BurmaNet News, April 6, 2004

[Editor]

April 6, 2004 Issue # 2450

INSIDE BURMA
S.H.A.N.: Shan periodical quashed
DVB: Appeal for 3 Burmese given death sentence

GUNS
The Irrawaddy: Ukrainian Arms Firm Setting up in Burma

BUSINESS / MONEY
Project Monitor: Soft loan for Myanmar refinery likely

REGIONAL
The Nation: PM hopeful of early release for Suu Kyi

INTERNATIONAL
Nation: Burma Politics: Junta to release Suu Kyi

OPINION / OTHER
San Jose Mercury News (California): The power of sanctions
The Irrawaddy: Burma: Compromise and Federalism
MIzzima News: Burma: National Convention with 1,300 Political Prisoners

PRESS RELEASE
KWO: KWO affirms commitment to peace process



INSIDE BURMA
___________________________________

6 April, S.H.A.N.
Shan periodical quashed

The popular Shan publication, Hsenpai (Variety), was ordered to quit
following its incorporation of political news reports, according to
S.H.A.N. sources who recently returned from Shan State.

The sources brought back with them a copy of the periodical's 8th edition
in June 2003 which they claimed had brought about its downfall.

Inside the cover are reports on the Shan Nationalities League for
Democracy's Executive Committee meeting, 7-8 March 2003; The meeting
between the United Nationalities Alliance and UN special envoy Razali
Ismail, 8 June 2003; A visit to Manshi, known by Shans as Mongkhawn; A
chance meeting with A-Nguen, a Japanese girl with a Shan name; The
editorial, reporting that there had been a forced 3-month interval between
its 7th and 8th editions (Sai Nood, who also doubled as Acting General
Secretary of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, was held up by
the military authorities, February-May 2003), announced that beginning
with the June issue, political news would be made available for the
readers.

"A few months later, he was summoned by the MIS (Military Intelligence
Service) that informed him that he would face legal prosecution if he
continued with his publication," said a source who came back to Tachilek
from a visit to Rangoon. "Sai Nood's response was to switch it to a new
publication, Lied Hsiao (Smart), sort of a Shan comic strip. Its first
issue came out last month (March)."

"Nobody knows how long it will last," another source, coming from northern
Shan State added. "But you can bet the authorities will keep a close watch
on it."

_____________________________________

April 3, Democratic Voice of Burma
Appeal for 3 Burmese given death sentence

The appeals for three Burmese citizens who were given death sentence for
allegedly giving ‘false’ information to International Labour Organisation
(ILO) along with 6 other accused are to be lodged at a court in Burma on 6
April.

The imposition of death sentence on the three was severely denounced by
the ILO and the legal advocates from National League for Democracy (NLD)
going to take the case of the accused, according to one of the lawyers of
the nine accused men, Naing Ngwe Ya.
The nine defendants were arrested on 16 July 2003 by the authorities of
Burma’s military junta, State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and U
Shwe Mahn, Naing Min Kyi and U Aye Myint were sentenced to death on 29
November for reporting forced labour practices by the junta to the ILO.

Moreover, the editor of a sports journal First Eleven, Ko Zaw Thet Htway
was given death sentence for having a phone conversation with a Burmese
journalist in Thailand.


GUNS
_____________________________________

April 6, The Irrawaddy
Ukrainian Arms Firm Setting up in Burma - Bruce Hawke

The Ukraine government-owned arms dealer UkrSpetsExport is setting up a
factory to assemble 1,000 armored personnel carriers, or APCs, in Burma,
Rangoon sources confirmed to The Irrawaddy.

It is not yet clear what designation of APC is to be produced at the
plant, which is understood to be under construction. A related Ukrainian
state company, Kharkiv Morozov Machine-building Design Bureau, or KMDB,
has developed a number of tanks, wheeled APCs and tracked infantry
fighting vehicles based on updated Soviet Union designs.

In the 1990s the Ukrainian defense industries launched a major research &
development effort and started sourcing component-parts from Western
Europe and North America, which have arms embargoes against Burma.

