BurmaNet News, July 26, 2005

[Editor]

July 26, 2005 Issue # 2768

“
activists, dissidents, and critics of the regime should not see Burma’s
decision as a sign of defeat for the regime. Nevertheless, this is perhaps
the first time the stubborn generals in Rangoon made a decision against
their will.”
- “Junta’s decision is welcome, but more is needed,” Irrawaddy Magazine
editorial, July 26, 2005


INSIDE BURMA
Irrawaddy: Khin Nyunt’s fate remains uncertain
Irrawaddy: The fading promise of youth

ON THE BORDER
Mizzima: Rampant illegal felling in the North-East: report
Reuters: Bangladesh returns Myanmar guards, forest raids on

DRUGS
SHAN: Poppy fields forever in Shan south

ASEAN
Irrawaddy: Burma concedes Asean Chair
DPA: Philippines hails Myanmar's decision to give up ASEAN chairmanship
Xinhua: ASEAN foreign ministers' statement on UN reform

INTERNATIONAL
AP: Myanmar foreign minister refuses to meet U.N. envoy

OPINION / OTHER
Irrawaddy: Junta’s decision is welcome, but more is needed

PRESS RELEASE
AMM: On the deferment of Myanmar as ASEAN Chair 2006
NCGUB: ASEAN role vital in Burma's democratic future
ASEAN: Statement by the ASEAN Foreign Ministers

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

July 26, Irrawaddy
Khin Nyunt’s fate remains uncertain – Nandar Chann

The fate of Burma’s former prime minister Gen Khin Nyunt remains cloudy
despite receiving a long prison sentence on charges of corruption and
bribery last Thursday.

The former spy chief was reportedly sentenced on July 21 by a special
court in Rangoon’s Insein prison to a 44-year suspended prison term.
According to sources close to Khin Nyunt’s family, he was brought to
Insein prison ahead of his trial and sent home after the court pronounced
its sentence.

It is unclear whether he is under house arrest or free from further
imprisonment. “According to existing laws, the accused can be freed with a
suspended sentence,” said a Rangoon-based lawyer. “So, his presence at
home might mean being freed as well,” he added. The lawyer also explained
that normally, the court awards this kind of amnesty to defendants who are
old or who have worked hard on behalf of the state and its people.

While Khin Nyunt is thought to be in good health, his wife—Dr Khin Win
Shwe—is said to suffer from severe migraines.

Many of Khin Nyunt’s subordinates received lengthy prison terms in April,
following the October purge that shook up the Burmese military government.
Some have speculated that Khin Nyunt is unlikely to be punished because of
an unofficial agreement among top leaders that original members of the
junta are immune from prosecution.

Khin Nyunt is one of the remaining senior members of the State Law and
Order Restoration Council, which took power in 1988 after brutally
crushing the pro-democracy uprising. In 1997, the SLORC was renamed the
State Peace and Development Council. Many of the SLORC’s original members
have retired or died, but Snr-Gen Than Shwe and Deputy Snr-Gen Maung Aye
are among the surviving few.

The trials by special court of Khin Nyunt’s two sons, Lt-Col Zaw Naing Oo
and Dr. Ye Naing Win, have recently concluded and they are now awaiting
sentencing in Insein prison. Sources say neither has access to visitors or
legal representation.

____________________________________

July 25, Irrawaddy
The fading promise of youth - Toby Hudson

Does the NLD’s future still rest with its “young Turks”?

Rangoon: With the 60th birthday of Burma’s democracy leader Aung San Suu
Kyi in June now behind them, Burma watchers, journalists, diplomats and
activists are reflecting on the state of her opposition National League
for Democracy and wondering what the future holds for its members.

As more than 1,000 political prisoners remain held in Burma’s prisons and
with Suu Kyi still under house arrest, many people have trouble retaining
hope for the country’s democracy movement.

