BurmaNet News, April 28, 2004

[Editor]

April 28, 2004, Issue # 2465

"For far too long the wanton savagery of the military regime in Burma has
received all too little public attention," Conservative Party spokesman on
international development John Bercow told a news conference shortly after
returning from a trip to the Thai-Burma border.

British Member of Parliament John Bercow in Christian Solidarity
Worldwide’s report on ”Fresh evidence of ethnic cleansing in Burma,” RFA,
April 27, 2004


INSIDE BURMA
AP: Myanmar opposition wants junta assurance its views will be heard at
National Convention
Xinhua: Myanmar works on giant electric power projects
Myanmar Times: Ministry officials conducting surveys in massive Hukaung
Valley tiger reserve

ON THE BORDER
Irrawaddy: New Way of Human Trafficking
Irrawaddy: Mae Sot Opposition Meetings Stopped
Narinjara: Will 15 Burmese citizens go back to homeland after 4 years
imprisonment?

BUSINESS
AFP: Exports seen lifting economies in Southeast Asia despite security fears
Xinhua: Thai trade exhibition to be held in Myanmar

REGIONAL
Nation: 1 million illegal aliens expected to register

INTERNATIONAL
EIS: EU Ministers Confirm Sanctions Against Burma For Another Year
RFA: Burma Junta Slammed For Neo-Nazi Policies
AFP: Bush, Thai PM discuss Iraq, Myanmar

OPINION/ OTHER
Malaysiakini: Rohingya Discontent Troubles Malaysia
Mizzima: Root cause of Burma’s economic disasters: Sanction or Junta?

PRESS RELEASE
FBC: Burma's State Peace and Development Council Must Change the Rules of 
Engagement Governing the May 17 National Convention
IELR: FATF Acts on Non-Cooperative Countries, Strengthens Cooperation with
World Bank Group and Releases New Typologies


INSIDE BURMA
_____________________________________

April 28, Associated Press
Myanmar opposition wants junta assurance its views will be heard at
National Convention - Aye Aye Win

Yangon: Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's party, debating whether to
join a Constitution drafting convention next month, wants to make sure
that its views will not be quashed by the military, a party spokesman said
Wednesday.

Suu Kyi and eight other top leaders of her National League for Democracy
party were allowed by the junta to meet Tuesday night at her home where
she is under house arrest.

But after 3 1/2 hours of talks, they failed to reach a decision on whether
to attend the May 17 National Convention, being organized by the junta.

The government says the convention is the first step its promised road map
to democracy - a claim scoffed at by critics.

"This is a critical matter. This is the future of the country. We could
not reach a decision at the meeting yesterday. We have requested the
authorities to allow another meeting," said party spokesman U Lwin, who
also attended Tuesday's meeting.

He said the party's main concern is over the six principles that the junta
says will lay the foundation for the Constitution. One of the principles
guarantees the military control over the executive and legislature.

"There could be a role for the military even in a democratic country.
There is always a military role for the security of the country. But it is
for Parliament to decide," U Lwin said.

"As we have said before, the six objectives have to be thoroughly
discussed between the government and the NLD," he said.

The party also wants clarifications from the government on the ground
rules for the convention, he said. It wants to make sure that the party
will be allowed to raise objections and put forward its views.

The NLD had walked out of a previous National Convention in November 1995,
complaining that its views were being ignored and that it was being forced
to rubber stamp the military's decisions.

Tuesday's meeting at Suu Kyi's house was the first by the party's
nine-member Central Executive Committee since last year. All nine,
including Suu Kyi, were arrested following a May 30 clash between a
pro-junta mob and NLD members and supporters in northern Myanmar.

Seven of the committee members were subsequently released, but Suu Kyi and
party vice chairman Tin Oo are still under house arrest.

Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991.

The government has not asked Suu Kyi or Tin Oo to attend the National
Convention, although letters of invitation have been sent to the other
seven members of the central committee.

The current group of generals has been in power since 1988 although the
military has been in charge of the country since 1962. The junta called
elections in 1990 but refused to step down when the NLD won.

_____________________________________

April 28, Xinhua News Agency
Myanmar works on giant electric power projects

Yangon: Myanmar has worked on a package of giant electric power projects,
aimed at raising the country's generating capacity so as to fulfil its
power demand and bring about socio-economic progress.

These power projects cover those for national power grid and regional use,
said Wednesday's official newspaper The New Light of Myanmar.

According to the report, there are 11 major electric power projects for
national power grid and three such projects for regional use with a total
generating capacity of 1,987.5 megawatts (mw) under implementation.

Of them, two hydropower projects which are the 75-mw Mone Creek in Magway
division and the 280-mw Paunglaung in Mandalay division, and one
coal-fired power project ,the 120-mw Tikyit in Shan state, are nearing
completion to be put into operation.

The country's domestic power demand will be fulfilled at the end of 2004,
the report said.

Other 18 new major electric power projects for power grid to be
implemented in the future are of a total capacity of 14,880 mw.

For regional use, 13 new hydropower projects to be implemented are of a
total capacity of 342 mw.

According to official statistics, the country's present total power
generating capacity has reached 1,200 mw, a two-fold increase from 1988,
yet it is far from meeting the growing domestic demand due to economic
development and rise in living standard.

The power requirement for the capital of Yangon alone stands 450 mw, up
from 130 mw in 1988.

Since 1988, 34 power plants including 28 hydropower and six gas-fired
power ones have so far been built, adding over 560 mw of the capacity.

_____________________________________

April 26-May 2, Myanmar Times
Ministry officials conducting surveys in massive Hukaung Valley tiger
reserve - Kerry Howley

The Forestry Ministry has begun working on plans to transform a
21,890-square-kilometre tiger conservation area in far northern Kachin
State into a functional reserve.

The plans follow the establishment of the world’s largest tiger reserve in
the Hukaung Valley last month.

