

BUSINESS / MONEY
Xinhua: Myanmar, Thailand to introduce account trade system
AFP: Inflation slows in Myanmar: report

REGIONAL
BBC Monitor: Delegates to Thailand forum on Burma have no "high
expectations" of success

INTERNATIONAL
AP: International forum says aid to Myanmar should be linked to democratic
reforms
IHT: Spurring MTV generation to rock Myanmar's junta
Chicago Tribune: U.S. out of Myanmar talks

OPINION / OTHER
TNI: Drugs and Conflict in Burma (Myanmar): Dilemmas for Policy Responses
Mizzima: Interview with Dr. Zarni of the Free Burma Coalition
Bangkok Post: A Burmese Solution
Telegraph: Burma boycott 'hurting the people'




INSIDE BURMA
___________________________________

Dec 15, Agence France Presse
Myanmar says Suu Kyi's party to help draft new constitution in 2004

Myanmar said Monday that Aung San Suu Kyi's opposition party will take
part in the drafting of a new constitution next year as the first step of
the junta's "road map" to democracy, Thai officials said.

"Myanmar explained to the meeting that the country will hold a national
convention and draft a constitution next year," Thai Foreign Minister
Surakiart Sathirathai said after 12-nation talks attended by his Myanmar
counterpart Win Aung.

"Win Aung also said representatives from eight groups including political
parties, minority groups and the NLD (National League for Democracy) will
take part ... which is very encouraging indeed and is something we
welcome."

The seven-point "road map" unveiled by new Prime Minister General Khin
Nyunt in August, which also provides for "free and fair" elections to be
held under the new constitution, was initially greeted with scepticism
because it failed to include a timeframe or mention Aung San Suu Kyi, who
is under house arrest.

The make-up of the national convention is also seen as being critical
because an earlier convention collapsed in 1995 when the NLD withdrew on
the grounds that it was unrepresentative.

When asked if Aung San Suu Kyi herself would attend the convention
Surakiart said Win Aung told the meeting that it would be "up to the NLD
who will be heading the delegation".

The Myanmar minister also said that Khin Nyunt and Aung San Suu Kyi were
engaged in a "confidence-building process" but Surakiart said he did not
indicate whether the contacts were face-to-face or through an
intermediary.

"We have been informed that there is a good confidence-building process
and we support that," he said.

United Nations envoy Razali Ismail, who attended the Bangkok meeting, was
the catalyst for an earlier round of confidence-building contacts between
the two sides which began in October 2000 but collapsed earlier this year.

Australia's Christine Gallus, the parliamentary secretary to the foreign
affairs minister who attended the talks along with representatives from
Austria, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan and
Singapore, welcomed the junta's promise to embark on the road map.

"I think it's very good news that they're looking towards a national
convention for 2004," she told AFP. "It was a very good first step... I
would hope there would be other meetings of this kind to follow up."

Gallus said the participants held an "open and frank discussion" which
refrained from criticising Myanmar but addressed the issue of the
international community's push for Aung San Suu Kyi to be freed.

"Certainly representatives of the international community said that they
were all hoping to see an early release of Aung San Suu Kyi and that was a
critical issue for them," she said.

The NLD won a landslide election victory in 1990 but has never been
allowed to take power.

Aung San Suu Kyi is currently under house arrest for the third time since
1988, after being detained in the wake of May political unrest which also
triggered a sweeping crackdown on her party.

The United States and European Union tightened their sanctions against
Myanmar after Aung San Suu Kyi's arrest. Both countries are vocal critics
of the Yangon junta and were pointedly excluded from Monday's talks.

Despite chronic foot-dragging by the Yangon regime, analysts say that
behind the scenes it appears to be working towards introducing some sort
of democratic changes by 2006.

UN chief Kofi Annan has seized on that date as a deadline for reforms, and
Myanmar's neighbours are anxious that the country puts on a more
democratic face when it hosts the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
summit that year.

Surakiart said that the international talks, the first on Myanmar which
the junta has agreed to attend, have been dubbed the "Bangkok Process" and
would convene again in the near future although no date has been set.
_____________________________

Dec 15, AFP
Myanmar faces pressure at landmark talks on democractic reform

Myanmar's Foreign Minister Win Aung will be under pressure at landmark
international talks here Monday to indicate when the military state plans
to embark on its new "road map" towards democracy.

Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra said he was optimistic the conference on
Myanmar, attended by representatives from Australia, Austria, China,
France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan and Singapore, would make
progress.

"I expect the results will be positive and help the international
community understand Myanmar," he said.

But foreign ministry spokesman Sihasak Phuangketkeow warned the half-day
meeting was not likely to produce a dramatic breakthrough and was merely
the start of a longer process to end four decades of military rule in
Myanmar.

"It's not a one-shot affair, it's a process and we have to be realistic,"
he told AFP.

"We are seeking greater clarity in each side's positions and if we can
lessen the gap in terms of understanding, we can arrive at some common
ground in terms of moving the national reconciliation process forward."

Myanmar's new Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt in August unveiled the
seven-point road map which includes a national convention to write a new
constitution and "free and fair" elections.

The proposal has met with scepticism from the international community
because it failed to include a timeframe or mention opposition leader Aung
San Suu Kyi, who is under house arrest.

"We do expect more detail on implementation of the road map, perhaps some
indication of the timeframe, but probably not the whole process," Sihasak
said.

The Bangkok Post said in an editorial that Myanmar's ruling generals
should seize the opportunity to provide a detailed explanation of its
plans to embark on democratic reforms.

"Rangoon has created a growing crisis that is hurting its people and
threatening the security of its neighbours on all sides," it said.

"The generals have a short time to demonstrate they are serious about
working to help their citizens and their neighbours. They should give a
clear timetable for the installation of an accountable government in
Rangoon."

Thailand's Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai, who is hosting the
12-nation talks, said his counterpart Win Aung was entering the meeting
with a positive attitude.

"He is open-minded, he is willing to come here to explain his government's
plans and he is ready to listen to everyone's opinions," he told
reporters.

Myanmar's Southeast Asian neighbours follow a policy of "constructive
engagement" with the junta, but Thailand's decision to host the conference
is an indication of their deepening concern over Myanmar's political
impasse.

Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide
election victory in 1990 but it has never been allowed to take power.

The Nobel peace laureate is under house arrest for the third time since
1988, after being detained in the wake of May political unrest which also
triggered a sweeping crackdown on her party.

