BurmaNet News, April 12, 2005

[Editor]

April 12, 2005 Issue # 2695


INSIDE BURMA
Irrawaddy: Tension mounts between Shan and Rangoon
AP: Report: Myanmar's No. 2 leader urges new army officers to crush saboteurs
AFP: Myanmar wants workers in Thailand to return home: minister

ON THE BORDER
SHAN: Wa bombards Shan positions
Mizzima: India-Burma military talks held on counter insurgency

ASEAN
Straits Times: Asean chair: Your move, Myanmar

REGIONAL
Guardian: Hopes and fears of an Asian Union
Straits Times (Singapore): Myanmar opposition trio scrap visit
New York Times: India and China agree to resolve decades of border disputes

OPINION / OTHER
Jakarta Post: Time for tough love

INTERVIEW
DVB: U Lwin: Burmese opposition wary on optimism over National Convention

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

April 12, Irrawaddy
Tension mounts between Shan and Rangoon - Nandar Chann

Tension between the Shan State National Army ethnic ceasefire group and
Rangoon has been mounting, according to Shan sources, following the
surrender of nearly 40 SSNA troops. Meanwhile, SSNA leader Col Sai Yai and
the remaining troops, which number almost 2,000, are reported to have fled
their bases.

Government sources claim the troops, led by Lt-Col Ganna, formally
surrendered to government armed forces on April 6, while up to 80 more
were expected to turn themselves in today at Hsenwi, northern Shan State.
The SSNA, however, claim the troops were in actual fact arrested.

According to Khun Sai of the Shan Herald Agency for News, the SSNA have
been charged with illegal activities, including drug trafficking. The
charges come only two months after the arrest of Sao Hso Ten, president of
the Shan State Peace Council.

On Monday, a meeting was held between Maj-Gen Loimao, commander of Shan
State Army (North) and Maj-Gen Myint Hlaing, commander of the government’s
Northeastern Region Command in Lashio. During the meeting Loimao, who is a
major ally of Sai Yai, was instructed to persuade the remaining troops to
surrender.

____________________________________

April 12, Associated Press
Report: Myanmar's No. 2 leader urges new army officers to crush saboteurs

Yangon: Myanmar's No. 2 leader has urged newly graduated army officers to
crush "destructive elements" and warned them against believing rumors in
the military-ruled country, a state-run newspaper reported Tuesday.

Deputy Sr. Gen. Maung Aye made the comments during a speech Monday at a
graduation ceremony for cadets at the Defense Services Officers Training
School in Bahtoo, about 500 kilometers (310 miles) north of Yangon, the
Myanma Ahlin newspaper said.

At the same time, he repeated the ruling junta's assurances that it has
embarked on a seven-step process to restore democracy after making peace
with rebellious ethnic groups and spurring economic growth.

The government, he said, had fulfilled the "basic requirements for
emergence of a discipline-flourishing democratic nation."

"At a time when the government is trying to build a peaceful, modern and
developed nation, saboteurs holding negative views are attacking the
country with various kinds of rumors and destructive acts," Maung Aye
warned.

He told the army officers to join the people in crushing unspecified
"destructive elements" who are trying to upend the country's stability and
derail talks aimed at drafting a new constitution. He also cautioned them
not to be deceived by rumors, according to the report.

Myanmar's military rulers often use the phrase "destructive elements" in
reference to pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for
Democracy party.

The NLD has refused to participate in an ongoing constitution-drafting
convention because of the ruling junta's refusal to release Suu Kyi. They
also call the convention a sham.

The junta almost two years ago revealed a seven-step "road map to
democracy" supposed to lead eventually to free elections. But no timetable
was attached to the process, and its architect, Gen. Khin Nyunt, was
forced out of the prime minister's post in October last year.

The junta, however, has repeatedly said it remains committed to the road map.

Maung Aye said Monday that the road map "was laid down in order to
transfer the power to the rightful owner, the people, peacefully" and that
the constitutional convention was the first step.