In cooperation with the Wildlife Conservation Society, the New York based
non-government organisation that helped establish the reserve, the
ministry plans to survey its resident population, increase staff and
initiate training programs.

U Khin Maung Zaw, a director of the Nature and Wildlife Conservation
Division at the Forest Department, said a team of 13 rangers is working in
the Hukaung Valley. He said they are simultaneously collecting wildlife
data and conducting socio-economic surveys, which will help determine how
many people live within the proposed boundaries of the reserve.

“After the survey, we will know how many people and how many villages
there are,” said U Khin Maung Zaw. He predicted that two or three villages
exist within the reserve’s proposed boundaries.

“We don’t want to move the villages or local people from the original
area; we have to negotiate with them,” he said.

The newly-formed tiger reserve is an extension of the Hukaung Valley
Wildlife Sanctuary, a 6459-square-kilometre protected area established in
2001. While the sanctuary’s boundaries are likely to be made permanent
within a month, the boundary negotiations for the extension may take a
year or more to complete.

Myanmar law requires that any residents within a reserve approve its
boundaries before they are made permanent.

U Than Myint, a representative of the WCS in Yangon, said an appointed
warden would go to every township within the proposed boundaries and
negotiate with local authorities. Additionally, the WCS will fund a
workshop where residents, who include Kachin, Naga and Lisu peoples, can
discuss their concerns and ask for assistance.

“We are thinking of bringing in human development agencies. We are experts
in wildlife, not people, so we have to bring in some NGOs that deal with
human development,” U Than Myint said. He said that the WCS had contacted
some non-government organisations but no agreements have yet been reached.

U Khin Maung Zaw said he hoped the Forest Department and WCS could provide
local populations with alternative sources of income so they will not
participate in the lucrative, but illegal trade in tiger parts.

“We want to educate the local people on how to cultivate rattan,” he said.
“We are going to invite scientists to visit the Hukaung Valley and train
the people to produce rattan to sell to traders.”

U Khin Maung Zaw said he is waiting for permission from the Ministry of
Hotels and Tourism to bring scientists to the park. U Than Myint said the
WCS had contacted two scientists from the New York Botanical Garden, a
museum and botanical research centre. They may travel to Hukaung Valley
after the rainy season to investigate which varieties of rattan are
suitable for cultivation.

U Khin Maung Zaw said the Forest Department and the WCS would also provide
for education centres and mobile education units to disseminate
information about conservation practices.

“I think local villagers don’t know enough about tiger preservation. They
may know that they shouldn’t kill tigers but continue to kill the tiger
prey species, like deer.

Without prey, the tigers don’t survive,” he said.

U Than Myint said the WCS would help to assemble a mobile team of four or
five members to visit villages and give lectures about the importance of
the tiger project and of not engaging in the illegal wildlife trade.

While education will be the focus of the forest management plan, U Khin
Maung Zaw said that the ministry plans to establish guard posts at four
key entry points to the Hukaung Valley on the Ledo Road, the valley’s main
thoroughfare.


ON THE BORDER
_____________________________________

April 27, Irrawaddy
New Way of Human Trafficking - Aung Su Shin

Mae Sot: A Thai immigration car carrying Burmese migrants back to Burma
via Mae Sot plunged into a valley near Hwe Hin Phon village, outside of
Mae Sot this morning, according to police in Mae Sot.

Reportedly, one passenger died, 18 suffered serious injuries and 21 were
slightly injured. Two escaped unharmed. The injured were taken to Mae Sot
Hospital for medical treatment.

The immigration car left the province of Samut Sakhon last night carrying
42 Burmese migrant workers from Mahachai district. They were destined for
Mae Sot.

"We were not arrested by Thai immigration. All of us have work permits. We
are going back home on our own wishes and paying our own journey fee,"
said Janta Htammo, one of the passengers. The car left Mahachai at about
10:00 last night and fell into valley this morning at around 6:00, he
added.

"We give 2,200 baht to a broker and he arranges the immigration car to
take all of us back home. Even though we were not charged with being
illegal migrants, we have to have our photo and profile taken at Bangkok
Immigration," said Tin Maung, another passenger of the vehicle.

Thai authorities normally arrest Burmese migrants who are found trying to
proceed to the inner provinces of Thailand but brokers are implementing
new methods to transport Burmese in and out of the country to places like
Bangkok.

_____________________________________

April 27, Irrawaddy
Mae Sot Opposition Meetings Stopped - Kyaw Zwa Moe

Thai authorities have put a stop to three Burmese opposition groups’
meetings in the Thai border town of Mae Sot in recent days, saying that
any movement against Burma’s junta can’t be launched from Thai soil, the
opposition groups said.

Local Thai authorities said officials in Bangkok had ordered them to
cancel the meetings, according to the opposition groups. The groups
believe that Burma’s military government is behind the directive. No
arrests were made.

Yesterday afternoon, about twenty Thai military, police and immigration
officials dispersed a meeting in Mae Sot of the Students & Youth Congress
of Burma, a group in exile. Today a representative of the group who
attended the meeting said the officials politely asked participants to
stop the meeting before watching them leave, he said.

The National Council of the Union of Burma, an umbrella organization, also
had its regular meeting dispersed on Saturday.

The National League for Democracy-Liberated Area, or NLD-LA, had its
annual three-day conference cut short on Sunday, the final day of the
meeting, said a group leader.

Thaung Tan Cho, an NLD-LA youth wing leader, said that the authorities had
photographed all 36 participants of the meeting and had questioned them
about the activities and whereabouts of the party. No charges were brought
against them.

"We are sure that the move is because of the junta's pressure," Thaung Tan
Cho said. The junta wants an end to all opposition movements along the
border, he added.

The Thai town of Mae Sot, opposite Burma’s border town Myawaddy, is home
to several opposition groups from Burma living in exile.