The supporters of a free Burma are increasingly focusing on the NLD Youth,
hoping the younger members have what it takes to keep the party going. But
as the rifts between the old guard and the “young Turks” of the NLD deepen
and Burmese youth lose faith and touch with even opposition
representatives of their own generation, many question if the future of
the democracy movement lies within the party at all.

The party is considered by many to be in a state of crisis. In the past
eight months several protests have been staged by opposition members from
across Burma calling for changes in the party’s leadership. Earlier this
year, reports emerged that NLD youth members had sent letters to their
elder colleagues questioning their ability to lead.

To exacerbate further the party’s growing problems, members continue to be
arrested by the Burmese military and, according to Amnesty International,
in February and March this year more opposition members were arrested than
in the 21 months since 2003.

But there are youth members who choose not to rock the boat and some enjoy
the support of their elder colleagues. These members and not the more
outspoken youth leaders are promoted by the NLD as being the future of the
party.

Three such NLD Youth members, who enjoy the public support of veteran
spokesman U Lwin, talked to The Irrawaddy about their lives, roles and the
art of keeping up appearances.

At 43, Khin Htun is a little old to be a youth NLD member (technically
youth membership ends at 35) but by all accounts he is the best the party
has to offer and, after 17 years as a party member, he certainly seems
able to stay the distance.

Born in Min Hla Township in Pegu Division, Khin Htun is the only
politically active member of his family. In 1988, he was a psychology
student at Rangoon University and he took part in the pro-democracy
uprising in the capital that claimed the lives of many of his friends.

When the NLD was formed shortly afterwards he became a member of its
budding youth chapter and quickly rose up the ranks. Starting out as a
normal member, he moved from a township leader to a central youth member
before being arrested on May 19, 1995, and serving four years in Insein
prison. Khin Htun had attempted to photograph prisoners in Insein jail on
a visit, causing him to join them. He remembers being beaten on a regular
basis.

When Khin Htun was released in 1999 he once again returned to the party to
become the head of the youth chapter in lower Burma, a position he still
holds.

As the head youth member for half of the country, Khin Htun took part in
Suu Kyi’s efforts to reform the party’s youth chapter and iron out its
problems. In the past, Khin Htun divided his time between the NLD
headquarters and Suu Kyi’s house. In December 2004, he was among other
youth members, dubbed “bodyguards,” who left her compound under pressure
from the regime. Suu Kyi finally told them they should leave and while
Khin Htun and his colleagues feared for her safety they were confident of
her strength to remain.

But since then, as she remains under house arrest and the inner workings
of the party have stalled, he has been left with little to do.

In fact, Khin Htun struggles to describe the daily routine of his role.
Apart from the occasional meeting with senior party members, he has little
to do but show his face from 11:30am to 4:00pm each day. On the sly, Khin
Htun and other members are recruiting new youth members but this is not
officially condoned by the party.

Khin Htun is quiet, guarded and while his English is above average, he
speaks slowly and deliberately. He does not give anything away and often
refuses to talk about topics he considers too sensitive. One such topic
appears to be the future of the NLD—”I’m not allowed to discuss that,” he
says, and then repeats for emphasis: “We don’t want to talk about that.”

But Khin Htun later told The Irrawaddy that he is, in fact, optimistic
about the future, saying he holds out hope for dialogue and national
reconciliation.

Khin Htun was reluctant to reveal anything about his private life, saying
only that he is a bachelor and he never intended to become a politician.
“I always wanted to be a businessman,” he says.

Like Khin Htun, 38-year-old Myint Kyaw has been a dedicated member of the
NLD for the past 17 years. Having joined the party in 1988 he became a
youth member and a township leader before being arrested in 1990 and
spending four years in Insein prison. He too remembers being beaten by
prison guards.

A keen student in 1988, Myint Kyaw has never been allowed to return to
university after taking part in the uprising and he greatly regrets the
loss of his education. He comes from a large family and has three brothers
and three sisters. As a member of the opposition he has no income and
relies on his family and fellow party members to support him.

