BurmaNet News, November 4, 2004

[Editor]

November 4, 2004, Issue # 2594


INSIDE BURMA
Xinhua: Myanmar leader stresses building future of state with own ways
AP: Myanmar's democracy movement praises US election process

ON THE BORDER
Reuters: Thousands of Myanmar Muslims flee to Bangladesh

GUNS
BBC Monitoring Former USSR: Russian arms trader exports hardware worth 5bn
dollars in 2004

REGIONAL
AFP: Indian rebels says Myanmar plans military action to evict Indian
separatists
New York Sun: Thailand drops democracy
Irrawaddy and AP: Southeast Asia ambivalent over Bush victory

OPINION / OTHER
Statement by Mr. Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro,
Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar


______________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

November 4, Xinhua News Agency
Myanmar leader stresses building future of state with own ways

Yangon: Myanmar leader Lieutenant-General Thein Sein has stressed the
importance of building the future of the state with own ways and styles as
well as with social values and norms amid foreign cultural infiltration.

Thein Sein, new first secretary of the State Peace and Development
Council, made the call at a prize-presentation ceremony of the 12th
Myanmar Traditional Cultural Performing Arts Competitions here Wednesday,
official newspaper The New Light of Myanmar reported Thursday.

"Alien cultures, customs and life styles are coming into the nation
through the cultural and economic doors, using advanced information
technology and media as a vehicle to carry them," he warned, urging his
people to safeguard themselves from the domination with the national
strength of vitalizing national spirit and preserving and promoting
national culture.

He held that organizing such competitions enabled Myanmar youths and new
generations to realize the higher level of Myanma culture, to cultivate
the heart for respect and admiration of national culture and to appreciate
it.

He stressed the upholding of nationalism and patriotism as well as the
preservation of tradition and culture to revitalize the strength needed to
defense the country and the people at any given time.

He called for striving to ensure the perpetual existence and grandeur of
the union amid international community.

He also urged artists to expose and promote the heritage of Myanmar
traditional and cultural performing arts and to take part with their
artistic might in the implementation of the government' s current
seven-point political roadmap to democracy, announced in August last year,
to ensure that the future of the nation will be replete with Myanma ways
and styles as well as with social values and norms.

The Myanmar traditional cultural performing arts competitions have been
held for over two weeks since mid-last month. More than 2,500 youth
contestants participated the competitions, which include contests of song,
dance, composing, music and play at different stages such as professional,
amateur, higher education and basic education levels.

Myanmar holds the event annually since 1993.

_____________________________________

November 4, Associated Press
Myanmar's democracy movement praises US election process

Yangon: Myanmar's National League for Democracy party, which won a
landslide victory in a 1990 general election but was never allowed to take
power by the ruling military, on Thursday praised how the U.S. conducted
its presidential election.

Dirty campaign tricks and the vagaries of the electoral college system may
turn off many in the U.S., but in Myanmar - where members of the winning
NLD not only were denied power but were persecuted and in thousands of
case jailed, U.S.-style democracy looks more than fair.

"I watched the closely-contested U.S. election with great admiration
because it clearly demonstrates the maturity of a democratic nation," NLD
spokesman U Lwin told The Associated Press.

NLD party leader Aung San Suu Kyi was unavailable for comment - she is
under house arrest, as she has been many of the years since even before
the 1990 election.

U Lwin said Democratic challenger John Kerry showed his maturity by
conceding defeat and calling for unity for the betterment of his country.

"We must emulate and take as an example the way both leaders reacted to
the election victory," said U Lwin.

He left unsaid the contrast with his country's military leaders, who
refuse even to sit down and talk with Suu Kyi, the 1991 Nobel peace
laureate.

U Lwin said U.S. policy toward Myanmar's military government - which has
long been very hostile and critical -had been unlikely to change no matter
who had won Tuesday's polls.

"Both Democrats and Republicans have consistently supported Myanmar's
democracy movement and human rights issues," he said. "They would apply
the same policy toward Myanmar."

The U.S. first applied economic and political sanctions against the junta
during President's Bill Clinton's administration, and they were
considerably strengthened last year by the Bush administration. Washington
disapproves of the military's poor human rights record and failure to hand
over power to a democratically-elected government.