The United States and European Union tightened their sanctions against
Myanmar after Aung San Suu Kyi's arrest. Both countries are vocal critics
of the Yangon junta and have pointedly been excluded from Monday's talks.

Myanmar said in the run-up to the talks that it would not attend if the
countries participating would use it as a forum to criticise the regime.

Despite the scepticism and the apparent political impasse, analysts say
that behind the scenes the military government appears to be working
towards introducing some sort of reform by 2006.

UN chief Kofi Annan has seized on that date as a deadline for reforms, and
Myanmar's neighbours are anxious that the country puts on a more
democratic face when it hosts the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
summit that year.
_____________________________

Dec 15, Narinjara
High Security Alert in towns of Northern Arakan

Sittwe: In the northern towns of the Arakan State, namely Sittwe (Akyab),
Buthe Daung, Rathe Daung, Maung Daw, the local authority has increased the
security arrangements due to the fear of communal violence between
Arakanese Buddhists and Muslim communities.

"Though there is no official curfew in Sittwe, those found on the street
after 10 pm have been arrested by the military.  They cannot be bailed
out.  The troops are everywhere through out the city, as they were in the
Coup of 1988.  They are guarding every street corner," a city resident
said.

Due to the fear of communal violence, which had been intense in the middle
of mainland Burma, the security forces have been more apparent in the
northern towns of Arakan.

"There is heightened security in Sittwe and Maung Daw. Recently there was
a brawl between an Arakanese student and a Muslim youth.  There were some
security scares, but the authority managed to contain it in time. However,
Maung Kyaw Zin Khant, a protagonist of the brawl, is still missing.  There
was also a group of Muslims, who wanted to stir up the community, which
set
alight the Muslim religious school.  This is why the authorities of these
two towns are really careful with the communal problems," said a Maung Daw
resident.

Those civilians, who stay on the streets of Sittwe after 10 pm, are
accused of being political dissidents and many of them are still in
detention.

In 1942, on the eve of Japanese invasion into Burma, the communal violence
spread into Arakan and resulted in violent clashes between Arakanese and
Muslim residents of Arakan, leaving tens of thousands of people dead.
Since then, the two communities have been at odds.


DRUGS
____________________________________

Dec 15, UN Wire
Opium Ban Seen Spurring Humanitarian Crisis In Myanmar Region
Steve Hirsch

MONG PAWK, Myanmar — The planned elimination of opium in this remote
region of Myanmar, set to follow the 2005-06 crop year, may lead to a
serious humanitarian crisis as farmers, already living close to the edge,
lose the income now generated by opium sales.

That is the prediction of various officials and observers in this part of
Myanmar, in the capital, Yangon, and in neighboring Thailand, and it seems
to be borne out by travel to villages throughout this area.

Among those experts is UNODC Myanmar Representative Jean-Luc Lemahieu, who
called the risk of a humanitarian crisis "very real" in an interview with
U.N. Wire, adding, "it is more than a risk, it’s becoming a reality.”

Moreover, this looming crisis is likely to take the outside world by
surprise, many say.  The U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime has a project here
aimed at ameliorating the effects of the elimination of opium as a crop,
but that effort alone is not likely to make up for the loss.

The opium farmers in this part of Myanmar, at the bottom rung of the opium
business, now depend on opium to make up for a rice deficit to maintain a
hardscrabble existence.  The amounts of money they see from the drug trade
are minuscule by Western standards, but those amounts account for a
significant part of their income and they may be hard-pressed to make up
for loss of that money if they are forced out of opium cultivation.

A Separate World

Mong Pawk is in the Wa region of Myanmar's Shan state, 10 kilometers from
the Chinese border.  This is in many ways not part of Myanmar at all.  It
is governed by the Wa, one of the non-Burman ethnic groups that are part
of the opposition to the Yangon government, although it is one of the
groups that have signed a cease-fire with the government.  The region is
closed to Western tourists and is many hours' trip from Yangon by airplane
and narrow, often unpaved, mountain roads dotted with security
checkpoints.  In addition to various tribal languages, Chinese is spoken
more than Burmese and Chinese currency is used.

Mong Pawk is home to the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime's program to help
farmers adjust to the planned elimination of opium in the Wa region in the
next couple of years, and while it is usually difficult or impossible for
Western journalists to even enter this country, U.N. Wire and journalists
from a number of other news outlets were admitted to participate in a
UNODC-sponsored trip here last month.

The UNODC effort is currently budgeted at around $1.5 million a year and
aimed at helping the 44,000 people in this part of the Wa region adjust to
the change.

"Severe Difficulties" Predicted

Farmers in the 343 villages here grow poppies mainly to get cash to make
up for rice shortages, according to UNODC project manager Jeremy Milsom,
but it will be "very difficult" to make up for the loss of income.  Milsom
predicted "severe difficulties" if the opium ban goes into effect.

The people living in this area are members of a number of ethnic groups,
chiefly Lahu, but also including Shan, Wa, Akha and Chinese.

The Lahu village of Nam Maung Tai is one of the villages that have in the
past sold opium to visiting Chinese merchants from Mong Pawk.  Sha Mwe, a
farmer in the village, grew almost an acre of opium this year, along with
rice, corn, beans, soybeans and other vegetables.  The opium accounted for
half of his $242 annual income.

Interviewed in his home, a bamboo hut on stilts, he said he has been
married for three years and opium has always accounted for the same amount
of his income during that period.  Although he said he does not use opium
himself, he said he will grow it until stopped by authorities.  Speaking
through an interpreter, he added that he does not expect to be able to
make up for the loss of income for one or two years, although he supports
the ban.  Kya Shi, the village headman, said he does not know how the
village will deal with families who will be hungry once the opium ban goes
into effect.

Ah Tar, a 45-year-old farmer in Hwe Tang, another Lahu village, has grown
opium for six years and said he grows 1½ acres of opium poppies in
addition to other crops.  He said that once he stops growing poppies he
will increase rice and livestock production.  He said he expected to
weather the change, although some other farmers, he said, might not.

Par Nauk, a third village, has eliminated poppy cultivation, but last year
98 households grew opium.  Five or 10 years ago, according to local
officials, poppy was quite common, double the level of last year.

They said that the village started to cut its production in 2001.  Some
were unhappy when the decision was made to eliminate their only source of
income, but others were happy because of the difficulty in growing poppies
or because they were concerned about addicts.

