Mizzima: Sanctions and Actions

[Mizzima News]

                          Sanctions and Actions

By Kanbawza Win
Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)

March 24, 2004

The news that the Bangkok Process is being reinforced by the
participation of Norway, the only country in the world that has openly
supported the Burmese pro-democracy movement, seems to hit the Burmese
in Diaspora under the belt. But hope springs eternal in human breast and
they have vowed to continue the struggle against this sham national
convention and pack of lies. Only time will prove whether it is correct
or not.

To induce a regime change, through economic and moral measures, the
United States has rightfully imposed sanctions on Burma, especially
after the military instigated thugs and convicts to attack Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi’s convoy killing hundreds of her followers, last May. The
UN-brokered initial “secret meetings” which lasted more than two years,
after ambassador Razali Ismail’s dozen trips to Rangoon, now seems to
offer some hope even though the Junta has disdain for Daw Suu and
contempt for the UN. The sceptics treat the news that “The Lady” would
be released before the Burmese water festival of Thingyan, sometime in
mid April, as heresy. The question asked was when would she be
rearrested again? How much repression must the people of Burma endure
before the international and regional organizations--such as EU, UN and
ASEAN, to which Burma belongs—say “enough?” when the military
dictatorship has ruled Burma for half a century? It is obvious that
democracies throughout the world are fed up with the Burmese military’s
oppression of its citizens and seeks tougher action to spur meaningful
changes in the political system.

In order to foster a regime change the international community must
acknowledge the root cause of Burma’s misery—the rule of military
generals who have stolen an election and whose only goal is to remain in
power no matter what the human, social and economic costs. The world
community must realize this fact rather than settling for appeasement
based on a misguided sense of realpolitik, or the fantasy notion that
dictators can be sweet-talked into handing the power they so crave over
to a country’s democratically elected government. The State Peace and
Development Council as the Junta likes to be called, should no longer be
allowed to pretend to the world that it is interested in national
reconciliation. The simple logic being how can there be reconciliation
without a dialogue. The countries practicing “constructive engagement”
with Burma—primarily China, India, Japan and the ASEAN nations should be
pressured to stop advocating a soft-line approach under the pretext of
Constructive Engagement in order to further their economic agendas.  If
Mr. Kofi Annan’s representative, Razali cannot succeed in championing
the beleaguered Burmese led by its Nobel laureate, then the EU led by
the United States must help the UN devise a tougher strategy on Burma.

Should Razali fail again, the US together with the EU should recast more
new and tougher policies and find ways to influence the Burmese regime
through its trade partners and allies who continue to help perpetuate
military rule in Burma. US sanctions laws also need to keep pace with
technology. The military Junta, thanks to its hi-tech friends in
Malaysia and Singapore, have upgraded their cyber skills where they can
not only eaves drops on its own citizens particularly the pro democracy
activist, but also implement its e-commerce circumventing the US
sanctions. The very fact that Razali can go to Burma proves that
sanction has hit the nail on the head— it hurts their bank accounts—and
serves to cut off the hundreds of millions of dollars the regime reaps
each year in trade with the U.S.  It will deny the regime precious
dollars that is used to fund its weapons of mass repression and also of
mass destruction (the nuclear reactor in central Burma)—the military,
intelligence service, and the military’s political arm, the Union
Solidarity Development Association, USDA---that every day unleashed
against the Burmese people.

Burma has long been an enigma and recent history proves it is no less
opaque now than it was by the fact that Razali has to go without any
fanfare. This undoubtedly proves that the Generals hated anything in the
light that is transparent and is desirous of making shadowy deals under
the table. Since General Ne Win ended civilian rule in 1962, the various
permutations of military generals continue to ignore the will of the
people while insisting that they are not a government, but only an
“interim power” that actually believes in human rights and democracy.
Such lies had been made bare by their actions. The regime’s near total
grip on the economy and the country’s vast natural resources enables it
to continue to wage war against its own citizens, sustain the Burmese
army, and perpetuate its rule. It will take more than rhetoric to break
their stranglehold on the economy and Burma. The tough new sanctions had
finally forced the junta to agree to “dialogue” with Daw Suu and the
NLD.
Sanctions offer economic, but also moral pressure, which is crucial for
the Burmese who need to know that the world is on their side. After the
massacre of thousands of democracy demonstrators during the 1998
uprising—and after the events of last May, the Burmese and the
international community needs tangible demonstrations of strong external
moral outrage to overcome the understandable fear of their military
rulers and to inspire pressure for democratic transition from within the
country. The ASEAN countries, after hailing the decision to admit Burma
as a step in promoting political pluralism and regional stability, must
acknowledge that Burma now is more unstable than at any time in its
recent history

As the political situation inside Burma continues to deteriorate
especially the systematic rape, forced relocation, land confiscation,
forced labour and portering, taxation, loss of livelihood etc one of the
few options left for people is to flee the country.  While there are
currently over half a million refugees and asylum seekers in
neighbouring countries, these numbers do not accurately reflect the
degree of displacement resulting from the brutal policies. As many as
800,000 to one and a half million people are believed to be internally
displaced inside Burma while an estimated two million people have
crossed the border into Thailand where they are "economic migrants."
With no legal status or protections, these individuals are vulnerable to
intimidation, exploitation and deportation.