_____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

November 4, Reuters News
Thousands of Myanmar Muslims flee to Bangladesh

Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh: More than 15,000 Muslims have fled to Bangladesh
from Myanmar over the past two weeks, many saying they left to escape
persecution by the military, witnesses and officials said on Thursday.

They said the refugees, called Rohingyas, have crossed into Bangladesh
from Myanmar's western Arakan state. They searched for work, set up small
camps and even asked to settle permanently in Bangladesh.

Refugee Zarina Begum, 25, said she and some of her relatives had crossed
the Naf river two weeks ago after her husband was picked up by Myanmar
troops. The river forms part of the border between the neighbours.

"I decided to run away after being unable to get any news about him and
fearing that I could be the next victim," she said.

The refugees brought along many tales of young Rohingya women being picked
up and raped by troops while male members of their families were forced to
work without pay.

More than 250,000 Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh in the 1990s, accusing
Myanmar's military of killing and torturing members of the minority group.

Most of the refugees were repatriated under the supervision of U.N. High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) but about 20,000 remain, waiting to
return home.

Bangladeshi officials said most of the latest arrivals were economic
refugees but some had been forced to flee their country.

Witnesses said many of the new refugees had little, if any, food or
medical care because authorities in Bangladesh and the UNHCR did not
recognise them as legitimate refugees.

"The newly arriving refugees have erected makeshift huts with bamboo and
plastic sheets at Damdamia (in Teknaf border area)," said local
administrator Matinul Haque.

Teknaf, 500 km (312 miles) southeast of Bangladesh's capital Dhaka, is on
the Naf river.

"Give us a permanent shelter here, or send us to any other country where
we can live in peace, and without harassment," said 70-year-old Abul
Kashem Sardar, a refugee leader, told reporters visiting Damdamia on
Thursday.

Bangladeshi officials said they feared more Rohingyas might sneak into
Cox's Bazar and Teknaf, especially ahead of Muslim Eid al-Fitr festival
due in middle of this month, when wealthy Muslims donate money and clothes
to the poor. (Reporting by Nizam Ahmed and Muhammad Nurul Islam in Cox's
Bazar).

_____________________________________
GUNS

November 4, BBC Monitoring Former Soviet Union
Russian arms trader exports hardware worth 5bn dollars in 2004

Excerpt from report in English by Russian news agency Interfax-AVN web site

Moscow, 4 November: The Russian federal unitary enterprise
Rosoboroneksport which specializes in the export of defence hardware will
supply nearly 5bn dollars worth of products to other countries in 2004,
says a company press release circulated on Thursday [4 November]. "The
portfolio of orders to be executed before 2007 exceeds 12bn dollars," it
said. The company sells defence hardware to over 60 countries, the report
said.

Rosoboroneksport has 43 permanent offices abroad and plans to open new
offices in Belgium, Myanmar and Uganda, it said. China and India remain
Rosoboroneksport's chief markets, it said. "While maintaining strategic
partnership with these countries, the enterprise is trying to expand the
geography of its exports. Against the background of a noticeable increase
in trade with such promising Southeast Asian countries as Malaysia,
Indonesia and Vietnam, there are signs of improvement in numerous Middle
Eastern and African countries. Determined marketing efforts have resulted
in the start of trade in Latin American markets," said the report.
[Passage omitted]

Source: Interfax-AVN military news agency web site, Moscow, in English
1052 gmt 4 Nov 04

_____________________________________
REGIONAL

November 4, Agence France Presse
Indian rebels says Myanmar plans military action to evict Indian separatists

Guwahati: A rebel group in India's remote northeast said Thursday
neighbouring Myanmar was preparing to launch a military action to drive
Indian separatists from its soil.

Yangon has moved in hundreds of soldiers to parts of northern Myanmar,
said Kughalo Mulatonu, a leader of the National Socialist Council of
Nagaland (NSCN) which is fighting for a tribal homeland in India's
Nagaland state.

"We're expecting attacks on our bases any time with Myanmarese soldiers
building bunkers and moving large stocks of military hardware to the
area," Mulatonu told AFP by telephone from Kohima, capital of Nagaland
state.