The latest closed-door session of the convention adjourned last month and
is supposed to resume before the end of the year.

____________________________________

April 12, Agence France Presse
Myanmar wants workers in Thailand to return home: minister

Bangkok: Myanmar's military rulers have asked Thailand to force the
estimated one million Myanmar workers to return home to be issued with
passports and other documents, a senior Thai minister said Tuesday.

Myanmar sent a letter to the Thai foreign ministry last week asking for
the return of all immigrant workers so that authorities in Yangon could
verify their identity and issue passports and permits to work outside the
country, Deputy Prime Minister Surakiart Sathirathai said.

"It would be difficult to send a million people to the border," Surakiart
told reporters.

"Thailand wants Myanmar to send officials to Bangkok to identify the
workers and issue all documents," he said.

Myanmar should only order unemployed workers to return home, rather than
forcing people with jobs to leave Thailand, Surakiart added.

Thailand registered immigrant workers from Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar in
mid-2004, giving them one-year work permits that expire June 30.

Some 850,000 workers from Myanmar registered, but tens of thousands more
are believed to be working in Thailand without documents.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

April 12, Shan Herald Agency for News
Wa bombards Shan positions

Shan State Army base across Maehongson's Pang Mapha district was pounded
with more than a hundred 82 mm mortar shells at 06:00 this morning
followed by "human wave" charges that resulted in heavy casualties on the
part of the attackers, according to Shan and Thai military sources.

The hostilities have been taking place near the Thai village of Mai Lan in
Mae Lana tract, some 10 km southeast of the SSA's Loi Taileng
headquarters. More than 30 shells fell inside Thai territory, said
sources. Details however are still scarce at the time of this reporting
(13:00).

The attacks resumed two days after the failure of both sides to reach a
mutually acceptable settlement. (Related report: War with Wa inevitable,
11 April 2005)

Unconfirmed reports said the unexpected war between the SSA and the United
Wa State Army was the offshoot of Panghsang (Wa headquarters) - Rangoon
meeting last month when Wa representatives were told all territories they
were able to recover from the SSA would be theirs.

Thai military and drug officials however have scorned the outbreak of
warfare as a long established Wa modus operandi of bringing down drugs to
the Thai border. "Just a red herring", a veteran security officer scoffed.
"We have received reports the Wa had cleared out the last of their stocks
in Panghsang recently (ahead of the 26 June deadline) to declare it a
drug-free zone."

According to sources in Mongton, opposite Chiangmai, the consignments
shipped down to the Thai border totaled 1.4-2 tons of heroin and 14-30
million methamphetamine pills.

_____________________________________

April 12, Mizzima News
India-Burma military talks held on counter insurgency - Surajit Khaund

Guwahati: India and Burma recently held a crucial military - level meeting
at the Eastern Command Headquarters in Kolkata, India discussing the
problems of insurgency and other border disputes, highly-placed official
sources said today.

The 13-member team of army officials from Burma, which participated in
talks with their Indian counterparts in Kolkata, stopped at Manipur's
capital town, Imphal, for an hour on April 8 while returning to Burma.
They also held talks with the senior army officials posted in Imphal for
counter-insurgency operations.

The Burmese delegates who were in full uniform, held the close door
meeting with Indian army officials at the Imphal airport army camp amid
speculations that the two countries had chalked out plans for counter
insurgency campaign along the porous Indo-Burma border stretching over
1664 kms.

The length of the international boundary is shared by four of the seven
north eastern states of Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram.
Manipur shares 354 km border with Burma.

The meeting was held at a time when the Indian army have launched a series
of attacks on the insurgents operating along the southern part of Manipur,
particularly in the districts of Chandel and Churachandpur, which share
border with north western Burma.

About 44,320 armed personnel of the Central security forces and para
military men, excluding the top-ranking officers, are currently being
utilized for counter-insurgency operations under the unified command
structure of the army, police, and para military forces with Manipur Chief
Minister Okram Ibobi Singh as chairman.