If the APC model to be assembled in Burma is one that includes
American-made parts (such as the BTR-3U Guardian, which is driven by a
General Motors Allison MD3066 transmission), KMDB would presumably be in
breach of its contract with General Motors. American-owned firms are
explicitly forbidden by law from selling weapons or dual-use goods to any
country on which the US government has placed an arms embargo.

The scale of the APC assembly project is surprising. Australian military
scholar Andrew Selth estimates that currently Burma has no more than 400
wheeled and tracked APCs in total, some of which are old British models or
inferior Burma-made vehicles. The Burma Army does not normally use APCs
for frontline insurgent fighting operations.

UkrSpetsExport was formed by a Ukrainian cabinet proclamation on October
9, 1996 defined as a "state company for export and import of military and
special products and services." The firm maintains a Ukrainian-staffed
sales office in Rangoon on the ninth floor of the Royal Nikko Hotel, Nat
Mauk Road.

When UkrSpetsExport makes arms sales it typically offers vendor-finance
through one or more of five trade and investment subsidiaries—SE FTF
Progress, Ukrinmash, Spetstechnoexport, Ukroboroniservice and
Promoboronexport.

In April 1997 an SE FTF Progress-financed plant assembling KMDB-designed
T-80UD tanks started production in Pakistan. It is likely that the
faqctory in Burma has been similarly financed. In 2002 UkrSpetsExport was
accused of having sold an air defense system to Iraq. Executives denied
the accusation at a press conference.

The Democratic Voice of Burma, a Burmese dissident radio station broadcast
from Norway, claimed that a Ukrainian-flagged ship docked in Rangoon Port
on February 25 and its cargo unloaded at night. It also reported in July
last year that Burma had taken delivery of 52 T-72 tanks from Ukraine.


BUSINESS / MONEY
_____________________________________

April 6, Project Monitor via Yangon Globe
Soft loan for Myanmar refinery likely
PM News Bureau

The Union petroleum ministry is considering a request for a soft loan for
Thanlyin refinery in Myanmar. Myanmar has reportedly approached the Indian
government with a request to implement the $30 million refinery project.
IOC has prepared a detailed feasibility report for the refinery revamp.

It may be noted that Thanlyin refinery is the largest and also one of the
oldest refineries in Myanmar. Though the nameplate capacity of the
refinery is 26,000 BOPD, the actual production is just one-third of the
installed capacity.

Presently, crude oil and diesel fuel is imported in large crude carriers
in the volume of 60,00,000 barrels which are moored at the mouth of Yangon
river. Due to low draft and sandbars along the river, crude has to be
transported to the refinery using shuttle tankers of 6,000 barrels
capacity. As a result, it takes nearly 14 days to clear a tanker. To
overcome this problem Maynmar's ministry of energy is currently seeking to
utilise a Single Mooring Buoy at the mouth of the river and then to lay a
pipeline from the SMB to Thanlyin refinery.


REGIONAL
_____________________________________

April 6, The Nation
PM hopeful of early release for Suu Kyi

Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra said yesterday he believed that Burma's
military junta would release opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi before the
start of a convention to draft a new constitution.

On Saturday, Burma's Foreign Minister Win Aung hinted that Suu Kyi might
be released so she could join her National League for Democracy members in
the National Convention.

But the opposition party reacted guardedly yesterday, and suggested it
would join the convention only after she had been freed from house arrest.

Thaksin said that Win Aung, who made the ambiguous annoucement during an
interview with Japan's NHK television network and Thailand's iTV, had not
been specific about when Suu Kyi would be released.

'He didn't say it clearly but I believe she could be freed before the
convention,' Thaksin said.

The National Convention will convene for the first time in eight years on
May 17.

'I admire the Burmese government's sincerity and determination to create
national peace and unity,' Thaksin said. 'The world community should give
Burma a chance and at the same time not expect too much because things
have to go step by step.'


INTERNATIONAL
_____________________________________

April 6, The Nation
Burma Politics: Junta to release Suu Kyi - Rungrawee C Pinyorat

Opposition leader to be freed before May 17 start of charter talks

The Burmese junta will free opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi before the
beginning of a constitution-drafting convention that starts on May 17 and
invite her National League for Democracy to take part in the charter
talks, Burmese Foreign Minister Win Aung said yesterday.