The group's statement came a week after Myanmar's military strongman
General Than Shwe ended a visit to India with a pledge the secretive junta
would not let Indian rebels operate from its soil.

There was no immediate official comment from New Delhi but an Indian
intelligence official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said Indian
troops were being deployed along the country's 1,640-kilometer (1,000
miles) with Myanmar.

"We're aware of Myanmar planning some kind of an offensive against
militants and so we're preparing to seal the border" to catch or force the
rebels to surrender, the official said.

The rebel leader said the NSCN had "about 5,000 members in 50 camps inside
Myanmar with a wide range of weapons like rocket launchers, light machine
guns, mortars ... to challenge the Myanmarese soldiers."

At least four other militant groups from India's northeast where a myriad
of tribal and ethnic groups are fighting for greater autonomy or
independence have training camps in northern Myanmar's thick jungles,
Indian intelligence officials claim.

The last time Myanmar launched a military crackdown against the NSCN and
other Indian rebels was in 2001.

Nagaland's chief minister Neiphiu Rio said the government had seen "some
(intelligence) reports about Myanmar trying to evict northeastern
militants from that country."

New Delhi says anti-Indian rebel groups use camps in Myanmar, Bangladesh
and Bhutan to launch hit-and-run attacks in India's northeastern states
where militancy has claimed over 50,000 lives since the country's 1947
independence.

Late last year, Bhutan launched a military operation to drive out Indian
separatists from bases in the kingdom from where they had staged
hit-and-run attacks on Indian targets. Bhutan said it had destroyed about
30 rebel camps.
_____________________________________

November 4, New York Sun
Thailand drops democracy - Ellen Bork

Compared to its neighbor next door, the Burmese junta, Thailand's
government usually looks pretty good. However, the suffocation deaths of
78 Muslim men taken into custody after a demonstration in southern
Thailand last week has focused attention on the increasingly authoritarian
rule of the prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra.

Deadly abuses of civil liberties are not confined to Thailand's
predominantly Muslim south. As part of a crackdown on narcotics
traffickers in 2003, police shot and killed over 2,200 suspected drug
dealers, earning international condemnation for extrajudicial killings.
Mr. Thaksin's interior minister at the time expressed a total disdain for
the victims, who should be jailed "or even vanish without a trace. Who
cares?" Last month, Mr. Thaksin resumed the drug crackdown, which is part
of a broader campaign against "dark influences," a vague phrase capable of
manipulation by Thai officials. Mr. Thaksin was equally indifferent when
he suggested "family problems" explained the March 11 disappearance of
Somchai Neelapajit, a respected human rights lawyer who defended suspects
in the southern Muslim insurgency. According to Thailand's Nation
newspaper, Mr. Somchai is one of 16 human rights and environmental
activists to disappear or be killed during the three years of Mr.
Thaksin's rule.

Nor has Mr. Thaksin shown regard for defenseless and vulnerable Burmese
refugees. At a time when Burma's repression is as harsh as ever, he wants
to curtail Thailand's role as a haven. Mr. Thaksin appears to harbor plans
to deport many refugees, and relocate others to vulnerable camps. "He
wants good relations with Burma, says, Brad Adams, executive director of
human rights watch's Asia division, "and will give up a few hundred
thousand people to get it." Close ties and financial dealings with Burma
would be good for Thai businesses, including Mr. Thaksin's own mobile
phone company, which stands to gain from Burma's market. The effect of Mr.
Thaksin's tilt toward Rangoon is that the country most able to isolate a
brutal regime is instead its collaborator.

Mr. Thaksin also wants "positive news," and a pliant press that will
produce it. According to press monitoring groups, journalists have been
fired, or pressured to tailor their news to suit the government.
Advertising is manipulated for the same purpose. Government-owned stations
and an independent station Mr. Thaksin bought before taking office have
dropped political debates and hard news. Libel suits are used to target
critics, like the activist, Supinya Klangnarong, and the Thai Post editors
who published her findings that Mr. Thaksin's company had benefited
financially from his policies. Opposition politicians have also been
targeted by libel suits. In November 2003, associates of Mr. Thaksin
bought 20% of the respected, independent Nation Multimedia Group that
publishes the Nation, a major English-language daily. When the Nation
launched a Thai-language newspaper, corruption investigations were opened
into its senior staff.