Myint Kyaw is not a big man and his small stature and quiet nature make
him seem hopelessly shy. But he is slightly less cautious with the media
than Khin Htun and his enthusiasm for his work and the party is clear.

As head clerk, Myint Kyaw is responsible for any filing that needs to be
done around the office but also seems at a loss to describe what chores
fill up his working day. With Suu Kyi under house arrest, there are no
current speeches that need filing.

“Apart from that, I don’t know. This is just what I have to do,” he says.

He also refuses to talk about the future of the party after a sideways
glance from Khin Htun. It may be his quiet nature and reluctance to talk
that have made Myint Kyaw, despite his position, relatively unknown among
Burmese youth and university students.

When not at the office, Myint Kyaw, who lives with friends from outside
the party, says he likes listening to music, playing the guitar with
friends and living the bachelor life. But, he laments, “when you have no
income it is very hard to get a girlfriend.”

Toe Lwin is a relaxed type whose big smile and friendly demeanor make him
arguably the most charismatic youth chapter member the party has to offer.
Born in Irrawaddy Division 34 years ago, he is one of only a few members
who are young enough to be in the youth chapter. He still has a lot of
enthusiasm despite witnessing the 1988 massacre as a tenth standard
student at the tender age of 17.

As soon as the NLD was formed, Toe Lwin signed up and within a few years
became a youth leader at a township level. In 1991 he was twice arrested
and detained, on one occasion for about a month. Like Khin Htun, Toe Lwin
was considered one of Suu Kyi’s bodyguards, who spent a lot of time at her
home. He is known to be very faithful to Suu Kyi and has accompanied her
on many trips.

In the township chapters where he has served, Toe Lwin has seen more than
his fair share of conflict and remembers only too well the Depayin
incident in May, 2003, that almost claimed Suu Kyi’s life. Toe Lwin was
also arrested after the attack and after his arrest several radio stations
wrongly reported he had been killed in custody. He suffered serious head
injuries at the hands of his military captors and was later transferred
from Insein prison to Kale prison in Sagaing division, where he was
detained for six months.

But if these incidents dented his resolve, it does not show and if he were
allowed, Toe Lwin might offer a glimmer of hope to those anxious about the
future of the youth chapter.

But at the NLD headquarters in Rangoon, bureaucracy is a painful reality
and any enthusiasm members like Toe Lwin show is frowned upon by their own
fellow leaders, who appear to equate excitement and passion with
recklessness.

More than once, Toe Lwin flinches under the watchful gaze of elder youth
members and he seems to struggle to find the words to express his hope
while toeing the party line. Like Myint Kyaw, Toe Lwin’s name is not known
to the wider community—few people outside the party have heard of him.

He does not comment on the May 7 bombings in Rangoon, the future of the
youth chapter or the tense relations between the NLD and the government.
But in a stoic manner, Toe Lwin says: “No matter for these things, I will
always stay a politician.”

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

July 26, Mizzima
Rampant illegal felling in the North-East: report – Hrishikesh Saikia

Guwahati: Illegal timber trade continues to flourish along the Indo-Burma
border in the north-eastern States, especially Manipur. This is in spite
of the Supreme Court of India’s ban on illegal felling in the North-east
imposed in 1996.

The unabated timber smuggling has been confirmed by the high-powered
committee appointed by the Supreme Court that submitted its findings on
July 15.

The committee’s report officially establishes what has been an open secret
all along – that illegal felling is rampant in the north-eastern States.
Almost all the north-eastern States have lost vast expanses of virgin
forests in the past couple of years largely due to illegal felling of
trees.

The latest Forests Report released last week by the Union Ministry of
Environment and Forests puts the total loss of dense forest cover in Assam
and Arunachal Pradesh at a staggering 3,209 sq km. Given this appalling
loss of forests, it is not difficult to comprehend the level of illegal
timber trade in the region.