Win Aung made the announcement during in an interview with Japan’s NHK
television network and Thailand’s iTV after arriving in Bangkok for talks
with Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai on a ‘road map’ for peace.

Asked if Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, would be released before
the event, Win Aung said: “Yes, May 17.” Asked to give an exact date for
her release, he said: “It is too early to say.”

”Original members who attended [the previous National Convention],
including NLD members, will be invited,” Win Aung said.

But he did not indicate whether Suu Kyi herself would be allowed to
participate in the constitution talks.

The Burmese junta has said that representatives from all levels of society
would be invited to the National Convention, including the NLD.

It has already been reported that up to 17 ethnic minorities will be
invited to attend the meeting.

Suu Kyi and other senior NLD members have been held in detention since a
bloody clash in May 2003 between a pro-junta mob and her supporters in
northern Burma. She is currently under house arrest.

Burmese sources said that the NLD was not yet willing to take part in the
National Convention as it wanted four leaders, including Suu Kyi and NLD
deputy leader Tin Oo, to be released first.

Meanwhile Foreign Ministry spokesman Sihasak Phuangketkeow said that 18
countries invited to participate in a second roadmap forum would discuss
conditions for the resumption of financial aid to Burma.

Surakiart had earlier said that foreign countries first expected to see
Suu Kyi released and a clear time frame for the implementation of the
seven-point road map.

The forum to discuss the plan, dubbed the ‘Bangkok Process’, is scheduled
to be held on April 29-30.

The National Convention is the first step of the plan that Burmese Prime
Minister Khin Nyunt announced in August, which aims to establish an
elected government after decades of military rule.

The junta has come under severe international criticism by the United
States, the European Union and Japan for detaining Suu Kyi her and other
opposition members.

A similar constitution-drafting National Convention collapsed in 1996
after the NLD walked out in protest at not being given a meaningful role.


OPINION / OTHER
_____________________________________

April 6, The San Jose Mercury News (California)
The Power of Sanctions – Fred Hiatt

They worked in S. Africa; now the moral challenge is Burma

On the 10th anniversary of South Africa's peaceful transition from
apartheid to majority rule, outsiders may want to congratulate themselves.
After all, didn't we stand with Nelson Mandela, imposing economic
sanctions until the white-minority regime gave in?

Well, yes, some countries did, eventually. But the rosy history forgets
how controversial sanctions were -- how many people argued for
''engagement'' and against sanctions, which they said would only harm the
oppressed black majority.

Self-congratulation is particularly misplaced when so many nations are
slinking away from a moral challenge not all that different from the one
presented by South Africa before 1994. No two situations are identical,
but Burma, a Southeast Asian nation of 50 million people, presents some
striking similarities:

Egregious violations of human rights. The military generals who rule
Burma, led by Gen. Than Shwe, maintain such an iron grip that possessing
an ''unlicensed'' fax machine or quietly criticizing the nation's school
system can land someone in jail for years. Amnesty International has
identified some 1,300 political prisoners, many of whom have been
tortured.

A viable political alternative with moral authority. In South Africa,
there was little doubt that Mandela and the African National Congress
enjoyed the support of most people. In Burma, there is no doubt that Aung
San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy enjoy majority support.

Support for sanctions from the people who know best. The ANC understood
that international trade and investment barriers would hurt some of its
supporters in the short run; that was a price, it believed, that had to be
paid to win freedom. The League for Democracy has been similarly clear.

Experts ready to blame the democrats. South Africa's regime tried to
promote fears of Mandela and his colleagues as radicals, Communists or
revenge-seekers. In the case of Suu Kyi, a Buddhist committed to
non-violence, such vilification would sound preposterous. Instead, critics
turn her principles against her. U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan's
special envoy to the country ''emphasized the need for all the parties . .
. to turn over a new page.''

Given that Suu Kyi has been held virtually incommunicado since May 30,
when government goons attacked her and her supporters, killing scores and
injuring many more, it's hard to know how she could ''turn a page'' even
if she were so inclined.