_____________________________________

April 28, Narinjara News
Will 15 Burmese citizens go back to homeland after 4 years imprisonment? -
San Shwe Aung

Cox’sbazar: 15 Burmese citizens have been suffering from in decision
whether they should go back to homeland or take shelter in Bangladesh
after completion of 4 years jail sentenced by a Bangladesh court on 22th
April 2004 for smuggling rice to Bangladesh from Burma.

As they have been arrested on 10th November 2001 from Bangladesh water
territory, their 4 years imprisonment term would be ended soon.

The judge who has awarded the jail also ordered the relevant authority to
send them back to their homeland as soon as the completion of jail term.
Therefore, they will be deported to Burma very soon, it was learnt.

One of the relatives of the prisoners said jailing by judge is a cut clear
decision, better than undecided fate in prison for many years. But the
information about sending them back to Burma is a matter of great anxious
for us.

In some cases, by bribing huge amount of money to relevant authority
lodging suit again them in Burma can be avoided and there would be nothing
going to happen to them therein Burma.

Bangladesh BDR captured two engine boats and rice worth about Kyats 30
million along with those 15 prisoners on the same spot.

The same relative added that if possible it would be best to set them free
at somewhere near border in spite of handing them over to Burmese
authority.

In the past Burmese prisoners were set free by the Bangladesh authority
about the border. At present this practice is totally impossible due to
improvement of the relationship between the two neighboring countries.

If they went back to Burma, they may be arrested again and could be
sentenced up to ten years jail under Burmese penal code in connection with
smuggling out goods to foreign countries, said the relative.

According to a person who has been assisting those prisoners concerning
legal aid and other things said that they could not still come to final
decision whether they should apply for the shelter in Bangladesh to avoid
arrest or go back to their homeland.

The farmers of Arakan have been illegally selling their rice and paddy
through the waterway to Bangladesh for many decades due to forcible buying
the rice and paddy at very much low price by Burmese government.


BUSINESS
_____________________________________

April 28, Agence France Presse
Exports seen lifting economies in Southeast Asia despite security fears

Manila: A recovery in exports is seen boosting economic growth in most of
Southeast Asia despite security concerns in some countries, the Asian
Development Bank said Wednesday.

The region was forecast to post gross domestic product growth of 5.7
percent in 2004 and 5.4 percent in 2005, a sharp improvement from the 4.6
percent growth posted in 2003, the bank said in its Asian Development
Outlook report.

Thailand was expected to maintain its solid growth momentum with a 7.2
percent rise in GDP in 2004, slowing down to 6.2 percent in 2005. The key
to the kingdom's expansion would be strong exports and higher government
spending, including next year's elections.

However violence in southern Thailand was identified as a risk factor,
possibly hurting the country's image as a safe tourist destination, the
ADB warned.

Indonesia was forecast to post 4.5 percent GDP growth in 2004 and 2005, up
from 4.1 percent in 2003, thanks to the restoration of macroeconomic
stability and growth in private and government consumption.

But Jakarta faced key challenges, the ADB warned, saying "investors still
see lack of security as a major concern," citing terrorist fears and
"politically-sensitive problems in troubled provinces."

Poor governance and the implementation of an ambitious decentralization
problem were also concerns, the ADB added.

Vietnam was expected to post the strongest growth with a 7.5 percent rise
in GDP in 2004 and 7.6 percent in 2005 due to strong domestic demand and
sharp export growth.

But the bank warned the growing trade and fiscal deficit, uncertainty
about market access and possible health scares such as SARS, avian flu and
AIDS posed risks to the economy.

Malaysia's GDP was expected to edge up to 5.8 and 5.6 percent in 2004 and
2005 respectively due to strong export demand and private consumption.

The main threat was the possibility that the US and Chinese economies
might slow down, affecting the rest of Malaysia's markets, the bank added.

The Philippines was expected to enjoy five percent GDP growth in both 2004
and 2005 due to higher consumer spending, improved weather conditions and
improved overseas demand, particularly for electronics, the country's main
export.

The fiscal situation remained the Philippines' main variable with the
government facing a "very difficult" task of keeping the budget deficit at
4.2 percent of GDP this year, the ADB warned.

Exports and manufacturing as well as an upturn in tourism and construction
would also help Cambodia to post 5.4 percent GDP growth in both 2004 and
2005, the ADB said.

Laos would see GDP growth rise slightly to 6.0 and 6.2 percent in 2004 and
2005 respectively thanks partly to exports and rapid growth in the
country's main trading partners, Thailand, Vietnam and China.

Its weak fiscal system was the main risk, the ADB said, warning against a
sharp drop in revenue collection or a excessive spending.

There were no growth forecasts for Myanmar with the ADB warning that "in
view of the very limited reform agenda... growth prospects in the medium
term are limited."

_____________________________________

April 28, Xinhua News Agency
Thai trade exhibition to be held in Myanmar

Yangon: A Thai trade exhibition will be held at the Yangon Trade Center
from May 5-8, aimed at further strengthening the trade relations as well
as fostering the spirit of goodwill and cooperation between Thailand and
Myanmar.

The four-day Thailand Exhibition 2004 will be the 9th of its kind and the
first during this year, sponsored by the Department of Export Promotion of
the Thai Commerce Ministry, according to a the Thai Embassy here on
Wednesday.

Under the Thailand-Myanmar economic cooperation program, the exhibition is
to be participated by 140 Thai companies with 175 booths displaying auto
parts and accessories, chemical products, children products, industrial
and construction materials, cosmetics, electrical products, food products,
beverages and packaging, furniture, garments and textile, household
products, kitchen ware, leather products, footwear, machinery tools and
parts, pharmaceutical and sanitary products, service trade and stationery
products.

Thailand held its first trade exhibition in Myanmar in December 1998 and
the event became a biannual one since 2002 as economic and trade
cooperation between the two countries grew. The last event took place in
last December.