Coming to the Supreme Court report, it gives a thorough picture of the
smuggling and import of timber through the customs stations at Moreh in
Manipur, which enjoys a common border with Tamu in Burma.

"Timber illegally cut from the forests of Burma (Burma) and India by the
timber smugglers is purchased by the traders at a fraction of the actual
market price of the legal timber," the report says.

"This timber is used and transported by them showing it to have been
brought from Myanmar through Moreh gate and that the customs duty will be
paid in due course," it adds.

In a recent case, a merchant’s 15 trucks of timber comprising 143 logs and
measuring 4,699 cubic feet, were seized in Kohima, where the owner had no
proof of payments to the exporters in Myanmar, bill of landing, customs
clearance certificate, and details of letter of credit.

The incident said to be tip of the iceberg, points at the unabated
smuggling of timber under the garb of imported timber. The merchant in
question had repeatedly indulged in such illegal transportation of timber
in the past, the report said.

____________________________________

July 26, Reuters
Bangladesh returns Myanmar guards, forest raids on

Bangladesh returned two detained Myanmar border guards to their country's
authorities on Tuesday and both sides agreed to intensify a crackdown on
gun-toting rebels along the frontier, official said.

The guards were handed over at a meeting of senior border officials at
Ghundhum, near the frontier and some 450 km (280 miles) southeast of the
Bangladeshi capital, Dhaka.

The Myanmar guards were detained on Monday after they crossed into
Bangladesh territory. The Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) border force believed
the guards had lost their way while on a patrol.

"The meeting has resolved to continue the ongoing raids on armed activists
along the forests between two countries," a BDR commander at the town of
Cox's Bazar said.

Bangladesh forces have been carrying out operations in border forests over
the past month to flush out Myanmar rebels, who often take refuge in
Bangladeshi territory.

They have destroyed several makeshift camps, detained some 26 rebels and
seized large amounts of weapons and ammunition.

Rebel groups with different political ideologies, and operating in
Myanmar's western state of Arakan, often set up temporary camps in
Bangladesh to escape raids by Myanmar forces. Bangladesh and Myanmar share
a 320-km (200-mile) border.

____________________________________
DRUGS

July 26, Shan Herald Agency for News
Poppy fields forever in Shan south

A ceasefire group in southern Shan State has been issuing official permits
to grow opium poppies to farmers since April, reports Kantarawaddy Times,
an independent Karenni (Kayah) news group yesterday.

Chit Hpyu, township officer of Mawkmai for Shan Nationalities People
Liberation Organization (SNPLO), popularly known as the "Red Pa-O" group,
has been authorized to issue the papers.

Altogether 5 villages in Hsihseng township and 16 in Mawkmai township are
dependent on poppy cultivation for their livelihood. The output per family
ranges from 2 viss (3.2 kg) to 20 viss (32 kg).

Opium price, 280,000 kyat ($ 280) per viss during harvest time in February
- March, has already bounced up to 300,000 ($ 300) by mid-year.

The Kantarawaddy piece coincides with an official police report on 18 July
that poppy cultivation in Hopong, Panglawng and Pekhon (Faikhun), under
the control of SNPLO's rival Pa-O National Organization, commonly known as
"White Pa-O" group, had increased during the last poppy season, in spite
of the ban in 2002.

According to UN and US figures, opium output in Burma has been steadily
decreasing. Critics however say the figures have been excessively inflated
and argue that poppy cultivation, on the contrary, has been mushrooming
far and wide since the present regime took power in 1988.

____________________________________
ASEAN

July 26, Irrawaddy
Burma concedes Asean Chair – Clive Parker

After months of speculation and increasing pressure from the international
community, Burma relinquished the rotating Asean Chair at the Ministers’
Meeting in Vientiane on Tuesday.

The issue of whether or not the junta was going to forgo the rotating
leadership of Asean had increasingly overshadowed this week’s meeting in
the Laotian capital, prompting the foreign ministers of the 10 member
states to discuss the issue in private on Tuesday morning. Talks, however,
are believed to have focused on how the decision was to be explained, with
speculation suggesting it had been made previously.