The meeting was the first of its kind since Indian External Affairs
Minister K Natwar Singh, during his four - day visit to Burma in March
last, had held wide-ranging discussions covering the entire gamut of
bilateral issues, with the Head of State, Senior General Than Shwe,
Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), Prime Minister
Lt. Gen Soe Win. But interestingly, Army officials termed the visit as a
routine one.

"We generally organise meetings in every six months to discuss various
issues ",  an army spokesman of Imphal told Mizzima correspondent.

_____________________________________
ASEAN

April 12, The Straits Times
Asean chair: Your move, Myanmar - Luz Baguioro

ASEAN foreign ministers on Monday put the onus on Myanmar to decide its
next move, whether it should assume the grouping's chairmanship next year.

But they are hopeful that Myanmar may step aside and spare the 10-member
grouping from embarrassment, given the recent declaration by its military
leaders that they will 'act in Asean's interest'.

The issue of Myanmar's chairmanship of Asean has been controversial, with
widespread criticisms of the country's pace of democratic reforms.

Laos Foreign Minister Somsavat Lengsavad, Asean's current chair, said
further talks on the issue had been deferred until the annual ministerial
meeting in Vientiane in July.

According to Singapore Foreign Minister George Yeo, the Asean ministers
spoke frankly on the issue at yesterday's meeting.

'It was conducted as an intimate and private discussion among close family
members on a sensitive matter,' he said.

'We reaffirmed that Asean cannot interfere in the domestic affairs of
Myanmar. Indeed, whatever steps Myanmar decides to take, it will be the
Myanmars themselves who will bear the consequences, be they good or bad.'

He told reporters at a news conference that on Asean's part, there was
great reluctance to take away Myanmar's chairmanship as it would set a bad
precedent.

'However, Asean is in danger of being dragged into Myanmar's internal
politics because of the chairmanship issue which, in turn, could
complicate Myanmar's internal political situation. It would be best to
decouple the two issues.'

Myanmar's Foreign Minister Nyan Win listened carefully and said he would
convey these views to Yangon, Mr Yeo added.

'We realise that this is a tough decision for Myanmar to make. We hope
that the Myanmars would make the decision on this soon.'

Asean has always followed the alphabetical rotation of the grouping's
annual chairmanship.

Its newer members - Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam - believe that Myanmar
should be next in line to take over the Asean chair.

But Malaysia, the Philippines and Singapore want Myanmar to take credible
steps on political reforms first, to forestall international criticisms of
Yangon's policies towards the country's pro-democracy movement.

Mr Yeo said: 'I am not unhopeful. During Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong's
recent visit to Myanmar, he had met the top Myanmar leadership.

'They had expressed to PM Lee that Myanmar was not a 'selfish' country and
would take into account Asean's views and consider Asean's interests.'

A senior Asean diplomat said the grouping was mulling over the options to
resolve the deadlock.

'There are three options on the table. It's either they stay and make
compromises, or they voluntarily give up the chairmanship,' the diplomat
said. 'The third option is to maintain the status quo.'

If Yangon eventually decides to step aside, the Philippines, which is next
in line in the rotating Asean chairmanship, will take over from Laos in
mid-2006.

Yangon's withdrawal will keep the 10-member grouping from being alienated
by the Western countries, particularly the United States and the European
Union.

But Asean members such as Laos and Malaysia also fear that this could open
the way in future for foreign objections to prevail over long-enshrined
Asean practices.

Since Asean's founding in 1967, 'we have always followed tradition',
Malaysian Foreign Minister Syed Hamid Albar said.

'Whatever decision that will be made should be a decision of Asean, not a
decision imposed on Asean.'