Myanmar official statistics show that Myanmar-Thailand bilateral trade
amounted to over 1 billion US dollars annually, accounting for over 20
percent of Myanmar's total foreign trade and standing as the highest
volume among that with member states of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations.


REGIONAL
_____________________________________

April 28, The Nation
1 million illegal aliens expected to register

More than a million illegal workers from neighbouring countries are
expected to avail themselves of new regulations aimed at legalising their
stay.

Two lawmakers praised the regulations approved by the Cabinet yesterday,
saying the government is on the right track to address the influx of
illegal aliens.

Thai Rak Thai MP Premsak Phiayura and Senator Sawai Phrammani said the
Labour Ministry had come up with a workable solution to regulate illegal
immigrant workers and discourage newcomers.

Under the new regulations, all illegal workers from Burma, Cambodia and
Laos will be obliged to report for a headcount between June and October.

They will be fingerprinted and issued with identification cards allowing
them a one-year temporary stay while authorities assess the demand for
foreign labour.

Workers vouched for by their employers to fill vacant positions will be
issued work permits and are entitled to health benefits.

The Public Health Ministry has earmarked Bt1,300 in costs per person, per
year, for migrant workers, plus an estimated Bt600 per health check.

The Labour Ministry has sought and received government approval to spend
Bt451 million in order to regulate existing migrant workers and seal
borders to prevent a future influx.


INTERNATIONAL
___________________________________

April 28, Europe Information Service
European Report: EU Ministers Confirm Sanctions Against Burma For Another
Year

European Union Foreign Ministers have confirmed for another year their
sanctions on the military regime in Burma/Myanmar. At the General Affairs
and External Relations Council in Luxembourg on April 26, they decided to
roll over the EU's visa ban and assets freeze in protest at the country's
ruling military junta. This applied to members of Burma's State Peace and
Development Council, on Government Ministers, senior members of the
military, members of the United Solidarity and Development Association,
state-owned economic enterprises, as well as beneficiaries of the
Government's economic policy and members of their families. The sanctions
also include a ban on technical assistance, on funding and financial
assistance related to military activities, and a ban on the export of
equipment that might be used for internal repression.

The EU Common Position on Burma/Myanmar was first adopted in October 1996:
while confirming the sanctions already in place - an arms embargo imposed
in 1990 and the suspension of all bilateral aid other than strictly
humanitarian aid - it introduced a visa ban on the members of the military
regime. The Common Position has been maintained since 1996 and was
strengthened in October 1998, by widening the visa ban to include
explicitly transit visas and to cover the tourism administration in
Burma/Myanmar. In April 2000, it was further strengthened by a ban on the
export from the EU of any equipment that might be used for internal
repression or terrorism, publishing the list of persons affected by the
visa ban, and imposing a freeze on the funds held abroad by the persons
named in the list. Last year, after the detention of activist Aung San Suu
Kyi, the Common Position was again strengthened by targeting more people
linked to economic or political activities of the junta for the visa ban
and asset freeze.

___________________________________

April 27, Radio Free Asia
Burma Junta Slammed For Neo-Nazi Policies

A group of British MPs has denounced Burma's military rulers for carrying
out ruthless and systematic "neo-Nazi policies" including the use of
torture and rape against its own people, RFA's Burmese service reports.

"For far too long the wanton savagery of the military regime in Burma has
received all too little public attention," Conservative Party spokesman on
international development John Bercow told a news conference shortly after
returning from a trip to the Thai-Burma border.

"The testimonies we received suggest that these atrocities against
innocent citizens continue on a daily basis," said Bercow.

Bercow said he had spoken to victims of torture whose experiences led him
to believe that "there are neo-Nazi policies that are being calculatedly
pursued" against Myanmar's own citizens.

Baroness Caroline Cox, president of Christian Solidarity Worldwide, was
also on the trip. She told reporters: "The much-vaunted roadmap to
democracy must be seen as a hypocritical propaganda exercise which should
be treated by the international community with the contempt it deserves."

Meanwhile, eight leaders of the opposition National League for Democracy
(NLD) were allowed to visit opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in her
Rangoon home Tuesday, where she is under house arrest.

The meeting was the first of the party's central committee since Aung San
Suu Kyi¹s arrest May 30 during an ambush of her motorcade by
government-led gangs near Depayin township in the north of the country.

According to eyewitness testimonies recorded for RFA¹s Burmese service, as
many as 100 people died and an unknown number of women were raped during
the violence, which was planned and orchestrated by the junta.

The current group of generals in Burma has been in power since 1988
although the military has been in charge of the country since 1962. The
junta called elections in 1990 but refused to step down when the NLD won.

More than 1,000 delegates from various walks of life and ethnic groups
have been invited to a May 17 convention which the government claims will
promote its "road map to democracy". The NLD walked out of a previous
National Convention in November 1995, saying it was undemocratic.

___________________________________

April 27, Agence France Presse
Bush, Thai PM discuss Iraq, Myanmar

Washington: US President George W. Bush and Thailand's prime minister,
Thaksin Shinawatra, discussed efforts to pacify Iraq  and the situation in
Myanmar by telephone, the White House said.

Bush called Thaksin "to express his appreciation for Thailand's support in
Iraq and for the prime minister's strong leadership," spokesman Scott
McClellan told reporters.

"The prime minister and the president also discussed the situation in
Burma," he said, referring to Myanmar by its former name, without
providing details on the conversation.

Thaksin hinted last week that Thailand's 451-strong contingent in Iraq
would be pulled out, saying he hoped the United States would understand if
Thailand had to take that decision because of rising violence.

Defense Minister Chetta Thanajaro said Monday that a decision would likely
be made after the June 30 handover of power to an interim government in
Iraq.

Thailand's senate voted one week ago to maintain the kingdom's 451 troops
at Camp Lima in the central Iraqi town of Karbala despite mounting danger
and withdrawal announcements by Spain, Honduras and the Dominican
Republic.