After a working lunch, the Foreign Minister of Laos Somsavat Lengsavad
made the official announcement to the press and gathered Asean ministers,
including Burma’s Foreign Minister Nyan Win. “The government of Myanmar
[Burma] has decided to relinquish its turn to be the chair of Asean
 to
focus its attention on the ongoing national reconciliation and
democratization process,” he said.

Once Burma is ready, he added, it could “take its turn to be the Asean
chair." The Philippines—the next in line in the rotating system, which
runs in alphabetical order—will now assume the chairmanship of Asean at
the end of 2006, it was confirmed.

For the rest of the regional group, the decision ends the prospect of a
potentially embarrassing confrontation with the US and the EU.

“It is the best decision under the circumstances and it is in the best
interests of Asean,” said a representative of the Thai Foreign Ministry.

This was echoed by a number of international groups responsible for
applying much of the pressure on the regime, including the Asean
Inter-Parliamentary Caucus on Democracy in Myanmar (AIPMC), which
described the decision as “a good first step.”

“I think people—including those in Myanmar [Burma], including the regime—I
think they have taken notice of the views of others and I think Asean
leaders are conscious of this fact as well,” said AIPMC Chairperson Datuk
Zaid Ibrahim.

The group warned, however, that the spotlight should still be kept on the
junta.

“Giving up the chair is not the end of the story, there should be some
real effort on the part of the regime to change to accommodate the views
of the many on reforms,” Ibrahim said. “I hope they will accommodate the
political and economic views of the people of Myanmar [Burma] as well.”

Other analysts, however, were less optimistic that the decision marks a
turning point in Burma’s faltering moves towards democracy. Kyaw Yin
Hlaing, assistant professor of political science at the National
University of Singapore, said that although the move is good for Asean it
does not necessarily translate into real progress.

“Within the Asean community the [Burmese] government might score some
points,” he said. “I don’t think it will have a lot of impact on the
political situation inside the country.”

Commenting on whether the episode had been embarrassing for the junta,
Kyaw Yin Hlaing said: “It doesn’t have much to lose. For the [Burmese]
government, when you really think about it, I don’t think this is
something they should be embarrassed about. People know that they are a
military government and if they have to be embarrassed about something
they should be embarrassed about many other things.”

Deutsche Presse-Agentur

____________________________________

July 26, Deutsche Presse-Agentur
Philippines hails Myanmar's decision to give up ASEAN chairmanship

Manila: The Philippines on Tuesday hailed the decision of military-ruled
Myanmar (Burma) to give up the chairmanship of the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) next year.

In a statement released in Manila, Foreign Secretary Alberto Romulo said
the Philippines was "prepared to assume the chairmanship" of the 10-member
ASEAN in 2006.

"The Philippines would like to express its appreciation to Myanmar for not
allowing its national pre-occupation to affect ASEAN's solidarity and
cohesiveness," Romulo said.

"Myanmar's decision is one that shows its commitment as a nation and as a
member of ASEAN to the well-being of ASEAN and the association's goal of
advancing the interests of all its members," he added.

Myanmar's controversial turn to chair ASEAN has caused a rift in the
regional grouping, with some members demanding wide-ranging democratic
reforms before Yangon was allowed to lead the bloc.

Some dialogue partners, such as the United States and the European Union,
have also threatened to boycott future meetings with the ASEAN if Myanmar
was allowed to assume the chairmanship.

Critics have demanded that Myanmar's military junta first implement
genuine democratic reforms and fix its abysmal human rights records before
assuming the ASEAN chairmanship.

Romulo said the Philippines supports the consensus that "once Myanmar is
ready to take its turn to be the ASEAN Chair, it can do so".

"The Philippines fully supports all sincere and meaningful efforts at
democratic reform in Myanmar," he said.