Poppy income last year was about $240 per family, and although farmers are
expected to turn to tea, fruit trees and other substitutes, local
officials expect family incomes to drop for at least a year or two, with
some predicting it will take five to 10 years to attain the level of
income that has been drawn from opium.

Villagers, officials say, cannot afford the ban without outside help.  Kya
Bo, one villager who said he has been cutting the size of his opium crop
in recent years, said he has lost half of his income since last year.

UNODC Project

The UNODC project here, funded by the United States, Germany, Japan and
Italy, is aimed at developing a sustainable approach to changes wrought by
the opium ban.

One important element includes efforts to improve food security by growing
improved rice varieties, application of fertilizers, institution of winter
crops to substitute for poppies, veterinary services and livestock
efforts.  It also includes health initiatives, including efforts to end
addiction, as well as humanitarian assistance, infrastructure development
and education.

Two nongovernmental organizations are also working here, including
Malteser, which has a malaria control project, although its clinic handles
other complaints as well, and Aide Medicale Internationale, which trains
village health volunteers and supports health centers in the area.

In villages where the UNODC has worked intensively, the UNODC’s Milsom
said, the U.N. agency has had an impact on improving overall food
production abilities, but he said it will be difficult in general to
compensate for the loss of opium income.

In addition to UNODC and NGO efforts, there are moves to bring additional
income into the region through larger-scale efforts, including factories
and a rubber plantation begun in 1997 that now includes more than 1
million trees.  The plantation can employ 4,000 villagers and, officials
say, is aimed at the Chinese market, although there are no contracts yet.

Officials See No Crisis

In Pang Sang, the Wa region’s capital, United Wa State Party leader Xiao
Mingliang told reporters there will be food shortages after the cutoff,
but that the worst effects will be ameliorated by crop substitution,
mining activities, trading, rice development and livestock.

In addition, Li Zi Ru, vice chairman of the party’s Central Committee,
said preparations will have to be made for crisis areas.  He said, though,
that those who are totally reliant on poppies have been moved into other
areas.

Myanmar’s government also plays down the prospect of a looming emergency. 
In Yangon, Police Colonel Hkam Awng, who serves as joint secretary of the
Central Committee for Drugs Abuse Control in the Home Affairs Ministry,
was dismissive of the notion that there will be a humanitarian crisis.

Myanmar’s government will help the farmers hurt by the opium ban, he said,
adding that the villagers went through tougher times before the Wa signed
a cease-fire with the government.

(U.N. Wire will publish the full text of the interview with Lemahieu later
this week.)
Article available at: http://www.unwire.org/News/328_426_11283.asp


BUSINESS / MONEY
____________________________________

Dec 15, Xinhua News Agency
Myanmar, Thailand to introduce account trade system

Myanmar and Thailand have agreed to introduce an account trade system in
2004 to avoid always using currency in business transactions, the local
Myanmar Times reported Monday.

Quoting the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and
Industry, the report said the agreement between the Myanma Agricultural
Produce Trading (MAPT) and the Public Warehouse Organization of Thailand
was reached during a nine-day Quadrangle Expo 2003 held in Chiang Mai,
Thailand, which ended on Sunday.

Under the agreement, the state-run Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank
and Thailand's EXIM Bank will carry out the transactions on a
mutually-agreed basis and the trade value will be balanced with currency
every six months, the report added.

Under the account trade, which is expected to help boost overall bilateral
trade, Thailand will mostly purchase farm and fishery products from
Myanmar, while Myanmar will mostly buy construction materials from
Thailand.

According to official statistics, Myanmar-Thailand bilateral trade
amounted to 1,252.04 million US dollars in 2002, accounting for 23.7
percent of Myanmar's total foreign trade and standing as the highest
volume among those with member states of the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations during the year.
_______________________________

Dec 15, Agence France Presse
Inflation slows in Myanmar: report

Inflation rates have fallen in Myanmar this year as the military-ruled
country endured a banking crisis and suffered the fallout of tightened
international sanctions, a report said here.

Retail prices rose 60.5 per cent rise in 2002 but the increase in the
first two months of this year was less than six per cent, according to
official figures reported in the Myanmar Times in its edition to be
published Monday.

The semi-official weekly said prices for items such as rice, cooking oil
and domestically-produced goods have remained stable or fallen over the
past year as customer demand declined.

"Inflation has certainly been low in the past three months, mainly because
of the general business situation," U Maw Than, a former rector of Yangon
Institute of Economics, was quoted as saying.

He reportedly said that while the economic climate was creating challenges
for businesses, inflation was stable and was allowing businesses to plan
ahead and keep costs under control.

"Wages have not been rising and that is one of the causes of low inflation
this year," he told the newspaper.

Myanmar's already moribund economy was hit by a banking crisis early this
year that led to strict limits on bank withdrawals, a suspension of cheque
and credit card services, no bank lending and a huge shortage of currency.

It was further dampened by a rash of punitive sanctions slapped on the
junta by the United States and European Union after its May detention of
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and a sweeping crackdown on her party.


REGIONAL
____________________________

Dec 15, BBC Monitor
Delegates to Thailand forum on Burma have no "high expectations" of success

SOURCE: The Nation web site, Bangkok

Excerpt from report in English by Supalak Ganjanakhundee entitled: "Road
Map Forum: Delegates don't expect much",

Today's international forum on Burma holds little promise of any outcome
that will lead to the end of the country's political stalemate, which has
dragged on since the detention of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in
May.

Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai summed up the feeling of many
delegates attending the Forum of International Support for National
Reconciliation in Myanmar. "We do not hold high expectations for this
forum... we only hope that it will make some contribution to the national
conciliation process in Burma," he told reporters yesterday.

"What we should do is give a chance to Burma to explain their road map, to
explain what they want to do... The meeting tomorrow will not force Burma
to promise anything," he said.

The forum begins this afternoon at the Foreign Ministry. Discussions will
centre on the so-called road map to national reconciliation and democracy
in the country, a nation long-ruled by an authoritarian military regime.
Eleven so-called "like-minded" countries - Austria, Australia, France,
Germany, Italy, China, India, Japan, Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore -
along with the UN have sent representatives to discuss the road map
proposed earlier by Thailand and Burmese Prime Minister Khin Nyunt.

UN special envoy to Burma Razali Ismail and the Indonesian president's
special envoy, Ali Alatas, will be among participants.