But a majority of Thais want the kingdom's troops pulled out, according to
a survey out Monday.


OPINION/ OTHER
___________________________________

April 27, Malaysiakini
Rohingya Discontent Troubles Malaysia - Yap Mun Ching

Kuala Lumpur: In times when fears of terrorist attacks on foreign targets
in Southeast Asia still loom large, Malaysian Deputy Internal Security
Minister Noh Omar was understandably concerned when a group of Rohingya
asylum seekers set ablaze the Burmese embassy in Kuala Lumpur and attacked
its envoy earlier this month.

To reassure other diplomats, Noh was quick to point out that the attack
was an isolated one and bore no relation to a bomb scare just weeks
earlier at the Australian embassy.

There should be no reason to doubt his reading of these two incidents, but
Noh was not entirely correct in attributing the embassy torching to a
dispute gone wrong between the mission staff and its nationals.

(Three Rohingya brothers arrested for the attack have since been charged
with attempted murder of the envoy. If found guilty, they could be jailed
for up to 20 years.)

In reality, it was only the latest in a series of incidents that have
broken out at foreign missions involving Rohingya asylum seekers in
Malaysia.

In 2002, the community came into the spotlight when several groups broke
into the UNHCR compound in Kuala Lumpur to seek asylum.

Last year, their presence was highlighted again when six men were arrested
as they tried to scale the gates of the US embassy in a bid for refuge.

Unsurprisingly, these incidents have made Malaysian authorities extremely
nervous. In the days after the embassy burning, Rohingyas living in and
around the city reported that scores of police officers had been
dispatched to warn them against causing further trouble.

But while the government has been quick to respond when untoward incidents
occur, it has refused to acknowledge that these outbursts may be related
to the growing frustration among the Rohingyas over their uncertain
status.

Extortion Racket

Most Rohingyas first entered Malaysia in the early to mid-1990s claiming
to have fled persecution in their home state by the Burmese military. The
junta is also said to have been systematically stripping the community of
its citizenship. Today, an estimated 10,000 Rohingyas live in Malaysia,
about half are registered with the UNHCR.

As a stateless people, the Rohingyas say they should qualify for asylum in
Malaysia. But this has not happened.

Since Malaysia does not distinguish between political asylum seekers and
economic migrants, undocumented Rohingyas have been subjected to strict
immigration laws which allow for them to be whipped and jailed if
convicted of illegal entry and domicile.

To make matters worse, the lack of status and rights of these people has
made them particularly vulnerable to exploitation by numerous groups from
human traffickers to corrupt law enforcement officers.

For instance, asylum seekers deported from Malaysia to Thailand invariably
fall prey to snakeheads who hold them captive until they are able to buy
their way to freedom. Once back in Malaysia, they would have to work to
pay off their debts—a task made more difficult because they are often
exploited by unscrupulous employers who refuse to pay owed salaries,
knowing that undocumented workers have no legal recourse.

Another common allegation by the Rohingyas (and other asylum seekers) is
that they face regular extortion by corrupt police officers who charge
"fees" for not detaining them.

Criminal Elements

Aside from humanitarian considerations, the Malaysian government has good
reason to be concerned about the plight of the Rohingyas, one of which is
the possibility that many may eventually turn to crime as a matter of
survival.

In its 2002 annual report, the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia, or
Suhakam, noted the views of a Rohingya representative that high
unemployment and financial hardship would make it highly likely for
criminal elements to infiltrate the community and for desperate Rohingyas
to resort to petty crime.

This may already be happening. Last year, police arrested 30 Burmese
nationals during a drug bust in the southern Malaysian city of Johor Bahru
including a 13-year-old girl who was found in possession of 415 grams of
heroin—an amount punishable by death if she is convicted as an adult drug
trafficker.

Ghiyathudeen, a Rohingya community leader, said the temptation is high for
criminal groups to recruit these dispossessed people. Not only are they
vulnerable and unprotected, they are also undocumented. If a Rohingya is
arrested, no one would likely to cause a fuss.

"The governments in this region should be very worried. These are large
numbers of mobile people moving across borders," said Ghiyathudeen. "They
have no identities. If they are recruited by criminal gangs, it could
really undermine regional security."

At the moment, scant information is available on the operations of
criminal syndicates operating in the region, but those who have gone
through the experience say that people smuggling gangs operate in Burma,
Thailand and Malaysia and rely on a chain of "agents", most of whom are
Thai or Burmese nationals.

Operating in parallel with these groups, said another Burmese community
leader who requested anonymity, are syndicates that produce counterfeit
documents ranging from fake passports to work permits.

"It is very hard for Burmese people to obtain passports. Those who renew
are required to pay 15 percent of their future pay to their embassy. Many
people just prefer to obtain a fake passes which cost about 100 ringgit
(US $26)," he claimed.

Unwanted People

Meanwhile, the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia has made several
workable proposals to deal with the problems faced by the Rohingyas.

As immediate measures, the commission said there should be a mechanism to
register the asylum seekers, particularly the Rohingyas because of their
statelessness, in order to ascertain their actual population figures.

Employers should also be allowed to hire documented Rohingyas so as to
avoid aggravating the unemployment situation and growing poverty within
the community.

In the longer term, the rights commission said Malaysia must exert
pressure on the military regime in Rangoon to come to a mutually
acceptable solution with regards to the Rohingyas.

However, the Malaysian government has ignored these suggestions. To date,
Kuala Lumpur remains poles apart from Rangoon on the subject of the
Rohingyas.

Malaysian Foreign Minister Syed Hamid Albar, when questioned by the press
last September, said that as far as Malaysia was concerned, the Rohingyas
are "definitely from Myanmar [Burma] and they should be sent back to
Myanmar".