That leaves the field clear for those who argue against sanctions. And
sanctions are a blunt instrument; one can certainly be opposed to them
without being an apologist for the regime.

But it's also true that sanctions haven't really been tried. The United
States imposed an import ban last summer, after the May 30 attacks, but
the Europeans haven't followed suit, and the Bush administration hardly
has pressed them to do so.

Than Shwe and his generals are rumored to be planning Suu Kyi's release in
a couple of weeks. Diplomats will be eager to claim credit and declare a
problem solved. But undoing one of many outrages is just a small step.
Whether it becomes the first step toward democratic reform will depend in
large part on whether the generals feel pressure from overseas, or whether
they think they can keep blaming their prisoner for her ''intransigence.''

_______________________

April 6, The Irrawaddy
Burma: Compromise & Federalism - Aung Naing Oo

Burma’s military junta stands in the way of deciding what sort of polity
Burma should adopt in the future. Ethnic groups favor federalism, but the
junta is, and has always been, staunchly anti-federalist. Whether the two
sides can resolve their differences and reach a compromise is a key
question.

There are promising signs. When several ethnic leaders and academics were
recently asked if ethnic groups should compromise with the junta, almost
all answered that they should. Their willingness to end the country’s
deep-rooted conflict is a positive first step along the ethnic road to
compromise, which promises plenty of resistance along the way.

A quick glance at the country’s history suggests the 1962 military coup
was triggered by the Burma Army’s aversion to federalism. The coup-makers
cited the proliferation of "multi-colored insurgents" in the country as
the reasoning behind their action. But the reality was the incumbent U Nu
government had taken steps towards establishing a federal polity to
address ethnic grievances.

The military, which has ruled Burma under various names for the past 42
years, has essentially tried to maintain a unitary state. All the Burmese
generals —past and present— have feared the word "federal," equating it
with Balkanization. They have often declared that they will not go down
the Yugoslavian road. Indeed, it does not appear likely that Rangoon will
give up its control over ethnic territories with ease.

Ethnic interests are as diverse as their numbers. Some ethnic groups have
demanded full independence, while others, such as the Chin, want Burma to
become a federation. Ethnic groups also vary in their views over what kind
of federalism is suitable for Burma. Some, out of pragmatism, will be
satisfied with a form of federalism that would give the Burman majority
the largest voice in national affairs; others hope to achieve a form of
autonomy so they can be free from interference.

Such diverse views are understandable; but ethnic groups reach common
ground with their shared desires for a federal system of governance in
which their rights, languages, cultures and livelihood are guaranteed,
constitutionally or otherwise.

The junta won’t give an inch concerning its opposition to a federal system
for Burma. Despite indications that they may liberalize the National
Convention, the body responsible for drafting the country’s future
constitution, ethnic leaders know that Burma will remain a unitary state.

Thus, the crux facing Burma is how ethnic groups can compromise on their
stated objectives of establishing a federal state. David Taw, head of the
Karen National Union’s foreign affairs department, takes a different
approach to the federal question. He is willing to drop the term
"federal," so long as the junta guarantees the rights of ethnic groups. In
short, it is not the label "federal" that he thinks is of importance—it is
the assurance of rights under any future polity system, regardless of
whether the system is dubbed as federal or not.

Given the political realities in Burma, Taw wants to see some form of
political devolution towards federalism rather than jumping to it
immediately. "Neither ethnic nationalities nor the Burman, especially the
Burmese army, are ready for it," he said. Much work needs to be done on
educating the people to understand the system and on public participation
in a federal arrangement in order for the system to work.

But the ethnic groups may not be ready to accept a lesser form of
political recognition as a compromise. "We have yet to come up with a
collective compromise solution among ourselves," said Khun Okker,
Joint-General Secretary of the National Democratic Front.

Attempts by the ethnic groups to reconcile their differences and reach a
solution based on compromise will be a daunting task. Even more daunting
will be coming up with a realistic solution they can use collectively to
bargain with the regime.

The outcome will ultimately depend on whether the ethnic groups’ spirit of
compromise is compatible with their desire for federalism.