ASEAN groups Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore,
Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar.

____________________________________

July 26, Xinhua General News Service
ASEAN foreign ministers' statement on UN reform

Vientiane: Foreign ministers from the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN) have expressed dissatisfaction at the way the issue of the
UN Security Council expansion has overshadowed other issues connected to
the comprehensive reform of the UN.

In a statement issued Tuesday on the sideline of the 38th ASEAN
ministerial meeting here, the ministers said they had discussed the reform
of the UN.

"They were concerned that individual member countries of the UN were being
made to choose between one side or the other," the statement said.

"ASEAN foreign ministers urge the major protagonists to adopt a less
divisive approach, mindful of the important role the UN plays in helping
us overcome the many challenges which confront us collectively," the
statement said, adding they feel that the UN reform is too important a
task for us to settle in a hurry.

The foreign ministers are gathering in Vientiane, Laos, in their annual
meeting to discuss international issues and challenges facing the regional
group which comprises Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar,
Laos, Thailand, the Philippines, Singapore and Vietnam.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

July 26, Associated Press
Myanmar foreign minister refuses to meet U.N. envoy – Vijay Joshi

Laos: The U.N. envoy leading reconciliation efforts in Myanmar said
Tuesday that its foreign minister refused to see him while at a regional
conference, in a snub to international efforts to bring democracy in the
military-ruled country.

Envoy Razali Ismail had flown to Vientiane specifically to see Myanmar
Foreign Minister Nyan Win and persuade the junta to allow him to visit
Myanmar and see pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who is under house
arrest.

Razali said Nyan Win sent a message to him saying, "he would be too busy"
with engagements at this week's meeting in the Laotian capital of foreign
ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

"They say they don't have the time" to meet, Razali said, minutes after
checking out of his hotel to catch a flight out of Laos.

Razali, a Malaysian diplomat appointed special U.N. envoy to Myanmar in
2000, traveled several times to Myanmar to push for reconciliation between
the hardline military junta and pro-democracy forces led by Suu Kyi. But
he has not been allowed back into the country for more than a year.

He was not promised a meeting with Nyan Win in Vientiane, but the foreign
minister's refusal was a breach of protocol. Razali had not previously
been denied such meetings at international conferences.

Nyan Win's predecessor, Win Aung, made the time to see Razali in Vientiane
during a November summit of ASEAN. But since then, Win Aung was removed in
a purge in Myanmar that also ousted relatively moderate Prime Minister
Khin Nyunt.

"Of course I am disappointed but what can I do," Razali said, adding that
it doesn't look like he will be invited back to Myanmar soon.

The spotlight was on Myanmar during this week's ASEAN meeting, where the
junta was expected to announce whether it will forgo the chairmanship of
the bloc next year.

ASEAN has come under intense pressure from the United States to persuade
Myanmar to free Suu Kyi and start democratic reforms, or else give up its
turn to assume the rotating chair in July 2006.

East Timor Foreign Minister Jose Ramos-Horta, who recently was in Myanmar,
said he told its leaders they should give up the ASEAN chairmanship and
"concentrate on the daunting domestic challenges."

Ramos-Horta, attending ASEAN meetings as an observer, told reporters he
did not want to reveal the junta leaders' response.

It is sad that Suu Kyi is still in detention, said Ramos-Horta. "But I was
also saddened by the poverty and desolation of Myanmar and the lack of
smiles in people's faces," he said.

The military junta in Myanmar seized power in 1988. It called elections in
1990 but refused to hand over office when Suu Kyi's party won
overwhelmingly. Its has also attracted international criticism for jailing
hundreds of political detainees and other alleged human rights abuses.

_____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

June 26, Irrawaddy
Junta’s decision is welcome, but more is needed

As expected, Burma’s ruling junta won’t take up Asean’s rotating
chairmanship in 2006.