Not so, insisted Burmese counselor to Kuala Lumpur Khin Maung Lynn, the
diplomat who was injured by the Rohingya brothers in the embassy incident.
Khin claimed that the Rohingyas were from Bangladesh and had crossed into
Burma’s Arakan state in the 1970s.
He told the national news agency, Bernama, that the Rohingyas in Malaysia
had no status with the Burmese government and "are not from Myanmar".

But even as governments affected by the Rohingya diaspora continue to
pussyfoot around the issue when dealing with Rangoon, the international
community’s approach has not been worthy of praise either.

A common complaint by Rohingyas who have sought assistance from the UNHCR
in Kuala Lumpur is the apparent disinclination on the part of the agency
to address their woes.

"We go to the UNHCR almost everyday to wait for our refugee application
results but they keep telling us that they have no decision. Other groups
have a much higher chance of success when they apply," said a Rohingya
asylum seeker who first filed his application two years ago.

Other Rohingyas hoping to file their applications for refugee status come
across another obstacle. Since last year, the agency has stopped
processing individual asylum applications from members of the community.

Those approaching the agency are simply issued letters which state that
they "registered as a Rohingya Muslim with the UNHCR", but little else.

UNHCR senior community services officer Jennifer Ashton said the agency
decided to dispense with the individual recognition process since it
acknowledges that all Rohingyas have been collectively labeled as "foreign
citizens" by their government.

Given shortages of manpower and resources, Ashton said the UN agency
decided that a better approach was for the Rohingyas to be issued with
temporary protection letters rather than to have them wait in an interview
queue which could take years.

Also, Rohingyas have little chance at being resettled in any of the
accepting countries, usually in North America, Europe, Australia or New
Zealand.

The Rohingyas, said Ashton, are usually poorly educated and have limited
work and language skills. A large number of them also marry early, have
large families and practice polygamy, "all of which resettlement countries
find difficult to deal with," she said. "It is understandable that
resettlement countries, which have a large number of refugees to choose
from, would prefer those who are not going to potentially have social
problems."

So unless resettlement is possible, refugee recognition alone would be
meaningless since the status carries no weight with the Malaysian
government.

Undeniably, the only permanent solution to the Rohingya problem is for
their status as Burmese nationals to be resolved once and for all. Still,
it should not be an excuse for the international community to ignore their
plight.

As for Malaysia, while it may be easy to deport the Rohingyas or other
asylum seekers out of the country whenever trouble arises, policymakers
responsible for these knee-jerk reactions would do well to consider the
wider implications of repeatedly victimizing people who have very little
left to lose.

__________________________________

April 28, Mizzima News
Root cause of Burma’s economic disasters: Sanction or Junta? - Nyo Ohn Myint

The root causes of Burma’s economic disasters can be seen since 1988,
after the military junta brutally killed unarmed civilians and students
demonstrating for political change.

The regime then introduced nominal ‘open market’ reforms that favored
military-owned institutions and their political allies; namely ethnic
ceasefire organizations and a new society of a handful of businessmen.

Without real political development, Burma was never likely to attract
major international investment. Investors looked to see if the regime was
able to provide their long-term needs. However, regime refused to allow
real privatization and equal opportunity for ordinary citizens and local
businessmen.

Investors were eagerly looking for the development of necessary economic
infrastructure but they didn't see any. The creation of a new market
system cannot exist under conditions of corruption and uncompromising
centralization. Instead, the regime fails to realize this and points the
finger at international economic sanctions.

The real reason for country's economic disaster is the regime’s
mismanagement of political, social and economic development. The regime’s
corruption not only undermined the market economy but also created a new
society of pro-regime businessmen who enjoy privileged opportunity. The
purpose of creating this new business society is to have a political upper
hand on pro-democracy sympathizers and supporters of the National League
for Democracy (NLD).

With their political motives, the regime’s narrow-minded generals punched
the country’s economic development into economic disaster. The regime has
tried to prove its sufficiency without concern for reality, ignoring the
suffering of ordinary citizens.

Worst of all, the regime continues to violate basic human rights,
including political freedom and systematic rape of women and children and
fails to acknowledge that these factors also result from the economic
disaster. Instead, they again point out these factors as being a result of
international pressures relating to sanctions that slow economic
development.

Problems are mounting for Burma’s economy, in terms of the regime
mismanagement, lack of good governance, pervasive corruption. The regime's
economic policies are counter-productive. In particular, strict
centralization and top down control of all industries can be blamed for
limiting growth and failure to provide basic needs for all development
sectors.

The regime has been using a forced civilian labor to build the country's
economy. The market value of forced labor used by the junta on public
works projects was in 1994/5 was 17.5bn Kyat in 1994/95, equivalent to
3.7% of GDP. Since then, the junta has increasingly used the armed forces
to build infrastructure projects, although forced labor remains common
practice in some parts of the country, especially in border areas. The
International Labor Organization (ILO) has sharply criticized Burma for
its use of “widespread and systematic” forced labor.

Income has never increased because of extremely high inflation rates. The
minimum monthly salary in the public sector has remained at about Kt 1,000
since 1994, equivalent to US$ 1.25 at the current parallel exchange rate.
In April 2000, the public sector minimum monthly salary increased to Kt
5,000 (US$ 6.25 or 0.21 cent per day) though many reported having to
resort to corruption to survive.

Military personnel's minimum monthly salary was increased to Kt 10,000
(US$ 12.5 or 0.42 cent per day) and the maximum wage was raised to Kt
15,000 per month (US$ 18.75 or 0.63 cent per day). The regime’s failure to
control inflation and its continuing high rates can be attributed to three
reasons: a tenfold increase in electricity prices effective March 1999, an
increase in transportation costs because of higher taxes, and a decline in
commodity production.