_____________________________________
REGIONAL

April 12, The Guardian
Hopes and fears of an Asian Union - Simon Tisdall

Foreign ministers of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (Asean)
meeting in Mactan in the Philippines failed to resolve a bitter row
yesterday over whether to allow Burma's military regime to have the
rotating chairmanship next year.

The prospect of boosting the Burmese junta's international respectability
by giving it the helm is an embarrassing one for members of the 10-state
trade and security bloc pledged to non-interference in each other's
internal affairs.

The regime's human rights abuses and its persecution of the Nobel peace
prizewinner, Aung San Suu Kyi have made it a pariah in the west. The US,
which classes Burma as an "outpost of tyranny", and the EU have warned of
curtailed cooperation should Burma get Asean's nod.

But the dispute, though spectacular, has threatened to hide another
contentious Mactan agenda item of potentially far greater long-term
significance for Asia.

It is a proposal that Asean's members - Brunei, Burma, Cambodia,
Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and
Vietnam - join the economic giants China, Japan and South Korea, and
possibly other countries, in a new and much more powerful regional
organisation.

Regional analysts say this December's ground-breaking East Asia Summit in
Kuala Lumpur could pave the way for the eventual creation of a permanent
East Asian Community, the equivalent of the European Union or, in its
initial stages at least, of the former European Economic Community.

Like the EEC of old, trade is giving impetus to enlargement. Bilateral and
multilateral free trade agreements and joint business ventures are
proliferating the region at breathtaking speed. Enhanced cooperation on
terrorism and security is another motivation.

But unlike the EU, shared adherence to democratic values and human rights
is not a wholly agreed objective, as China's prospective membership and
the rift over Burma show.

There are deep differences too on how a future East Asian community would
be defined geographically. Pro-western countries such as Singapore and
Japan say Australia and New Zealand should be included. Others want India
to join the party. Australia and New Zealand were told yesterday they
could attend the summit if they first signed Asean's non-aggression
treaty.

During a post-tsunami thank-you visit to Canberra last week, the
Indonesian president, Suslio Bambang Yudhoyono, backed Australian
membership. The prime minister, John Howard, said Australia "would be very
happy to participate, but we are not knocking on doors begging".

All the same Mr Howard, who has previously emphasised ties with the US and
antagonised his Asian neighbours with talk of pre-emptive anti-terrorist
strikes, is increasingly interested in enhanced access to booming regional
markets. Australia's trade with China has trebled in the past decade, and
Mr Howard will visit Beijing this month in pursuit of a bilateral free
trade agreement.

Old fears and present-day tensions further bedevil ambitions for an East
Asia community on the European model, said Francis Kan of Chengchi
University in Taipei. "We can look at the methods and aims of the EU's
evolution," he said. "We can see how the French and Germans aimed to avoid
a new war and minimise their differences.

"But in Europe you don't have a country like China. What do we do about
standards of democracy and human rights? In Europe the cold war ended 15
years ago. Many small cold wars still linger in this part of the world -
the nuclear stand-off in South Asia, North Korea, Taiwan and China, island
disputes, and terrorism in south-east Asia."

For its part China, backed by Malaysia among others, opposes Australian
and Indian membership. This has increased worries in Tokyo and smaller
countries such as Vietnam that Beijing would dominate any new organisation
and use it to promote its long-term aim of reducing US influence in Asia.

Washington is said to hope the whole idea of an East Asia community that
excludes the US will be confounded by its own contradictions. But European
countries such as France would be likely to welcome a new regional bloc as
a way of boosting their vision of a multipolar world.

Speaking in Tokyo last month, Condoleezza Rice, the US secretary of state,
predicted that freer trade would in any case inevitably bring necessary
political reform in its wake. "Economic and political openness cannot long
be separated," she said.

"Even China must eventually embrace some form of open, genuinely
representative government if it is to reap the benefits and meet the
challenges of a globalising world."

But that change could be some time in coming. Given the violent upsurge in
nationalist tension between Japan and China, any forum that binds those
old enemies more closely in the short term may be thought worth pursuing.