A statement issued on Tuesday by Asean ministers at a meeting in
Vientiane, Laos, said the group was informed by Burmese Foreign Minister
Nyan Win that his government had "decided to relinquish its turn to be the
chair of Asean in 2006 because it would want to focus its attention on the
ongoing national reconciliation and democratization process."

The chairmanship post will go instead to the Philippines.

But that is not the end of the story, merely a postponement. Not only
Burma had come under pressure; Asean governments faced mounting criticism
from their dialogue partners and western nations, particularly the US, and
from the EU.

The US and European governments had threatened to boycott Asean meetings
if Burma took the helm, citing the junta's poor record on human rights,
including the detention of Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, and the
stalled progress towards democratic reform.

Seeing the troubles on the horizon, some Asean countries strongly
expressed their disappointment with Burma. In the past, Asean ministers
had always defended Burma.

This year, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice skipped the meeting in
Laos, and the Japanese foreign minister also stayed away. Some Asean
foreign ministers expressed dismay at the absence of important government
ministers from powerful nations with whom the group was forging close
ties.

The absence of two important ministers might not be directly linked to the
Burma chairmanship issue, but it has nonetheless sent a strong signal to
Asean, which has been facing an image problem and questions about its
relevancy.

In any case, Burma’s decision not to take up the chairmanship in 2006 is
good news and a relief for some countries but it is not the end of the
story. Critics of Asean will definitely say that Tuesday’s decision is
just a face-saving tactic by Asean which completely fails to address the
real problems in Burma. This is perhaps a win-win situation for both Asean
and Burma.

The junta now needs to be told that more is required if it wants to take
up the Asean chairmanship in the future.

First of all, Rangoon needs to free Suu Kyi and other political prisoners,
unconditionally. It is estimated that more than 1,100 political prisoners
are currently being detained in Burma.

Secondly, Burma’s generals should seriously take a path of reform. They
must invite opposition members, including Suu Kyi, to discuss the future
of the country, with the aim of achieving national reconciliation and
democratic reform.

Consequently, Asean and western governments should continue to press
Burmese leaders to adopt reforms seriously. Diplomatic pressure appears to
be working, and the generals seem to be listening, so the pressure must
continue.

There are indications that the junta may be beginning take things
seriously. The statement issued by Asean in Vientiane said that Burmese
foreign minister Nyan Win explained to his counterparts that "2006 will be
a critical year and that the government of Myanmar wants to give full
attention to that problem."

On the other hand, activists, dissidents, and critics of the regime should
not see Burma’s decision as a sign of defeat for the regime. Nevertheless,
this is perhaps the first time the stubborn generals in Rangoon made a
decision against their will. Yet there is no sign that they are giving up.

It is time to make sure that the next step is to push Burma towards
becoming a respectable member of Asean.

_____________________________________
PRESS RELEASE

JULY 26, ASEAN MINISTERIAL MEETING (AMM)
On the deferment of Myanmar as ASEAN Chair 2006

Laos: Today’s decision confirms the fact that the world has known for
almost 20 years that the situation in Myanmar is extremely grave, with no
semblance of democracy in the country.

ASEAN ministers have demonstrated skillful diplomacy and prudence in
Vientiane. However, this should not be seen as an excuse to ignore the
urgent need for political reforms in Myanmar. Myanmar will continue to
afflict ASEAN long after this debate on the Chairmanship is over.

ASEAN now needs to demonstrate that it is capable of handling its own
conflict in the region, by setting out a plan of action, with a firm and
detailed timetable that is inclusive of all stakeholders.

Thus, in spite of the decision made today by the Myanmar regime, ASEAN
must ensure that the regime will fulfill its promises made to the
organization on the commencement of genuine political reforms, national
reconciliation, and the release of political prisoners including Nobel
Peace Laureate and democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) will continue to advocate
for the day when the people of Myanmar can join us as free and democratic
citizens of ASEAN.