The main source of inflation was budgetary deficits and other contributory
factors to the inflationary process were over-bidding of export
agricultural products, over-building of certain infrastructure facilities,
and depreciation of the Kyat in the parallel market for foreign exchange,
which increases the prices of imported goods used as inputs in the
production process. Burma remains a predominantly agricultural economy.
Agriculture (including forestry and fishing) accounted for 43.1% of
current-price GDP in 1999/00 and employed 65.95% of the workforce in
1997/98.

By contrast the industrial sector (including manufacturing, energy, mining
and construction) remain much more undeveloped. Industrial output is
hampered by inadequate power and infrastructure, and limited investment.
Food processing and garment manufacturing dominate the small manufacturing
sector. The energy and mining sector is growing in importance with the
start of gas exports from the massive Yadana and Yetagon fields and as a
number of mining projects come on stream.

According to official data, GDP growth rate was quite impressive but lacks
positive economic fundamentals. This result reflects the distortions in
foreign exchange market, the continuing high level of inflation, and the
low levels of revenue condition and public expenditure. Burma's low rate
of economic growth has not performed adequately to fulfill the basic need
of the people. Burma remains largely agrarian, with agriculture accounting
for 34.3% of GDP and 62.75% of the employment in 1999/00.

The economic growth slowdown can be attributed to the adverse impact of
unfavorable weather conditions on agriculture production, the shortage of
agriculture inputs such as fertilizer and pesticides caused by foreign
exchange constraints, the financial crisis in the region following the
devaluation of the Thai bath in July 1997, and mis-management and highly
centralized decision making.

The regime’s failure to ensure investors’ rights, provide opportunities
and create political stability also pushed the investors to pull out of
the country. The collapse in foreign investment has further reduced the
resources available for investment. The state sector's share of GDP has
remained steady at around one-fifth of constant price GDP in recent years.
However, the state dominates some sectors including mining and power, and
has an important role in transport, domestic trade and manufacturing.

The state also controls exports of many key commodities, and as a result
accounted for 28% of exports in 1999/00. In 1999 private investors in land
reclamation projects were granted permission to export up to half of their
crops. The military and the Union Solidarity Development Association
(USDA) –the social wing of regime- are also involved in businesses
including gems and logging.

The regime’s education policy, especially since 1988 has been to prevent
political awareness. While the country’s major investment should be in
education for all, the regime sees students as its archenemy.

The regime has spent only 6.98% of government spending on education, while
49.93 % towards the defense spending. Rural and ethnic areas in particular
have missed out on government funding for education. The per capita
defense expenditures of Burma are much higher than those of Vietnam and
Thailand.  Burmese law requires children to finish fourth grade, usually
reached between 12-15 years of age.

According to UNICEF reports, 38% of the children aged 5 to 9 years never
enroll in school. Of those who do, less than 30% complete the forth grade.
Two thirds of primary school children, primarily in rural areas, leave
school for economic reasons. According to the official data, defense
expenditure far exceeds agriculture, public social and other sector
expenditures. In 1999/00, out of the country’s population of 49.13
million, the military constituted about 470,667 personnel or 0.96% of
total population.

Hence, it is evident that the junta ignores the economic, social and
infrastructure development for the country’s majority. In other words, the
cost of achieving internal security and peace is a drain on hard earned
public funds and manpower, which could have been directed to nation
building development activities, including improving institutional and
social capital. In order to recover the budget deficit, the junta
increased taxes and unpaid labor demands on civilians for the nation's
developmental projects including road, dam and bridge construction. The
junta continues to heavily control, command and centralize Burma’s
economy.

International investment may help open societies and hasten democratic
change in some countries. In Burma, however, foreign investment helps
perpetuate the rule of a repressive, un-elected junta. Full foreign
ownership of companies operating in Burma is forbidden and almost
all-large investment in Burma is carried out through joint ventures with
the military regime.

Much is directed through companies owned and operated by Burma's Ministry
of Defense, notably the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings (UMEH) and its
branch, Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC).

While very few Burmese benefit from foreign investment, the ruling
military junta has imported over US$ 2 billion in weapons since 1989.

Sanctions bring blows to the foreign companies who entered into joint
ventures directly with the military regime, businessmen close to the junta
and the drug lords who collaborate with the generals.

It is earnestly requested here that individual governments, employers and
worker organizations of ILO member states adopt severe economic sanctions
against the illegitimate junta as this is the only way to stop the flow of
income to the military machinery and will enhance dialogue between the
stakeholders and on the urgent need to combat poverty and respect trade
union rights.

The author is Coordinator of Global Burma Campaign of the Foreign Affairs
Committee of the National League for Democracy (Liberated Area).

1 Thailand spends 8.45% and  Vietnam has 11.61% sources: Military
expenditure in ASIAN countaries 2000.


PRESS RELEASE
___________________________________

April 27, Free Burma Coalition Media Advisory
Burma's State Peace and Development Council Must Change the Rules of
Engagement Governing the May 17 National Convention

Washington, DC: The Burma Strategy Group of the Free
Burma Coalition (FBC) today issued a statement urging the ruling State
Peace and Development Council (SPDC), the election-winning National League
for Democracy (NLD) and the non-Burman ethnic groups to adopt a pragmatic
approach toward resolving the country's long-standing political stalemate
which has arrested the emergence of Burma as a modern, developed and truly
democratic nation. (See "Background Notes to Editors" for the list of
dissidents who endorsed the call.)

The FBC statement follows:

We in the Free Burma Coalition are exiled dissidents of Burma's successive
struggles for democracy and ethnic self-determination.

Driven by our grave concerns for the all-round deteriorating situation in
our homeland, including the possibility of continuing political stalemate
which will further hinder the process of national reconciliation and
arrest our country's potentials to emerge as a modern, developed and truly
democratic nation, we call on all key political players to come to terms
with the urgency and gravity of our country's all-round problems across
the board.

We believe this requires the adoption of a pragmatic approach toward
national reconciliation and nation re-building.