"We want all parties to feel comfortable, to listen to Burma's proposals
and tell Burma how they could help support the move," Surakiart said.
Passage omitted

Rangoon set a condition that it would not countenance any criticism by
delegates before agreeing to attend the forum. The junta's Foreign
Minister Win Aung will attend the forum, and will explain the current
political situation in Burma and what the junta has done to maintain
internal political stability. "We will participate only if the proposed
forum provided a platform to explain the actual political situation in
Myanmar (Burma)," Burmese Deputy Foreign Minister Khin Maung Win told
reporters in Rangoon last week.

Burma's main intention is to brief the forum on the road map announced by
Prime Minister Khin Nyunt on 30 August. The road map, the junta says,
includes the National Convention being resumed to carry out the task of
drafting a constitution, which is expected to lead to free and fair
elections.

"Foreign Minister Win Aung is not a person who can make any commitment for
political change at home," said one diplomat of a participating country.
"It is not difficult for the international community to have suggestions
for the situation in Burma, but the problem is how to get things done,"
the diplomat said.

Another diplomat said the forum should be a dialogue, rather than a
briefing session for the junta.

Burma's road map did not mention how and when the NLD National League for
Democracy and ethnic minorities could be involved in the national
reconciliation process. Without their participation the process will be
meaningless.

None of the leaders of opposition groups have been invited to attend
today's forum, although one, Bo Mya - a leader with the Karen National
Union, the largest ethnic group fighting Rangoon - had made a request to
attend.

Kobsak Chutikul, vice-chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee said
any development is better than letting the deadlock continue. "But they
need to be caution that the process being initiated is conducive rather
than counter-productive to the end goal of national reconciliation and
political change in Burma," he said.

Kobsak cautioned that the fundamental question that needs to be answered
from the outset is the level of political freedom for Aung San Suu Kyi and
her role in Burmese politics. "Unless these points are cleared up from the
very outset, the meetings will be merely an external PR (public relations)
exercise for the junta with no tangible progress in the process of
internal national reconciliation," Kobsak said.

The reconciliation process should be managed by the UN or the ASEAN
Association of Southeast Asian Nations chair, rather than Thailand, which
has both has vested and conflicting interests in Burma, and could not be
regarded as a neutral arbiter or go-between, he said.


INTERNATIONAL
____________________________

Dec 15, Associated Press
International forum says aid to Myanmar should be linked to democratic
reforms

An international forum Monday to help steer Myanmar toward democracy
agreed that resumption of international aid to the military-ruled country
should be tied to political reforms, Thailand's foreign minister said.

The one-day meeting of 12 Asian and European countries was hosted by
Thailand in an effort to build "trust and confidence" between Myanmar and
its critics, Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai told reporters.

In an unprecedented move, Myanmar also attended the meeting, represented
by Foreign Minister Win Aung. Also attending was the United Nations'
special envoy to Myanmar, Razali Ismail. A full account of the talks was
not available.

Myanmar's junta has previously refused to attend any international
discussion on its slow-moving democratic reforms, and only agreed to take
part after host Thailand assured it wouldn't be criticized.

Myanmar's junta, which faces heavy international criticism for detaining
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, says it is committed to restoring
democracy through a seven-point road map. It has not disclosed details of
the road map or given a time frame.

Surakiart said participants at Monday's meeting "agreed that if there is
tangible progress, then the international support should be tied in with
the implementation of the road map."

"So each of us has homework to do to see how can international assistance
be tied in various steps of the implementation of the road map," he told a
news conference.

Japan, Myanmar's biggest aid donor, suspended all assistance after Suu
Kyi's detention on May 30 following a clash between her supporters and a
pro-junta mob.

The United States has blocked most multilateral aid for many years. It
imposed new economic sanctions after May 30, contributing to economic
hardships.

Singapore, Italy and China sent deputy foreign ministers to the meeting,
while Indonesia, Austria, France, Germany, India and Japan sent senior
officials.

Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962. The current junta came to
power in 1988, but refused to hand over authority when Suu Kyi's National
League for Democracy party won elections in 1990.

The junta has frequently jailed political dissidents, with about 1,300
still in custody despite a national reconciliation effort started in
October 2000. The process came to a standstill after Suu Kyi's detention.
She is currently under house arrest.

Surakiart said the participants expressed the view that Win Aung's
presence was "a clear testimony that Myanmar is ready to proceed with the
national reconciliation process in a transparent manner."

He said Thailand has been informed by the junta that "2004 will be a busy
year" and that the junta plans to reconvene a national convention to draft
a new constitution.

Suu Kyi's party pulled out of the last national convention, calling it a
futile exercise because of the government's control over it.
_______________________________

Dec 15, International Herald Tribune
Spurring MTV generation to rock Myanmar's junta

With a new advertising campaign, MTV Networks Europe hopes to turn Aung
San Suu Kyi, the Burmese opposition leader, into a Nelson Mandela for the
music video generation.

The television spots, which started running on Saturday, are aimed at
bringing awareness of Aung San Suu Kyi -- who has had a high profile among
Western activist organizations since she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize
in 1991 -- to a younger, hipper, but often more jaded audience.

The leader of the National League for Democracy has been kept under
detention by the generals ruling Myanmar, formerly Burma, since a clash
between her supporters and backers of the government in May. In public
awareness campaigns, large media organizations such as MTV, which is part
of Viacom, tend to shy away from sensitive domestic political disputes and
focus instead on broader issues such as the environment or public health.
But MTV has championed Aung San Suu Kyi's cause, naming her the recipient
of its "Free Your Mind" award at the MTV Music Awards in Edinburgh this
year.

"She wants to reach young people, and we felt that was something we could
help her with," said Svenja Geissmar, general counsel for MTV Europe, who
also heads what the company calls its pro-social activities.

Unlike most celebrity advertising, the spot, developed by StrawberryFrog,
an Amsterdam agency, shows only a fleeting image of its subject. It
focuses, instead, on an anonymous teenager in her bedroom -- an effort,
the agency says, to bring issues in Myanmar home to easily distracted
young people.

The 60-second ad starts by showing the teenager waking up happily in a
bright room, surrounded by the posters and other accouterments with which
she identifies. Slowly, as the camera pans through 360 degrees, the room
darkens and the posters curl up and drop off the walls. The girl hugs her
knees and rocks back and forth in what has become a prison cell.