The ASEAN Parliamentarians have come under one banner, the ASEAN
Inter-Parliamentary Caucus on Democracy in Myanmar (AIPMC), to have the
people’s voices heard beyond the hush of ASEAN’s policy of
non-interference. We will continue to advocate for the day when the people
of Myanmar can join us as free and democratic citizens of ASEAN.

Released by Teresa Kok
Secretary of the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Caucus on Democracy in Myanmar
(AIPMC)
Member of Parliament, Malaysia

[For Press Interviews, please contact Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, chairperson of
AIPMC. TEL: +60-12-218 6699; Teresa Kok, secretary of AIPMC TEL:
+60-19-3894050]

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July 26, National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma
ASEAN role vital in Burma's democratic future

The Burmese military has asked for the deferment of ASEAN chairmanship in
2006 to "focus on its program of democratic reform".  In light of this
development announced at the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting in Vientiane, the
National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) wishes to
express its thanks to ASEAN governments, particularly its founding
members, for their clear-sighted approach in resolving the problem and to
the "ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Caucus for Myanmar" for helping raise the
awareness about Burma among officials in the ASEAN region.

The NCGUB also wishes to remind ASEAN members that the fundamental issues
that had been the root of the problem remain unresolved.  Presently, Burma
continues to be the least cooperative nation among the co-signatories of
ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, and the Burmese generals are most
unresponsive to ASEAN's needs, acting irresponsibly time and again
thwarting ASEAN interests, reneging on their promises to ASEAN leaders,
and making ASEAN less of an effective partner in international relations. 
These are facts that should not be forgotten.

The Burmese generals' so-called "program of democratic reform" through its
"road map" process being implemented initially through the National
Convention is nothing more than an attempt to legitimize prolonged
military rule in the country.

With regard to that convention, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan said,
"unless and until the views of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and
other political parties are sought and considered, the National Convention
and the road map process will be incomplete, lacking in credibility and,
therefore, unable to gain the full support of the international community,
including the countries of the region."  Professor Paulo Sergio Pinheiro,
UN Special Rapporteur to Burma, also commented that the Convention is a
"meaningless and undemocratic exercise".

ASEAN should and must, therefore, continue to insist that the Burmese
generals keep their promise and immediately and unconditionally release
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, U Tin Oo, Khun Htun Oo, and other political
prisoners so that genuine political reforms for reconciliation and
democracy can be initiated.

ASEAN seems to have temporarily overcome the tension with its dialogue
partners on this very issue of the 2006 chairmanship. However, as long as
political and human rights problems remain unsolved, Burma will still cast
a shadow over ASEAN’s relations with the United States and European Union.
 There should be no doubt that Burmese military will continue to ignore
international calls for substantive political reform and national
reconciliation in Burma.  Indeed, it is an ominous sign that Burmese
generals will take more confrontational stand against the democracy
movement led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

ASEAN's role in the process to democratize Burma is still unfinished.  For
the sake of the region, ASEAN must act without fail so that ASEAN's
prestige internationally as well as the hope and pride that ASEAN peoples
have in their regional association will remain unblemished.

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July 25, Statement by the ASEAN Foreign Ministers

Vientian:  We, the Foreign Ministers of ASEAN have been informed by our
colleague, Foreign Minister U Nyan Win of Myanmar, that the Government of
Myanmar had decided to relinquish its turn to be the Chair of ASEAN in
2006 because it would want to focus its attention on the ongoing national
reconciliation and democratisation process.  Our colleague from Myanmar
has explained to us that 2006 will be a critical year and that the
Government of Myanmar wants to give its full attention to the process.

We would like to express our complete understanding of the decision by the
Government of Myanmar.  We also express our sincere appreciation to the
Government of Myanmar for not allowing its national preoccupation to
affect ASEAN’s solidarity and cohesiveness. The Government of Myanmar has
shown its commitment to the well-being of ASEAN and its goal of advancing
the interest of all Member Countries.

We agreed that once Myanmar is ready to take its turn to be the ASEAN
Chair, it can do so.