_____________________________________

April 12, Straits Times (Singapore)
Burmese opposition delegation cancels visit to Singapore - Asad Latif

A talk here yesterday by members of Myanmar's Burma's opposition was
cancelled after the speakers called off their trip to Singapore at the
last minute.

Trade unionist U Maung Maung, 52, and National League for Democracy (NLD)
members U Thein Oo and Daw San San were to have featured at a panel
discussion organized by the Singapore Institute of International Affairs.

But the institute cancelled the event as the trade unionist decided not to
make the trip from Bangkok, where he is based.

This prompted the other two Thailand-based speakers to call off their
visit as they considered him to be the "team leader".

The discussion, titled "Burma at the Crossroads", would have been the
first such talk organized by the institute here at which members of
Myanmar's opposition groups would have featured. It was open only to
members of the institute and invited guests.

The NLD, led by Ms Aung San Suu Kyi, won the 1990 elections. But the
results were annulled by the military junta, which has also kept her under
house arrest since May 2003.

Speaking from Bangkok, the trade unionist told The Straits Times he called
off his visit after sources in Singapore informed him on Sunday 10 April
that he would not be allowed to enter the Republic.

NLD member Daw San San, 73, who is in the Thai border town of Mae Sot,
said in a telephone interview that she and U Thein Oo then decided not to
travel because "U Maung Maung is our team leader".

Contacted yesterday, a Ministry of Home Affairs spokesman said that the
Immigration and Checkpoints Authority had not received any applications
from the three to travel here.

Still, U Maung Maung, a former geologist, said he and his team look
forward to coming to Singapore in the future.

The unionist, who has lived in exile since 1988, said Yangon has accused
him and several of his fellow exiles of being "terrorists and
drug-runners".

"We are not what the Myanmar authorities make us out to be," he said.

_____________________________________

April 12, The New York Times
India and China agree to resolve decades of border disputes - Somini Sengupta

New Delhi: China and India agreed Monday to resolve a decades-old border
dispute and let trade flourish between the countries.

Promising a new era of ''peace and prosperity'' between the world's two
most populous countries, the announcement came during a four-day visit to
India by Prime Minister Wen Jiabao of China.

It signaled an end to a protracted dispute over several patches along the
2,200-mile border between the countries, stretching from Kashmir to
Myanmar. China defeated India in a war over territory in 1962, and
relations have been fraught for four decades.

The two countries have reached ''a certain level of maturity,'' India's
foreign secretary, Shyam Saran, said at a news conference here. ''India
and China are partners, and they are not rivals,'' he added. ''We do not
look upon each other as adversaries.''

The announcement did not spell out which territory would go to which
country, but the two countries did agree to come up with a plan to resolve
disputes over frontier territory. Each side has troops along the border,
but there have not been any recent skirmishes.

Despite the border dispute, relations between India and China -- both
nuclear powers, both witnessing rapid economic growth, both facing an
enormous demand for energy -- have flourished in recent years, led
primarily by trade. China is now India's second-largest trading partner,
after the United States.

On Monday Mr. Wen and his Indian counterpart, Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh, said the two countries expected to increase bilateral trade from
$13 billion last year to at least $20 billion in 2008.

Chinese-made toys, toasters and televisions have proliferated across the
Indian marketplace. India exports raw materials for China's booming
construction industry.

''Aware of their linked destinies as neighbors and the two largest
countries of Asia, both sides agreed that they would, together, contribute
to the establishment of an atmosphere of mutual understanding, trust and
cooperation in Asia and the world at large,'' read a joint statement.

India reiterated in the statement that it believed Tibet to be a part of
Chinese territory; Tibetans, led by the Dalai Lama, have clamored for
independence for decades. China in turn has recognized Sikkim, a tiny
Himalayan finger poking into Tibet, as Indian territory. Annexed by India
30 years ago, Sikkim had been represented as an independent country until
recently.