The spot concludes with a picture of the Burmese dissident, and the words,
"Aung San Suu Kyi is under house arrest." It directs viewers to a Web site
organized by MTV and Burma Campaign UK, www.mtvburmaaction.com, where they
can sign an e-mail petition directed to Kofi Annan, the United Nations
secretary-general, urging the Security Council to push for Aung San Suu
Kyi's freedom.

"In order to resonate with teenagers, you have to speak to them on their
terms," said Scott Goodson, the executive creative director at
StrawberryFrog. "Basically, what we wanted was a film that gives you goose
bumps."

MTV, which financed the production of the ad, has started running it in 25
European countries where its programming is shown via cable and satellite.
The network says it can reach more than 100 million viewers this way. The
spot is also being made available to MTV networks in other markets; over
all, MTV reaches 42 countries.

John Jackson, director of the Burma Campaign UK, said the advertisement
and the e-mail petition were aimed at encouraging the Security Council to
adopt a resolution calling for the freedom of Aung San Suu Kyi and other
political prisoners and other steps toward democracy. Annan and the
General Assembly have criticized Myanmar's government, but the Burma
Campaign wants a Security Council measure to be backed by the threat of
mandatory sanctions. MTV clearly sees Aung San Suu Kyi's telegenic appeal
as a potentially unifying force among its viewers. "The issues in Burma
are very complex," Geissmar said. "When you have an individual like that,
they sort of brand all those issues."
____________________________________

Dec 14, Chicago Tribune
U.S. out of Myanmar talks

Six months after orchestrating a violent crackdown on democracy activists,
Myanmar's ruling military junta is to outline its so-called road map to
democracy at an international conference here Monday.

Absent from the list of countries invited to the conference by host
Thailand are the United States, Britain and Canada. Those governments took
the hardest lines on the junta after the May 30 attack in Myanmar in which
pro-junta supporters killed democracy supporters and the junta detained
activist Aung San Suu Kyi.

"We have not requested to participate [in the meeting] and have no
intention of doing so," said a U.S. Embassy spokesman in Bangkok. "There
is a problem with the road map when it is formulated without any
participation from members of the democracy movement, and so it is flawed
to begin with."

Explaining the decision to exclude the three countries, a Thai government
spokesman said, "The aim of the conference is to be constructive."

Asian nations and European governments considered more conciliatory to the
junta are to take part in the conference.

France, Austria, Australia and Germany, which have close economic ties
with Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, were invited. In its capacity as
the current head of the European Union, Italy also was asked to attend.

Singapore, Japan, Malaysia, Indonesia, China and India also are expected
to send representatives to the meeting.

"Maybe it's kind of a good cop/bad cop thing," a diplomat in Bangkok from
one of the uninvited countries said of the invitation list. "Because there
are countries like the U.K., U.S. and Canada, it gives Burma incentive to
talk serious with others."

Many analysts believe the path Myanmar takes in the near future will
reflect the amount of pressure exerted on the junta by its Asian neighbors
and those who have so far refrained from tough talk and action against it.

With sanctions from the United States and others hitting hard, Myanmar, is
increasingly relying on loans and business from China and other Asian
countries to prevent its economy from collapsing.

The conference comes after 16 political prisoners were released in Myanmar
this month, five of whom are members of the National League for
Democracy's executive council. They had been placed under house arrest
after May 30.

The releases and road map are evidence that the international pressure,
led by U.S. economic sanctions, has begun to wear down the resolve of the
military government, said Debbie Stafford of Altsean-Burma, a
pro-democracy group.

"That's why you see the military regime having to repackage itself,
publishing this road map. All of these are strong signals the regime is
very worried," she said. "Any effort to ameliorate or reduce international
pressure right now would be counterproductive."

Western diplomats in the region are cautious, noting the political cycle
in Myanmar has gone up and down since the military took power in 1988.

National League for Democracy leader Suu Kyi, meanwhile is under house
arrest for the third time since 1990. She had been held incommunicado for
nearly four months by the military after the May 30 attack. Diplomats in
Yangon, Myanmar's capital, said their requests to see Suu Kyi have been
ignored. The only non-military individual allowed to see the Nobel Peace
laureate is her personal doctor. She had a hysterectomy in September.

Four other members of the NLD executive council are in custody, including
NLD Vice Chairman U Tin Oo.

While the junta has have released a few dozen political prisoners since
May 30, Amnesty International estimates there are still more than 1,000
still being held.


OPINION / OTHER
_____________________________________

Dec 15, Transnational Institute Drugs and Democracy Project
Drugs and Conflict in Burma (Myanmar): Dilemmas for Policy Responses

For the full report please visit:  http://www.tni.org/drugs/index.htm

SUMMARY

Burma is on the brink of yet another humanitarian crisis. In the Kokang
region, an opium ban was enforced last year, and by mid-2005 no more poppy
growing will be allowed in the Wa region.  Banning opium in these Shan
State regions adds another chapter to the long and dramatic history of
drugs, conflict and human suffering. TNI tries to bring nuance to the
polarised debate on the Rangoon-focussed political agenda, the demonising
of the ceasefire groups and repressive drug policy approaches.

Hundreds of thousands of farmers who depend on the opium economy risk
being sacrificed in an effort to comply with international pressures about
drug-free deadlines. Community livelihoods face being crushed between the
pincers of the opium ban and tightened sanctions. The unfolding drama
caused by the opium bans is forcing the international community to rethink
its strategies. Enforcement of tight deadlines will result in major food
shortages and may jeopardise the fragile social stability in the areas. To
sustain the gradual decline in opium production, alternative sources of
income for basic subsistence farmers have to be secured. Without adequate
resources, the longer-term sustainability of 'quick solutions' is highly
questionable. Since military  authorities are eager to comply with
promises made, law enforcement repression is likely to increase, with
human rights abuses and more displacement a potential outcome.

The only viable and humane option lies in a simultaneous easing of drug
control deadline pressures and increasing international humanitarian aid
efforts. Both require stronger international engagement of a different
kind to that we have seen so far.

The new publication will be launched at the international conference
"Drugs and Conflict in Burma/Myanmar. Dilemma's for policy responses", 
14-15 December 2003 in Amsterdam, organised by TNI with the Burma Centre
Netherlands.