The most worrisome problem is the predominantly Muslim south, however,
where Mr. Thaksin's mishandling of tensions could have devastating
consequences both for Thailand and for the region. Thailand's transition
to democracy helped Thailand's Muslims, who increased their representation
in national politics and secured greater religious freedom. But legacies
of prejudice and exclusion persist, with the area vulnerable to overtures
by radicals.

Mr. Thaksin has elected a course that is bound to exacerbate rather than
alleviate tensions - declaring martial law and failing to discipline local
officials and security forces. He was initially callous about last week's
deaths in custody of the Muslim protesters saying the victims died because
they were weak from fasting during Ramadan. The details of the tragedy - a
prisoner's account of "screams as people underneath him slowly suffocated
during a five-hour truck journey" reported to the Financial Times, forced
him to appoint a commission to investigate. That may not be enough. No one
has been held accountable despite an investigation into the deaths of 107
alleged insurgents in April, which concluded excessive force had been
used. Says Mr. Adams of Human Rights Watch, "Friends of Thailand are
really scared that jihadis are going to start showing up in large numbers.
The government is making that more, not less likely."

Nothing in Mr. Thaksin's record suggests he will deal effectively with
Thailand's Muslim insurgency and the problems that fuel it. Quite the
opposite. Thailand's progress over the past dozen years was one of Asia's
democratic success stories. Today, Mr. Thaksin is one of its
disappointments.

_____________________________________

November 4, Irrawaddy and AP
Southeast Asia ambivalent over Bush victory

Reaction to the re-election of as US president was mixed in Southeast
Asia. Several regional leaders congratulated Bush on his victory and
pledged to work closely with him in the fight against terrorism, while
others in the region feared a second Bush term could lead to more turmoil
and worsen tension between Muslims and the West.

Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, a Muslim, expressed
ambivalence over Bush’s election victory. “Everyone wants to see what
President Bush’s new policies will be,” he said. “If there will be new
approaches in issues such as Iraq and Palestine, I hope that Bush will
consider the opinions of world leaders and other organizations.”

Thanet Charoenmuang, Associate Professor of Political Science, Chiang Mai
University, says that over the next four years, the US presence in Asia
will expand.

“The fact that Bush is re-elected will increase the role of the United
States in Southeast Asia. There will be more various activities—CIA
seeking information on the conflicts of ethnic rebel groups, terrorist
attacks in South Asia and the conflicts between China and India.”

Meanwhile, Burma observers expressed their thoughts on the significance
for Burma of Bush’s second term.

“We can not anticipate who will be better for Burma,” said Debbie
Stothard, coordinator of the Bangkok-based human rights group Altsean.
“But all I can say is that the President Bush had a track record of making
very strong action on Burma.”

Win Min, a researcher for the Washington-based Burma Fund, said “there is
likely to be more pressure on the regime to improve human rights and
negotiate with pro-democracy and ethnic groups.”

_____________________________________


Statement by Mr. Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro,
Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar

59th Session of the General Assembly

New York, 28 October 2004

Mr. Chairman,

I have the honor to introduce my interim report on my activities and
developments relating to the human rights situation in Myanmar in the
first seven months of 2004. I would also like to take this opportunity to
bring you up to date on subsequent developments.

The preparation of my report was constrained by the fact that it was
impossible for me to carry out a fact-finding mission to Myanmar.  During
my speech to the Commission on Human Rights this past March, I explained
that although I had not been able to visit the country since November
2003, the authorities had agreed in principle to my next visit and that I
was trying to work out mutually convenient dates with them.  On several
occasions since then, I have requested cooperation from the Government.  
However, I still have not received an invitation to visit Myanmar.

Mr. Chairman,

            The end of December will mark my fourth year on this mandate. 
 During this period, I carried out six visits to Myanmar and
reported as objectively as I could on my findings.  I
acknowledged positive developments, noted the ongoing efforts,
and offered recommendations regarding the problems that
remained.   Despite the lack of access to the country in the
past year, I have endeavored to follow the same working
methods.  My statements and reports to the General Assembly
and the Commission on Human Rights attest to this.  With or
without access to the country, I intend to pursue my work in
the same spirit of independence, impartiality and solidarity
with the peoples of Myanmar.