To drive the point home, Mr. Saran produced an official Chinese map
showing Sikkim as part of India, ''the same color wash as the rest of
India.''

India declared that it had China's backing for a permanent seat on the
United Nations Security Council -- arguably India'a principal foreign
policy objective this year -- but the joint statement was less than
explicit.

''China attaches great importance to the status of India in international
affairs,'' the statement read. ''It understands and supports India's
aspirations to play an active role in the U.N. and international
affairs.''

Beyond the delicately worded statement and a brief appearance by Mr. Wen,
the Chinese delegation did not make itself available to journalists,
making it impossible to clarify its position on India's effort to gain a
permanent seat or anything else.

Twelve separate agreements were signed during the visit, ranging from the
border issues, to cooperation on filmmaking, to the export of Indian
bitter gourds and grapes to China.

India and China also agreed to expand flights between the countries, and
to military exchanges to enhance ''mutual trust'' between their armed
forces. They also agreed to engage in joint exploration for oil and gas in
other countries.

What India did not mention were agreements that China has made with
India's neighbors and rivals, from building road links with Bangladesh to
financing a deep-sea port in Pakistan. Senior Chinese officials also
visited the king of Nepal, even after he ousted his government and
declared emergency rule on Feb.1, a move India strongly condemned.

_____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

April 12, The Jakarta Post
Time for tough love

There are times when protocol and diplomatic doublespeak will not do, and
there are times when soft persuasion and quiet engagement needs to be
reinforced with strong words and benign intimidation.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been one of the
most loyal and patient partners of the military regime in Myanmar. The
other nine members of the regional grouping have endured censure and
international scolding for its persistence in sticking to the
"constructive engagement" approach with Myanmar. At a time when Yangon is
a pariah in the eyes of many around world, ASEAN members have not only
acted neighborly, but brotherly toward a regime that remains mired in
repressive dogma.

ASEAN has maintained that it has no right to interfere with domestic
politics in Myanmar, and that it is better to engage Yangon, while quietly
prodding its military regime toward political reform rather than
completely isolating them. Economic cooperation, it is believed, will lead
to social development, which in turn, will help ease political
suppression.

An argument has also made that human rights were not a prerequisite for
membership during Myanmar's admittance to ASEAN in 1997, therefore the
organization cannot make such demands now on the ruling regime.

Under the deft rhetoric of ASEAN foreign ministers, these opinions seemed
persuasive at the time. After eight years of political lethargy in Myanmar
these arguments are no longer convincing. Neither are the constituents of
ASEAN, who acquiesce to such (il)logic.

The fate of nations are not restricted to the physical boundaries that
define their citizenship. Humanity cannot be bound by nationality or
ideology. Our strategic negligence of events in Myanmar has not proved
beneficial or encouraged fundamental change.

In other words, the political fate of the people of Myanmar has not
improved as ASEAN has looked the other way.

It can be likened to the next door neighbor that is physically abusive
toward his family. We acknowledge the privacy of each individual family --
chauvinistically speaking, "a man's home is his castle". But as civilized
beings we have a moral obligation that overrides misrepresented notions of
good neighborliness (sovereignty).

If abuse persists despite soft reminders, then tough words should be used.
When all else fails then its time to take action.

We believe that all else has failed.

If Yangon wishes to continue its belligerence then it should do so on its
own terms, by itself. It should not continue to taint the good name of
ASEAN and its members' relationships with respective dialog partners.

During the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting in Cebu, the Philippines, which began
on Sunday, Myanmar officials displayed a complete lack of consideration
for the anxiety and stresses that the other nine members have had to
endure.

Yangon will take over the rotating ASEAN chair, and in 2006, it will host
the annual ASEAN meeting, which is customarily attended by its dialog
partners. Both the European Union and the United States have,
understandably, said they would boycott such a meeting.