EDITORIAL

A Sword of Damocles is hanging over the Shan State in Burma(Myanmar)[1],
the area where by far the majority of the country's opium is produced. In
the Kokang region, an opium ban was enforced last year, and by mid-2005 no
more poppy growing will be allowed in the Wa region. The enforcement of
these bans will directly threaten the livelihoods of some 250,000 families
in the Shan State who depend on the opium economy. They add another
chapter to the long and dramatic history of drugs, conflict and human
suffering in the country.

In this issue of Drugs & Conflict we present the key findings from a TNI
research mission to Thailand and Burma which aimed to assess the extent of
the unfolding drama and talk openly to all sides involved.[2] Our
conclusions and our doubts are based on the discussions we had, and on the
expertise we have gathered over the years in the fields of drugs and
conflict and the situation in Burma.

The complex nature of the issues poses many dilemmas and requires
carefully designed drug policy responses ?both at the local level as well
as internationally- to enable the country to move towards development,
national reconciliation and democracy.

With this publication, we want to stimulate and bring nuance to the
currently very polarised debate on international engagement with Burma.
Between political pleas for strict sanctions aimed at pressuring for a
democratic transition in Rangoon,and the efforts of the SPDC military
government to hold onto power, little attention is being paid to
developments at the local level in zones as remote as Kachin State and the
Kokang and Wa regions, in Shan State.

Rural communities risk being sacrificed in an effort to comply with
international pressures about drug- free deadlines and US drug control
certification conditions, as well as drug-related security concerns from
neighbouring countries. In response to such pressures, officials in
Rangoon and local authorities are trying to curry favour with the
international community by announcing harsh measures against illicit crop
production. Community livelihoods face being crushed between the pincers
of the opium ban and tightened sanctions.

In December 2003, we will convene an international conference in Amsterdam
in cooperation with the Burma Centre Netherlands to discuss the dilemmas
for drug policy responses in this context. We intend to improve the terms
of the debate on peace and democratisation based on a better understanding
of what is happening on the ground in the ceasefire regions and within the
opium-growing communities.

A gradual and sustainable decrease of the illicit drugs economy could have
positive impacts on the HIV/Aids crisis in Burma, which is largely related
to intravenous drug use. It may also reduce the concerns related to drug
trafficking in the region, such as the epidemic of ya ba
(methamphetamines) in Thailand, serviced mainly from production facilities
in Burma. It could diminish the levels of corruption and the distortion of
power relations that result from the revenues earned by armed groups -
those under ceasefire agreements and those still in armed opposition, or
by the military government. History has shown that few of the parties to
the conflict can
claim innocence insofar as deriving income from the illicit economy goes.
Demonising one specific player in the field, as often occurs, usually has
stronger roots in politics than in evidence.

To achieve a sustainable decrease, alternative sources of income for basic
subsistence farmers have to be secured. Enforcement of the current tight
deadlines does not allow alternatives to be in place in time, in spite of
genuine efforts undertaken by UNODC and other international agencies. A
humanitarian crisis will occur, jeopardising the fragile social stability
in the poppy grow-ing areas.

Without adequate resources, the longer-term sustainability of 'quick
solutions' is highly questionable.  Since local authorities are eager to
comply with promises made, law enforcement repression is likely to
increase, with human rights abuses and more displacement a potential
outcome. The only viable and humane option lies in a simultaneous easing
of drug control deadline pressures and increasing international
humanitarian aid efforts. Both require stronger
international engagement of a different kind to that we have seen so far.


[1] In 1989, the military government changed the name of Burma to Myanmar.
 Using either 'Burma' or 'Myanmar' has since become a highly politicised
issue.The UN system uses Myanmar, but for the sake of consistency we have
chosen to use Burma, which is the way the country is referred to in the
large majority of English language press and other publications.

[2] In September,TNI undertook a mission to the Thai/Burmese border, to
Rangoon and into the Wa hills in Shan State. We visited groups in armed
opposition; met with civil society organisations; had extensive
discussions with ceasefire groups; talked to drug control officials of the
military government in Rangoon; spoke with UNODC representatives in the
capital and local staff of the Wa Alternative Development Project and
visited villages dependent on poppy cultivation.
____________________________________

Dec 15, Mizzima
Interview with Dr. Zarni of the Free Burma Coalition

Dr. Zarni, the Burma Strategy Group, a part of the Free Burma Coalition,
issued a press statement on December 9, 2003 stating hat the SPDC proposed
National Convention is “a first step in the right direction”. It seemed to
draw quite a bit of criticism from other Burmese pro-democracy groups and
their supporters. How do you respond to that criticism?

Zarni.  While not the best written press release, it accurately reflects
our view that, “in principle” (a phrase, used in that press release), a
National Convention could be the venue that allows all
stakeholders to participate in a serious dialogue to resolve the long
standing  political conflict between the military rulers and the people of
Burma.  I believe that this view is not unique to the Burma Strategy
Group. I know of no one who does not want to begin the transition to
democracy as quickly as possible. And we see this as an opportunity to
examine carefully before rejecting it.

Question      --What conditions must be met before you think there should
be opposition participation in a National Convention?

Answer:   Our press release stated that it must conducted in a manner
which fosters an open and free exchange of ideas, views and opinions as to
what serves the best interests of the people in whom our national
sovereignty resides. This means, clearly, that without the participation
of the National League for Democracy the voice of the majority of our
people would not be represented. It also means that the ethnic
nationalities should be represented by their leadership. The SPDC
understands that it cannot expect to have a constitution acceptable to the
people if the people’s representatives are barred from attendance or
denied the right to speak to fellow delegates, or their participation
limited to merely approving whatever the Generals put forward. That
approach caused the collapse of the NC in 1993. The SPDC also must
understand that there is wide-spread suspicion about the sincerity behind
its call for another National Convention—that it will be merely a gesture
to appease the international community in order to restore economic aid
and to dupe the human rights organizations. Therefore, it would be in its
interest that foreign journalists report on the proceedings. In addition
the ground rules of the NC should be published.

Question: -- There have been reports that a cease-fire agreement between
the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Rangoon regime may have been
reached or is to be announced shortly. What are your views on this
important development?