We call on Burma's ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) to
allow, as a first step, all political organizations and individuals,
including political prisoners, to assume their legitimate roles in the
process of national reconciliation so that they all can make valuable
contributions to re-building the nation.

Specifically, we urge the SPDC to sit together with others to rework the
rules of engagement regarding the upcoming National Convention.

We are long-term opponents of the military rule in Burma.  But with our
December 9, 2003 statement, we have welcomed, in principle, the SPDC
proposal to convene a National Convention.  We believed that it could
offer the basis for a genuine national debate if it were to be conducted
in a free and fair manner.  We remain firm in our belief that a Convention
intended to draft a new Constitution for Burma and thus shape its course
must be a forum wherein all concerns, needs and visions for the country
are openly aired and freely debated.  This is essential if the
Convention's outcome is to be seen as transparent, satisfactory and
legitimate, both by Burma's 50-million plus multi-ethnic citizens, and
thereby to satisfy the international community.

However, we are seriously troubled by the recent announcements by the SPDC
that it intends to resume the National Convention without modifying either
the format or the rules of engagement.  The previous Convention stalled in
1996 owing to its extremely rigid format and highly anti-democratic rules.
This should serve as a powerful reminder, above all specifically to the
ruling SPDC, that repeating the "tried and failed" rules of engagement and
refusing to act fairly in working with other legitimate players such as
the National League for Democracy is bound to perpetuate the political
stalemate in our beleaguered nation.  As the party in charge, the SPDC is
responsible for either the success or failure of this political process.

Our coalition here recognizes that, despite the reopening of its HQ
office, the National League for Democracy party remains under siege.  The
Party leaders, workers and members are either locked up in jails by the
SPDC or harassed by its agents, including the Union Solidarity and
Development Association. Local party offices remain closed. The SPDC
continues to keep U Tin Oo and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, NLD Vice-Chairman and
General Secretary respectively, under house arrest. This does not bode
well for the process of national reconciliation.

The Free Burma Coalition is committed to seeking ways to move this process
forward. We therefore further call on all parties concerned to adopt as
the guiding paradigm "the principle of complementarity" to guide in their
approach.

Complementarity means that all stakeholders, including the Tatmadaw or
Myanmar Armed Forces, have a role in our common vision, re-building Burma
as "a modern, developed and truly democratic nation". And it means that
all stakeholders, including the Tatmadaw, must recognizes the vital role
the others have to play.

Specifically, a possible scenario guided by such principle would look thus:

* the Tatmadaw and the armed non-Burman organizations should, working
together, assume responsibility for security and defense, safeguarding our
nation's integrity and sovereignty, and should phase out their involvement
in other areas of government

* whereas civilian pro-democracy parties should accept a greater and
meaningful role in the renewal of civil society, the restoration of the
rule of law and the creation of good governance.

* Further, all parties concerned should share responsibility for promoting
peace and national reconciliation.

* In addition, all parties concerned should be involved in replenishing
Burma's human resources which have long been exhausted by our country's
decades-long internal strife and which is of paramount importance in
rebuilding the economy, as well as other institutions vital to our
country's well-being.

And finally,

* all parties must agree to resolve future political conflicts and
differences through peaceful means.

Above all, the military, civilian and ethnic leaderships must, without
fail, recognize that the people of Burma need to be welcomed back into the
political process, and by listening to and hearing their voices, people's
desires, concerns and frustrations must be responded to. For people are
our country's strength, soul and the sole basis of our nation's
sovereignty.

The failure to accommodate all stakeholders pragmatically and to address
the needs, fears and aspirations of all peoples and their representatives
will only harden the positions and attitudes among key opponents. This
will prolong Burma's political deadlock unnecessarily and further exact a
heavy toll on our 50-million plus multi-ethnic population people in whose
name these struggles are waged.

Media Contacts:
Australia - Dr. Myo Nyunt +61 8 93 10 17 77
Canada - Dr. Alice Khin Saw Win  780 439 7555
India - U Soe Myint +91 98 91 35 88 33
Japan - U Thoung Nyein +81 (0)8 05 02 03 421
Germany - Salai Kipp Kho Lian +49 40 44 46 01
Thailand - U Aung Thu Nyein +66 (0)9 07 01 723; Naw May Oo +66 (0)7 80 85 110
United Kingdom - U Win Soe +44 (0)2 08 06 37 88
USA - Dr. Zarni +66 (0)7 80 85 112 (mobile); Saw Kapi +1 415 517 4228;
Dr. Tun Kyaw Nyein +1 919 451 7229

___________________________________

April 21, International Enforcement Law Reporter
FATF Acts on Non-Cooperative Countries, Strengthens Cooperation with World
Bank Group and Releases New Typologies - Bruce Zagaris

On February 27, 2004, the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering
issued a statement following its Plenary Meeting concerning
non-cooperative countries, cooperation with the World Bank Group, and
typologies.

1. Non-cooperative Countries

Due to substantial reforms by the Ukraine and Egypt, FATF has removed both
countries from its list of Non-Cooperative Countries and Territories
(NCCTs). In line with the past practice, the FATF will continue to monitor
closely the ongoing implementation of the anti-money laundering systems in
these countries.

The list of countries remaining as designated NCCTs is as follows; Cook
Islands, Guatemala, Indonesia, Myanmar, Nauru, Nigeria and Philippines.
The FATF requested its members to maintain their advisories requesting
that their financial institutions give special attention to businesses and
transactions with persons, including companies and financial institutions,
in the listed countries or territories. The FATF decided to maintain the
current counter-measures against Myanmar and Nauru, citing a lack of
adequate progress to justify their removal at this point.

For full text of this report please visit:
http://www1.oecd.org/fatf/pdf/TY2004_en.PDF

For the full press release please visit:
http://www1.oecd.org/fatf/pdf/PR-20040227_en.PDF