Mr. Chairman,

This year saw the revival of the National Convention, which had been
adjourned since 1996.  It was convened from 17 May to 9 July 2004.  It
marked a beginning of the implementation of the seven-point road map for
national reconciliation and democratic transition announced by the former
Prime Minister, General Khin Nyunt, in August 2003.  The National
Convention was attended by 1,076 delegates, compared to 702 participants
at the previous Convention.  The increase was largely made up of
representatives of ethnic nationalities, including ceasefire groups that
had emerged in the new political environment created as a result of
ceasefires between the Government and former armed groups.  In terms of
potential for conflict resolution, the 2004 National Convention may be a
unique opportunity for ethnic minorities.  That being said, the challenges
should not be underestimated. The ceasefire groups, comprised of ethnic
minority-based former armed opposition groups, were included in the
"specially invited guests" category.   They raised issues of local
autonomy for the ethnic minority areas, and some substantive discussions
with the authorities reportedly took place about these concerns.  The
outcome of these discussions remains to be seen at subsequent sessions of
the National Convention, the dates of which are yet to be announced.  The
National League for Democracy (NLD) and other political parties that won a
majority of seats in the 1990 elections did not participate.  Proceedings
at the National Convention took place in the context of the six objectives
and the 104 principles already laid down during the previous Convention.

            While noting serious concerns about the current National
Convention process, in particular with respect to
inclusiveness and the procedures governing its proceedings, I
hope that its final outcome will bring some concrete solutions
that will benefit the entire population of Myanmar.  Now,
after the recent changes in the Myanmar Government, many fear
that the achievement of those outcomes may become more
difficult.   What could be a turning point towards this
direction is the fulfillment of some fundamental human rights
requirements.

            I have stated this on many occasions, and will repeat again,
that a credible process of national reconciliation and
political transition is not possible without two fundamental
conditions: the early release of all political prisoners, and
the relaxation of restrictions which continue to hamper the
ability of political parties and ceasefire partners to
operate.  I am concerned that the number of political
prisoners has remained roughly the same for several years,
with over 1300 political prisoners still in prison. Among them
are those who remain imprisoned despite the fact that their
prison sentences have expired, as well as very old, frail and
ill prisoners, about whom I  have received reports of
inadequate medical treatment, despite assurances by the
Myanmar authorities that the close cooperation with the
International Committee of the Red Cross continues to be
effective.

In view of the current National Convention process, it would be
particularly fitting if large numbers of political prisoners were to be
released; this has not happened at least in the past two years.  It is my
firm belief that such releases would be seen as a strong sign of the
seriousness of the Government’s commitment to political transition and
would strengthen the confidence of political parties and the society at
large in the process and enlist their support.  It would relax some of the
social tension which I sense is rooted in skepticism, fear, frustration
and lack of hope.  It is my belief that there can be no way forward for
the country when the majority of the population has no effective
participation in government decisions.

Similarly, a credible process of transition from a military regime towards
democratization requires the restoration of freedom for political parties
to operate and conduct their activities.  Significant progress in this
respect would contribute to improving the atmosphere, inside and outside
the country, and help normalize its relations with the international
community, including the United Nations, international financial
institutions and private investment actors, for the benefit of all peoples
in Myanmar.  In my reports, as well as in my letters to the Myanmar
authorities, I shared - without much success - my thoughts about human
rights reforms that would help create an enabling environment for the
process currently under way in Myanmar.

The information I received during the reporting period indicates that the
situation with regard to the exercise of fundamental human rights and
freedoms in Myanmar has not substantially changed, and may have even
worsened. The effects of the events of 30 May 2003 in Depayin have yet to
be fully reversed and those responsible for the attacks, injuries and
deaths continue to enjoy impunity.  There are still reports of people
being arrested, tried and sentenced to prison for peaceful political
activity under unjust security laws.  The most recent case in point is the
reported arrest on 21 September of 58-year-old former political prisoner U
Ohn Than who allegedly staged a solo protest outside the UNDP building in
Yangon calling for a UN commission to investigate the events of 30 May
2003.