Answer:    Look, no people in the world deserve peace more than the Karen.
They have been at war against Rangoon for more than half a century. They
fought bravely against the Japanese, along side of the British, when
Burma, under Ba Maw, was fighting on the side of the Japanese. The Karen
were promised independence by some leaders in the British Army. Ne Win
justified a large standing army by citing the Karen resistance to the
government, while at the same time overseeing decades of atrocities
committed against them. All that was ever necessary to end the fighting in
the Karen State was for Burma Army to stop these atrocities and enter into
serious negotiations to solve the political issues important to the Karen
people. It was also unfortunate that the ethnic nationalities did not
insist on negotiating as a single entity with the regime itself, as
opposed to each seeking its own separate arrangements with the Burma Army.
It may be that agreeing to an end to the hostilities against the Karen
means that waging war against the Karen is no longer necessary to justify
a large Burma Army. Could this mean that the SPDC can longer afford the
costs of a large standing army or does it mean that it now wants to offer
a just peace?  It is too early to tell. What we do know, however, that
peace agreements with other resistance groups have not improved the lives
of the people whose representatives have basically surrendered.  The KNU
know this very well, and I think their leaders still hold to Saw Ba U
Gyi’s dictum that “Surrender is out the question”. They are in a very
difficult position.  I would not want to give them advice at the point,
but I wish them well in the difficult negotiations and in finding ways to
enforce any agreement they may sign.

Question: -- There has been some criticism against Japan, the United
States and Europe for not doing enough to help the Burmese Democracy
Movement. What do you think?

Answer: It is not surprising that some would feel that way. Our cause is
just. We have been fighting for decades. Powerful governments could have
done more. At the same time, we need to look at ourselves, and more
importantly, look at how these governments view our movement.  Since the
May 1990 elections, the momentum for change has dissipated. For some,
there is “no light at the end of the tunnel”.  That is, a viable
opposition movement, with increasing numbers, a strategy, and grass roots
activists, necessary for a waging a nonviolent conflict is not apparent.
We appear to some as being at a stalemate. I think these governments have
been most helpful to us to the extent that we have demonstrated wise use
of the funds and other support they have provided.

Some members of the US Congress, such as Senator Mitch McConnell, have
been at least as supportive of our movement as most of the Burmese
themselves. He never fails to speak out against the ilitary dictatorship
and in support of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the NLD and the exile groups
struggling for a free Burma. The Foreign Ministers of eastern Europe have
spoken often of the need to accelerate the transition to democracy.  We
also need to remind ourselves that this is our struggle. Other nations may
support us in various ways, but they have their own interests and
priorities. We should be grateful for the help and encouragement provided
and I certainly hope they continue to have confidence in our commitment to
continue the struggle until peace with
justice is achieved for our people.

Question:--If that is the case, do you think the struggle for democracy is
“winnable”?

Answer:  That depends upon what we define as “winning”. If you are talking
about moving from a dictatorship to a mature Western democracy in one
step, then we will fail. But if you are talking about a government that is
responsive to the will of the people, a government elected by the people,
a government under the rule of law where the police serve and protect the
people instead of some generals or political elites only, a government
that control the military than the other way around, then, yes, the
pro-democracy forces can win, and we will win.

(Dr. Zarni is the founder and director of the Free Burma Coalition, and
coordinates the new initiative, The Free Burma Coalition )
____________________________________

Dec 14, Bangkok Post
A Burmese Solution: An interview with the Chairman of the Parliamentary
Democracy Party in the
liberated Burma area – Ralph Bachoe

Perspective: Thailand's Prime Minister has been concerned about the lack
of political progress between the military regime and political parties in
Burma, and had proposed a political initiative called Road Map to
Democracy, which suggested that the military rulers, political groups and
ethnic minorities engage in a dialogue to resolve the political situation
towards democratic government. What is the PDP's response to the Road Map?

Bo Aung Din: We know what has been reported in the newspapers and on the
radio, but we have not seen the text of the Road Map. However, we believe
that there are positive elements in Thai Prime Minister's proposals.

The fact that he has made constructive proposals shows the concern of the
region about the political instability and economic disruption in Burma.
Political stability is a motor for economic investment and development,
which brings in employment opportunities. In such an environment,
multilateral trade with Burma's neighbours will increase.

It is important to remember that the instability in Burma had been
negatively affecting the Thai economy. Investors have shied away or
postponed investments because of the political situation in Burma. It is
simplistic and a misreading of the regional economic dynamics to say that
Thailand is encouraging the chaos in Burma for its own selfish economic
advantage. Furthermore, it is easy to blame others for our own country's
problems, which we _ the Burmese and the ethnic groups _ must take
responsibility.

To summarise, we welcome the Road Map proposals as it contains positive
elements, particularly multiparty politics, democratic political
dispensation, elections, and dialogue among all political groups with the
military rulers in search for a viable political settlement.

Perspective: Most of the other political groups have reacted very
negatively to the Thai Prime Minister's Road Map to Democracy for Burma.
They have dismissed it as ``Thailand's interference in Burma's domestic
affairs.''

Bo Aung Din: It is regrettable that other political parties have reacted
negatively in an impulsive way. On issues of political importance and on
the governance of Burma, we believe that it is necessary to reflect
carefully and explore the possibilities before dismissing them.

The other parties are mistaken; dialogue, reconciliation and the search
for democracy through negotiation are paramount issues to be explored by
those who want find a realistic solution to Burma's problem of military
dictatorship.

Some of these political groups are bound in a time-warp based on the 1990s
general election. They will, we quote, ``not accept any political change
which is not based on the results of the 1990s elections.''

We find this not only politically offensive, it also offends the accepted
idea of a finite political mandate given to a political party via a
general election, which must be renewed by periodic elections.

It is now 13 years since the NLD won the general election on a programme
to get rid of the military junta and bring back democracy. It has failed
in both tasks. The military junta is stronger and more entrenched. The
NLD's mandate has been spent after two terms eight years. There is
certainly no mandate for the NLD now.

It is a manifestation of its dictatorship tendencies to continue to claim
a mandate. That the NLD is allowed to get away with it bodes ill for
Burma.

Like all other parties, including the ethnic minorities groups, the NLD
must compete in a multiparty general election by submitting their
individual political programmes to the electorate, and by letting the
people choose. If the mandate is again given to the NLD in this manner, it
will be acceptable to us. But not otherwise.

Perspective: Please explain the PDP's strategy to end military
dictatorship in Burma.

Bo Aung Din: Our party has settled on a dual strategy to end military rule
in our motherland. These are one, political and two, liberation via armed
struggle.