_______________________

April 5, Mizzima News
Burma: National Convention with 1,300 political prisoners - Myat Soe

As usual, the Burmese military junta has come out again with another trick
of hoodwinking the people of Burma and the international community with
its National Convention schedule for 17 May. This announcement is aimed at
shoring up its crumbling image in the on-going Bangkok Process. The
junta’s sincerity and genuineness towards Burma and its people can be
judged by the fact that the people’s elected representatives, led by Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for democracy (NLD) members, were
unlawfully apprehended after their attempted assassination failed and are
still not released.

How can there be a National Convention when the real representatives of
the people, together with 1,300 other prisoners of conscience, are still
under lock and key? The unconditional release of all political prisoners,
without any restrictions whatsoever on their political activities, and the
permitting of an independent free media are pre-requisites for the
successful convening of the National Convention. Hence, we denounce this
sham National Convention. Now and again, we demand unanimously that the
State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) fulfill the following required
conditions to conduct a genuine National Convention. They are:

1) The unconditional release of all political prisoners. Of utmost
importance is the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Min Ko Naing
2) The resumption of political parties' activities without any restrictions
3) The privatization of all forms of media, including, of course the
press. In other words, ensure freedom of press.

We cannot consider the National Convention to be a sincere political
process until these conditions are met. Therefore, we urge international
communities, governments and institutions to keep up the pressure and to
use their power and influence to stop the ongoing political oppression and
violation of human rights inside Burma.

On the other hand, we hereby reaffirm our support for the United
Nationalities League for Democracy’s (UNLD) roadmap to democracy and
political analysis of Burma’s current situation as distributed in its
document, “Road Map Of United Nationalities League For Democracy and
Current Political situation,” and distributed by the Euro-Burma Office.
Its demands include:

1) THE INVESTIGATION OF THE DEPAYIN EPISODE: The United Nations should
investigate the events of 30 May 2003 at Depayin. After the investigation,
a Truth Commission (similar to that in South Africa) should be formed so
that the process of forgiveness and reconciliation can commence. To
pretend that nothing happened would only serve to build up suspicion in
both camps.

2) THE POLITICAL ROADMAP PROPOSED BY THE SPDC SHOULD BE SUSPENDED: The
political road map announced by Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt on the
30 August 2003 will not lead to democracy. It will not reduce suspicion
and hatred. It does not respect the wishes of the people as expressed in
the 1990 free and fair multi-party general elections organized by the
State Law and Order Restoration Council's (SLORC). It should not be
implemented.

3) IMMEDIATE AND UNCONDITIONAL RELEASE OF POLITICAL PRISONERS WHO HAVE
BEEN INCARCERATED SINCE 1988: Freedom to participate in political
activities is the birthright of every citizen of every country. It is
undemocratic to consider as an enemy someone or a party, which does not
have the same views as yourself, or your party, and to imprison them and
to debar or disqualify that political party. Therefore, the release of all
political prisoners who have been incarcerated since 1988 will help in
solving the current political turmoil.

4) THE NLD AND THE SPDC SHOULD MEET AND EXCHANGE VIEWS: The NLD, which won
the majority of seats in the 1990 election, is duly registered and
recognized by the Election Commission. The SPDC is a military government
that appropriated authority to restore law and order in 1988. Both have
the responsibility to unravel the political mess that exists today. They
should meet, not shrouded in secrecy, but with an openness for the whole
world to witness.

5) THE BASIC DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS OF ALL CITIZENS SHOULD BE RESTORED: The
SPDC, which governs the country today, is laying the foundation for
democracy. They have made a worldwide declaration that a new democratic
state will be established. Therefore, every restrictive order or action
must be abolished and all citizens must be permitted to exercise the basic
democratic rights, which are freedom of thought, freedom of expression,
freedom to publish and freedom to participate in politics within the
bounds of the democratic system. This should be implemented within three
months from commencement of dialogue between the NLD and the SPDC. Those
who believe that the military has a part to play in the nation's political
future should resign from the military and establish a political party.
Civil servants who have the desire to be politicians should do likewise.