ASEAN should not prostrate itself to hegemonic powers, but it should also
carefully consider which causes are worth fighting for. Myanmar, simply
put, is not worth it! By thumbing its nose at demands for political
openness, Yangon is jeopardizing the whole of ASEAN. The irony is that
most of the demands made by the EU and the U.S. are actually the same
values which Indonesia aspires to.

The start of a "tough love" policy should begin with an ultimatum for
immediate political change as a condition of the ASEAN chairmanship.
Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore,
Thailand and Vietnam have as much to lose by Myanmar's chairmanship as
Yangon itself does.

Finally, it may be good to ask Indonesian Minister of Foreign Affairs
Hassan Wirayuda to remind his Myanmar counterpart, U Nyan Win, that being
a member of a team means putting the greater good of that team ahead of
individual interests. If the latter responds negatively, then it can only
be perceived as confirmation that Yangon is simply using ASEAN as a shield
to perpetuate its military regime.

Thus, ASEAN should be encouraged to say "no" to Myanmar's recalcitrance,
the way youngsters are encouraged to say "no" to drugs. If "no" is not
chosen, in both cases, there will be negative consequences.

_____________________________________
INTERVIEW

April 11, Democratic Voice of Burma
Burmese opposition wary on optimism over National Convention

It has been learned that many reactions and views have emerged over the
indefinite adjournment of Nyaunghnapin National Convention sponsored by
the SPDC [State Peace and Development Council ]. Some are optimistic the
junta might release Burma's democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who
remains under house arrest while the National Convention is adjourned, and
hold talks with Aung San Suu Kyi-led pro-democracy groups.

Recently, when a Philippines senator remarked at the Inter-Parliamentary
Union, IPU, conference which ended last week that there is a strong
indication Aung San Suu Kyi could be released soon, hopes begin to rise
that she might be freed before her 60th birthday [19 June]. On the other
hand, the junta's continued arrest of NLD [National League for Democracy]
elected representatives without cause has dimmed the hopes of her release.
In order to learn more about the prevailing situation and the political
impasse DVB [Democratic Voice of Burma ] contacted NLD spokesman U Lwin.

[DVB correspondent - recording] U Lwin, we heard that hopes have arisen
for a possible release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. What are the NLD's
expectations?

[U Lwin] Well, that is what the people think and it is hard to believe
because they are referring to Prime Minister U Soe Win's speech where he
remarked that it will be alright and all OK. Although it does not make
much sense I think he did not say it without any meaning. I do not know
what he meant by all OK. It is hard to say.

[DVB correspondent] The SPDC has indefinitely adjourned the Nyaunghnapin
National Convention. Some people believe it is an indication that the
junta wants to hold talks with the NLD. What are your views?

[U Lwin] That is also what the people think. I think one [junta] minister
remarked in Manila that they did not sideline [the NLD]. They invited the
NLD but the NLD did not attend [the National Convention]. That is what
they are implying. They said that we did not attend when we were invited.

[DVB correspondent] What is your view concerning the SPDC's indefinite
adjournment of the National Convention?

[U Lwin] It makes you wonder because it should not last that long.
Earlier, rumours have been spreading in the locality that the National
Convention could wrap up within a month or two weeks or even seven days.

[DVB correspondent] Could you tell us whether the NLD's views on the
National Convention remain the same or have they changed?

[U Lwin] They are the same as before. Our view on the convention is the
same as before. Our new initiatives regarding national reconciliation and
dialogue also have not changed.

[DVB correspondent] You are talking about national reconciliation, but
only last week U Kyaw Khin, NLD elected representative from Taunggyi
Township who was recently released, was given another lengthy jail term.
Other NLD elected representatives, U Kyaw Minn and U Kyaw San, are being
detained as well. What do you want to say about that?

[U Lwin] It is a matter to be considered. Their actions on the NLD and
other political parties have been one-sided all along. We do not get all
the legal rights to do things and defend ourselves. They just pass the
judgments and hand down the sentences just like that. They say anything
they want and then do whatever they like.