These two strategies are underpinned by our action-oriented political
organisation directed at all the ethnic communities and the majority
working together to end military rule by negotiation, up to the point
where the military agrees to give up political power to an all-party
Interim Administration.

Security matters will remain with the army but under civilian oversight.
The Interim Administration will prepare an electoral roll and organise a
General Election with the help of the United Nations which will also
supervise it.

Perspective: Your political strategy seems very optimistic. What makes you
believe that the military junta will agree to your proposals?

Bo Aung Din: While we agree with that our political strategy is
optimistic, the political situation in Burma today is a mass of violence
and oppressive military rule. It is important to have a vision of hope and
optimism.

Furthermore, we believe that the military junta is finding the management
and burden of power increasingly difficult. This is proven by the
increasing violence, intimidation and repression of the population.  These
events elicits the condemnation of the international community for the
military's human rights violations. It also brings economic sanctions
and threats of personal accountability for the violations.

Furthermore, human rights violations and economic sanctions affect the
Burmese economy negatively.

We know that these issues are of genuine concern among the top officers of
the military junta. They are seeking a way out of their predicament. They
are seeking a way to protect themselves from the consequences of their
illegal seizure of power.

It is important to see that the original coup makers are now gone or
retired. Those who have taken over are prisoners of military rule. Only
the use or threat of force _ as well as the logic of maintaining power
compels them to hold on to power. Even if they want to end military rule,
they genuinely do not know how to do it because they fear a civilian
government and what it will do after it takes over.

It is important to understand the military's predicament and to take
incremental confidence-building measures, which will eventually lead to
substantive negotiations, which in turn will result in a viable political
settlement between all political parties and the military.

This is why we are optimistic.

The PDP is determined to save the military junta from themselves by
persuading them to hand over political power while an Interim
Administration made up of all the political parties and the ethnic
communities give them an indemnity for their human rights violations.

What we are suggesting is a pragmatic and realistic approach which
considers the existing dynamics of power in Burma.

Perspective: What will the PDP do if the military junta rejects its
overtures for negotiations? After all, the NLD has failed to achieve any
success despite its attempts at a political settlement.

Bo Aung Din: It is unfair to say that, just because the NLD has failed,
the PDP will not succeed. The policies and political programmes of the PDP
are totally different from those of the NLD.

We are, first and foremost, committed to multiparty democracy politics and
are willing and ready to engage in competitive general elections by
submitting ourselves and our political programme before the electorate.

Second, unlike the NLD, we do not claim an everlasting election mandate
even though our leader, Premier U Nu, was overthrown by a military coup.
Unlike the NLD, we are not asking for power to be handed over to the PDP.
We are prepared to compete in a multiparty democratic general election.

After 13 years, the NLD today, demands that its 1990 General Election
mandate entitles them to take power from the military junta. It is not
willing to submit to a General Election why? we may ask? What has it
achieved for the people which will make it deserving of a mandate?

Also, the PDP approach to solve the problems of military rule are
distinctive, innovative, and pragmatic. The PDP understands the military
junta's problems, the rulers' fears of slipping from power and their
struggle to achieve peace among the inside factions so that they will all
survive.

Because the PDP understands and appreciates these concerns, its approach
is realistic. It does not seek to humiliate the military nor seek revenge.
We in the PDP believe that it is important to end our motherland's 41
years of suffering by embracing the realities of today's political
situation and by adopting a solution that accepts these realities.

However, if our overtures fail because of the arrogance and obstinacy of
the military junta, the PDP has an armed force for defensive purposes.
This liberation force will intensify activities to wear down the
demoralised rank-and-file soldiers until the junta comes to the
negotiating table.

The PDP has a lot of support among the rank-and-file soldiers and has
significant support among senior officers who want to divest themselves of
power but do not know how to do it.

We are confident that we will prevail against the military junta. It is
not a question of `if' but of `when' victory will be achieved.

Perspective: You have not mentioned how many members the PDP has.

Bo Aung Din: As of April 2003, our membership was 123,000 on the Thai
border. Inside Burma, it was 86,300.

We are still collecting the number of people who joined our party since
May, but I can say that the numbers are substantial.

We hope to have these up-to-date figures by the New Year 2004 when the
verification audit is completed out by our Audit Division. Among these, we
have an active 20,000 guerrilla wing.

Perspective: Impressive. Does the PDP have members from the ethnic
communities?

Bo Aung Din: Yes, we have many. The PDP has been working with the ethnic
groups for many years.

Perspective: Does the PDP agree with the current SPDC Road Map, which will
draw the Constitution?

Bo Aung Din: The PDP is vigorously opposed to the SPDC Road Map and
rejects its attempt to draw up a Constitution. The reason is, the SPDC is
an illegal regime and has no mandate from the people.

Only a multi-party Constitutional Conference after a General Election has
the legitimacy to discuss and draw-up a Constitution under an impartial
Chairman.

This is why  we object to the military junta setting the agenda for a
constitutional conference under their chairmanship.
_____________________________

Dec 13, Telegraph
Burma boycott 'hurting the people'  - Jeremy Skidmore

Baroness Flather, the Asian Conservative peer, has launched a scathing
attack on the Government's policy on Burma, claiming economic and tourism
sanctions are damaging the Burmese people rather than the regime.

The attack follows a concerted drive by the Government to force British
travel companies to pull out of Burma after the military regime put the
opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, under house arrest.

After visiting the country, Baroness Flather urged greater communication
to try to encourage moves towards democracy. She is attempting to gain
support for her views among colleagues in the House of Lords.

In a letter to Telegraph Travel this week, Baroness Flather said: "It is
my firm belief that by stopping contact with the Burmese government and by
stopping tourism, as our Foreign Office advises, we are not helping. Such
a boycott only makes the Burmese government more entrenched in its
position."

"It is wrong to suggest the money from tourism goes to the government. All
the major hotels are owned by companies from surrounding countries and the
money from tourist shopping goes to the sellers and the craftsmen."

This year seven British-based travel companies have pulled out of Burma, 
but 24 still offer tours of the country.  A FO spokeswoman said that its
stance had not changed, while a spokesman for the Burma Campaign, which
fights for human rights and democracy in Burma, said it was "naive" to
suggest that the regime does not benefit from tourism in any way.

"It earns money from taxes, from incoming airlines, from all sorts of 
areas. Crucially, a boycott is what the people of Burma, including Aung
San Suu Kyi, have called for," he said.
____________________________