6) THE RESULTS OF THE 1990 GENERAL ELECTIONS SHOULD BE RECOGNIZED AND USED
AS A BASIS FOR A TRANSITION: The NLD and the SPDC should in consultation
and negotiation decide the date on which state power is to be transferred.
Prior to a formal transfer, an interim coalition government should be
first set up. This interim government or authority should comprise the
Committee Representing the People's Parliament (CRPP) and the military
government's representatives and it should be completed within three
months.

7) AN AGREEMENT COULD BE REACHED TO CONVENE A NATIONAL CONVENTION: Should
agreement be reached for the convening of a National Convention, it must
be based upon the outcome of the 1990 elections. The elected
representatives of the people must be the basic members of the National
Convention. Special elections should be conducted to fill vacant positions
in the various electorates. All delegates must act in accordance with the
rules and procedures adopted in the National Convention. For the purpose
of a wider understanding and in depth discussion, suitable delegates to
the convention may be appointed by the interim government/authority. But
the number of such appointees shall not exceed the number of the people's
elected representatives.

8) AN INTERIM COALITION GOVERNMENT SHOULD BE ESTABLISHED: The Interim
Coalition Government should act as a supervisory body to the National
Convention and formulate the basic guidelines and requirements. The
National Convention should be started afresh and not as a continuation of
the defunct convention. The National Convention should draw up the basic
principles that must be written into the Constitution within 6 months of
its formation and the Interim Government should give a time frame for
presenting the same to the Parliament. Only the Interim Government should
have the authority to extend the time by three months if necessary.

9) THE 1993 NATIONAL CONVENTION PROCEDURES SHOULD BE DISCOUNTED: All
operations by the National Convention between the years 1993 to 1996
should be wiped off the slate. The National Convention currently being
proposed should be regarded as new and to start with new procedural rules,
which are to be negotiated and formulated.

10) THE INTRODUCTION OF A NEW CONSTITUTION: Based on the draft
constitution prepared by the National Convention, the Parliament must
within 6 months complete and confirm the new Constitution.

11) THE HOLDING OF NEW GENERAL ELECTIONS: Within 6 months of the
Parliament confirming the new constitution, a general election should be
held with international supervision.

12) THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A NEW PARLIAMENT: Within 6 months of the
elections, a Parliament must be convened. The Parliament will be
responsible for forming the new government, transferring of state power,
and all other matters relating to the state.

We, the United Nationalities League for Democracy (UNLD) believe that the
above Road Map can be acceptable to all.

(The writing is the sole opinion of Mr. Myat Soe, Research Director of
Justice for Human Rights in Burma -www.jhburma.org).


PRESS RELEASE
_____________________

April 5, Karen Women’s Organization (KWO)

KWO affirms commitment to peace process

Responding to accusations by the Burmese military regime that it is
attempting to derail peace talks by publishing a report on the regime’s
use of sexual violence, leaders of the Karen Women’s Organisation today
reiterated their commitment to a genuine peace process.

Following the release of the KWO report “Shattering Silences” on April 2,
the junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), had accused KWO
of attempting “to derail its systematic transition to a sustainable
democracy.”

Today, on the 19th anniversary of the KWO, as Karen women along the
Thai-Burma border gathered to commemorate the founding of the
organization, KWO leaders stated that they supported the talks between the
Karen National Union (KNU) and the military regime, as an initial step
towards the peace process in Burma. However, the KWO stressed the need to
expose ongoing human rights violations by SPDC troops in Karen state,
especially sexual violence against women, during the talks.

“What kind of transition to democracy involves raping women? We can’t be
silent about this,” said Naw Hset, a researcher for the report.

The KWO was first founded in 1949 and reorganized in 1985, with the aims
of supporting and organizing women to participate in the Karen struggle
for freedom, democracy and equality.  KWO will continue working towards
women’s development and advocate for peace and national reconciliation in
Burma, and for the safety of women during the transitional period.

For further information please contact:

Naw Zipporah Sein (KWO Secretary)       +66 1 952-7145 (or) + 66 53 682572
Naw Paw Keyu                           	 + 66 6 927-7265
Naw Nyaw Nyaw                   + 41792884432 (Contact in Geneva) + 66 1
029-5503
Naw Khaing Mar Kyaw Zaw         + 66 6 211-5647