At this juncture, I believe that restoring immediately the freedom of all
politicians so that they can play a constructive role in the transition,
and undertaking substantive discussions with the NLD and other political
parties, as well as reaching a settlement with ceasefire groups that takes
their suggestions into account, would contribute significantly to the
success of a transition process.  In this respect, it is essential that
the Government of Myanmar resume its cooperation with the Special Envoy of
the Secretary-General.  The continued efforts of the Secretary General to
engage with the Myanmar authorities deserve praise and support,
particularly his initiative to convene a meeting in New York at the end of
last month with his Special Envoy and concerned Member States to discuss
the lack of progress toward national reconciliation and democracy in
Myanmar.   Although it is obvious that in the end it is up to the peoples
of Myanmar to decide their future and their own internal reform, I believe
they can benefit from external support for an enabling environment that
would help to shape the ongoing political process in a more inclusive and
credible fashion. Let us always remember the need to listen to the voices
of 53 million people living in Myanmar and abroad.  No real process of
development and democratization can be successful without the
participation of all these key players, the peoples of Myanmar.

While attention to the current political process in Yangon is well
warranted, let us be reminded of the broader picture of the human rights
situation in the whole country, which shows no improvement.  I remain very
disturbed by continuing allegations of human rights violations,
particularly in ethnic minority areas affected by counter-insurgency
operations or the presence of large contingents of the armed forces not
involved in counter-insurgency activity.  These areas have reportedly
witnessed widespread violations of economic, social and cultural rights,
such as deprivation of means of livelihood through land and crop
confiscation, destruction of houses, excessive taxation, and extortion. 
Continuing reports of the use of landmines, forced labour, and sexual
violence indicate that fundamental human rights are in peril in these
areas.  There are consistent reports that the situation in one ethnic
area, namely north-western Rakhine State, is particularly affected:
mosques have been demolished, the freedom of movement of the
Bengali-speaking Muslim minority has been excessively restricted and the
vast majority of them are de facto stateless.

I have recently received a report containing numerous allegations of
continuing sexual violence against ethnic women by the armed forces
throughout Myanmar since 2003.    Earlier this year, another report
relating to Karen women came out with similar allegations.  I take note of
the preparations being made by the Myanmar Government to dispatch
investigative teams to all the areas and sites connected or relevant to
the investigation of each case mentioned in both reports.  These
allegations are serious, and I would like to renew to the Myanmar
Government my offer to carry out an independent assessment of such
allegations in relevant parts of the country.  It may be recalled that not
so long ago I made a similar offer to the Myanmar authorities with respect
to the allegations of sexual violence against Shan women; however, the
authorities failed to take me up on my offer.

Mr. Chairman,

I would like to take this opportunity also to refer to Myanmar’s drug
control efforts, which, along with democratization and national
reconciliation, are long-standing goals on the UN’s agenda with respect to
this country.   According to the Myanmar’s Opium Survey 2004 released
earlier this month by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, there has been a
decline in comparison with 2003.  While this is commendable, I feel it is
incumbent upon me to recall that the opium-growing communities will remain
vulnerable to human rights abuses, human trafficking and forced relocation
if they are not provided with sustainable alternative sources of income.  
The basic human needs of those poor farmers in Myanmar should be attended
to, for they will never otherwise escape their dependency on opium
cultivation to meet their basic needs.

I think that these cooperative initiatives are an indication of the
Myanmar Government’s desire to bolster the confidence of the international
community.  This is welcome, but the Myanmar Government must match these
international initiatives with domestic confidence-building by respecting
human rights.

In view of the prevailing situation, I cannot but reiterate what I said on
many earlier occasions.  Human rights reforms should start immediately by
revoking security legislation restricting the full exercise of basic human
rights and freedoms.  It is time to stop the arrest, trial and sentencing
of people for peaceful political activities.  It is time to reopen offices
of political parties and to revise the administration of justice to
restore respect for due process rights.  This is the way to pursue the
path towards an authentic process of political transition in Myanmar.

Thank you.