Burma’s neighbours rarely acknowledge the pressing problems caused by
military rule in Burma, and have never publicly admonished the Burmese
regime.  China, India and Thailand all share porous borders with Burma
and have the most leverage with its military regime. However, they also
have an enormous financial interest not only in Burma’s vast natural and
human wealth, which is easier to exploit via an authoritarian government
ruling over a silenced populace. US Senator Mitch McConnell has even
accused saying that Thailand's policy towards Burma was shaped by Prime
Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's family business in Burma. Current military
regime prides itself on having brokered ceasefires with most of the
ethnic armies including the KNU (Karen National Union) the largest among
the resistance group but the reality on the ground is much different.
The United Wa State Army (UWSA) the narcotic kingpin, governed as though
it is a separate country. The Junta troops need permission to visit.
Chins, who are predominantly Christian, are fleeing religious
persecution in their state.

Do sanctions hurt the Burmese populace more than the Junta?  Military
rule has killed tens of thousands of Burma’s citizens and ethnic
nationalities, the junta is regularly condemned as one of the most
egregious violators of human rights in the world ranking with the likes
of North Korea. The Burmese army has used rape as a weapon of war in its
ethnic cleansing policy and dragoons children into the army for wars
against fellow citizens. Any discomfort induced by sanctions pales in
comparison to these horrors. No doubt sanctions will affect the
populace, but Burma’s informal sector (parallel “shadow” economy) is so
massive that the majority of the population is not part of the Junta’s
universe—are cushioned from the impact of sanctions.  The 75 percent of
Burmese from the rural sector, who contribute 47 percent of the
country’s GDP are certainly poor, but are not as affected by the Western
sanctions as the business interests owned and run by the Burmese army
and their cronies—which in Burma means the rest of the economy.

The Junta’s degradation of the environment and exploitation of the rich
resources that belong to all the people of Burma should also be stopped.
The logging trade in Burma is inextricably linked to forced labour, drug
trafficking, money laundering and cross border conflict. A smart
sanctions policy on Burmese timber can help mitigate against these
violations while working to preserve Burma’s quickly disappearing
natural wealth, the most bio-diverse countries in mainland Southeast
Asia. Since the Burmese regime derives a great deal of revenue from
timber, particularly teak, it should be subject to United Nations
sanctions as “conflict timber” in the same way that Liberian timber will
be excluded from trade

Burma’s youth have paid an incalculable price to accommodate and sustain
the Burmese military machine. Only about one third of Burmese school
children make it all the way through primary school, most dropping out
to work. With only 1.1% of Burma’s GDP committed to education, the cost
of education in Burma is borne by parents, mostly in the form of
indirect taxes and donations paid to the education department, the
teachers and the school. Assurance of good grades, entry to a particular
school, a teaching position, or surmounting onerous red-tape usually
requires joining the ubiquitous USDA.
Hence sanctioning the Burmese regime is morally and politically the
right thing to do, it represents only one part of what should be a
coordinated two-pronged strategy.  But such action should be
complemented by increasing the American funding of programs, just like
what the EU has done lately, that benefit and prepare the Burmese people
both inside and in the exile community to prepare for a democratic
transition--which certainly will come one day.

It is also crucial for the international community, especially the
policy makers of the Burmese democracy movement. It is more than just
its leader, Daw Suu.  It is millions of people who share the same desire
to be free from terror and live in openness that cherishes democracy and
human rights. Burma’s jails are filled with the prisoners of conscience
who are committed to non-violent opposition to the regime. When
discussing Burma, it is too easy to get caught up in the statistics of
the thousands killed or jailed by the military regime. Min Ko Naing was
arrested in 1989 for his political organizing work. He was sentenced by
a military court to 20 years in solitary confinement and has been
brutally tortured. The Junta has told Min Ko Naing that he is free to
leave jail and solitary confinement if he signs a document forgoing all
political activity when he leaves prison. He has refused. For all the
beating and mental torture he is subjected to, he refuses to give up his
right to fight for a free Burma. These individuals are just one of
thousands of Burmese engaged in the struggle to rid their country of a
brutal, illegitimate regime.
The Burmese people are not asking for military intervention on their
behalf. They are able and willing to fight their own battles to win
their freedom. What they are asking the International community is not
to sustain this regime with trade and under different guise. Let me
quote Archbishop Desmond Tutu: “We urge freedom- loving governments
everywhere to impose sanctions on this illegitimate regime. They worked
for us in South Africa. If applied conscientiously, they will work in
Burma too.”


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