BurmaNet News, August 2, 2005

[Editor]

August 2, 2005 Issue # 2773


INSIDE BURMA
Irrawaddy: UN diplomat to meet with opposition party
DVB: Burma army expands artillery and armour divisions in Shan State
Mizzima: Burma: Where mobile phones are still a status symbol!
Irrawaddy: Junta breaks press silence on Asean decision

DRUGS
SHAN: Drug factories withdraw from the Triangle

BUSINESS / FINANCE
SHAN: Bangkok withholds loan handover to Rangoon

ASEAN
Thai Press Reports: Regional Forum expected to press Myanmar to speed up
process for democracy

REGIONAL
Irrawaddy: Living under the eye of the dragon

OPINION / OTHER
Wall Street Journal: Destructive engagement

ANNOUNCEMENT
Canadian Friends of Burma seeks an Interim Coordinator
ANU: Burma/Myanmar postdoctoral / research fellow available

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

August 2, Irrawaddy
UN diplomat to meet with opposition party - Khun Sam

The head of the UN World Food Programme will meet on Thursday with senior
members of Burma’s main opposition party, the National League for
Democracy, according to senior NLD members.

James Morris, the executive director of WFP, will meet with at least two
members of the NLD’s Central Executive Committee at the UN Development
Programme office in Rangoon, said NLD spokesman Myint Thein. However, the
NLD has no fixed agenda to discuss because it has had no relations with
the UN diplomat in the past.

“So far, we haven’t chosen any topic to discuss with him, but the issues
will depend on what he brings to the table,” said another NLD spokesman
Han Thar Myint.

Prior to his visit with the NLD, Morris will meet with Prime Minister
Lt-Gen Soe Win on Thursday. Morris was also expected to visit farmers in
Burma’s Shan State who receive food supplies from WFP in an effort to stop
them from growing poppies, which are used in the production of heroin, and
encourage them to produce alternative crops, the Associated Press reported
today.

Morris arrived in Rangoon on Monday, and his four-day visit to Burma—the
first by a high-ranking UN official in many months—comes amid reports of
tighter restrictions on activities by UN and non-governmental
organizations.

Tougher restrictions on UN groups and other aid agencies in Burma have
been in place since former prime minister Gen Khin Nyunt was ousted last
October.

Morris’s visit comes a week after UN Special Envoy to Burma Razali Ismail
was snubbed by Burma’s foreign minister, Nyan Win, at an Asean regional
security meeting in Vientiane, Laos.

Razali has been barred entry to Burma since March 2004, while Paolo Sergio
Pinheiro, Special Rapporteur of the UN Commission on Human Rights, has
been refused a visa since his last visit in November 2003.

____________________________________

August 2, Mizzima
Burma: Where mobile phones are still a status symbol! – Nava Thakuria

Rangoon: Cell phone users may be on the rise in Asian nations but the
South East Asian country Burma is still far behind others in the region in
terms of accessibility to modern communication facilities. Military ruled
Burma has only a few hundred thousand telephones (including landlines and
mobile phones). Even in the capital city Rangoon, cell phone users are a
rare sight.

"Mobile phone is a status symbol in Rangoon," said Daw Nu Nu, a trader in
the capital of Burma.

She also added, "Mobile communication facilities are primarily in the
hands of the military and police personnel along with a section of 'very
rich' people. The common people with moderate incomes cannot afford a
mobile phone. First it is too costly. Secondly, the applicants have to
wait for years for a connection." Daw Nu Nu, who runs an ivory shop inside
Bogyoke Aung San Market at Pabedan Township of Rangoon, is still waiting
for a mobile connection for three years now.

The statistics were confirmed by a report of the Rangoon-based newspaper
"The Myanmar Times."

It said that the Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications had sold only
100,000 GSM mobile phones (both in Rangoon and Mandalay) since March 2002.
The Burmese government had asked Sky-Link Communications of the British
Virgin Islands to supply 1,35,000 GSM phones to the country in 2000. The
state run Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications manages GSM phones in
Burma, which has around a 50 million population.

Apart from Rangoon and Mandalay, some other major cities like Myitkyina,
Moulmein, Bhamo, Taunggyi, Sittwe and Prome have also been brought under
the cellular network. In addition to GSM, it has also been using a few
thousand cell phone networks, connected to AMPS (Advanced Mobile Phone
Systems) and CDMA (Code Dialing Multiple Access).

Today the number of cellular phone users throughout the country is
understood to be not more than 1,50,000; where as direct line subscribers
account for nearly 3,97,000 people.

The government owned daily "The New Light of Myanmar" once reported that
the country had about 3,000 cell phone users till November 2000.

Asia is witnessing a boom in mobile network communications, where the
number of mobile subscribers in the region is set to top one billion by
2006. The trend has fostered Asia as the largest mobile market in the
world. But for a common Burmese with a reasonable income, owning a cell
phone is still a distant dream to.

"Primarily, the expenditure discourages the common people to buy a cell
phone even in the urban areas, where mobile network is available," said
Win Myint, who is associated with the hotel industry in Rangoon.

"A handset in Burma will cost a minimum of US$ 500 with a connection
charge of around US$ 1,000. Hence, an active SIM card with a handset costs
not less than US $1,500 from Myanmar Posts and Telecommunication. While
applying for a connection, one has to wait for years. However, an active
SIM card can be purchased for $3,000-$5,000 in the black market," added
Mr. Myint, who himself has bought one from the black market.

Not to speak of cell phone connections, most villages in Burma are still
deprived of fixed line telephone network.

"Over 6,000 villages in Burma have no phone lines. They have never heard
the dial tone," admitted an engineer of Myanmar Posts and
Telecommunications.

However, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) that rules the
country, states through its web site that it has made 'all-out efforts'
for development and improvement in the telecom sector.

"As regards telephone communications, auto-telephones are already being
installed. Now, one can make telephone contact inside and outside Myanmar
quite conveniently," the web site claimed in.

It also adds, "Since the communication sector plays an important role in
all round development, the necessary improvements such as installation of
microwave telephone exchanges in many townships and introducing of
cellular phones via satellite communication offers people easy access. In
other words, it is an easy access even to the remotest areas in Mandalay."

Of course, the web site has not given out any statistics about the number
of telecom (either fixed line or cellular) users in the country.

The Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications had launched the public phone
system in Rangoon and Mandalay in September 2001. Around 2,000 fixed line
phones were installed in Rangoon.

One can see small landline telephone booths, attended by young girls in
each corner of the capital city Rangoon. The booths normally contain 2 to
4 phone sets. However, these phones can only be used during the daytime.
Moreover, the phone calls can be made only to cities, not to rural areas.

"I believe, the restriction on cell phone expansion is not because of
technical problem or inefficiency of the system, but it is primarily a
political conspiracy. The junta does not want many people to avail the
mobile phone services," said a Rangoon based teacher, who wanted to remain
anonymous.

"Perhaps, the military rulers feel that the increasing number of cell
phone users would enhance communication and usher in awareness among more
and more common people, which may inspire the pro-democracy movement led
by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi directly or indirectly," he added.

But whatever the real reason for restriction of modern telecommunication
facilities in Burma, the military junta and their favourites are reaping
the harvest of tyranny in the country, as they have done for the last four
decades.

_____________________________________

August 2, Irrawaddy
Junta breaks press silence on Asean decision – Clive Parker and Louis Reh

One week after the rest of the world found out, the Burmese junta on
Tuesday announced to its own people that it would not be chairing the
ten-member bloc in 2006.

The information, which appeared in the middle of an article on page 11 of
the state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper, is the first mention of the
regime’s decision inside Burma, despite Foreign Minister Nyan Win having
notified the Asean Ministers’ Meeting in Vientiane on July 26.

“In order to maintain the momentum of this [democratization] process and
taking into consideration the interest of both Asean and Myanmar [Burma],
the Government of the Union of Myanmar had decided to voluntarily forgo
its Asean Chairmanship in 2006,” the article said. “The minister’s
briefing was well-received by the Asean Foreign Ministers.”

The article went on to say that Nyan Win had briefed his counterparts “on
the progress of the democratization process in Myanmar.”

Private journals in Burma, including Kumudra, 7-Day News and Flower News,
have faced a blanket ban on reporting the Burmese government’s decision
since last Tuesday, despite efforts to run the story.

The Myanmar Times was not immediately available for comment, although its
website—which has yet to be updated—does not feature news of the decision.

“We wrote a story on the withdrawal of Burma’s Asean chairmanship but the
Press Scrutiny Board banned it,” said an editor of one leading journal.

“We would like to run the story because this issue is quite big,” he added.

_____________________________________
DRUGS

August 2, Shan Herald Agency for News
Drug factories withdraw from the Triangle

The Triangle area between Burma, Laos and Thailand has become problematic
and the best bet for the Wa is to have the Thai-Burma border under
control, according to Wei Hsueh-kang, the de facto commander of the United
Wa State Army's 171st Military Region in May, report sources from the
Chiangmai and Chiangrai borders.

Wei was speaking to UWSA commanders returning form the Loi Taileng front
across Maehongson where they were encountering stiff resistance from the
Shan State Army. The meeting took place at Base 46, between Monghsat and
Mongyawn, across Chiangmai's Mae Ai District.

According to local sources, some of the "factories" that had moved out of
Mongton township, opposite Chiangdao District, Chiangmai Province, in 2003
during Thailand's all-out War on Drugs are already moving back.

One of them is located west of Pong-an, a village north of Pong Pakhem,
the sub-township seat, just 16 km north of the border.

The laboratory, owned by Chao Ching, an associate of Wei, was brought in
by Infantry Battalion 226 based in Loimwe near Kengtung. By 28 June, it
was already churning out pills under the tight security of IB 226. "Most
of the Karaoke joints in the area say their yaba (methamphetamine) comes
from the place," said a source to make his point.

Chao Ching, who is also growing ginger extensively, has just built a new
home for himself in Namyoom, 6 kilometers north of the border.

"We are all unhappy," said a respected local elder. "The youth have become
so addicted to yaba they are no longer interested in building up a future
for themselves."

Mongton together with Mongpiang and Monghsat are considered out-of-the-way
townships in eastern Shan State. Show Business, a report published by
S.H.A.N. in 2003, found 18 refineries in Mongton alone.

_____________________________________
BUSINESS / FINANCE

August 2, Shan Herald Agency for News
Bangkok withholds loan handover to Rangoon

The Bank for Exports and Imports of Thailand, better known as Exim Bank,
was ordered to suspend its transfer of loans to Burma following the
sentenc of ex-prime minister Khin Nyunt to a 44-year imprisonment on 22
July, reports the Thai language Post Today yesterday.

Sathaporn Chinajitr, its managing director, said the bank wishes to hear
clarifications from the Thaksin government whether or not the deal should
go on.

So far the bank has disbursed 2.3 billion baht ($57.5 million) out of the
4 billion baht ($100 million) loan project signed with Burma before Khin
Nyunt's ouster in October 2004. It includes 360 million baht ($9 million)
for Shin Satellite, the company owned by Dr Thaksin Shinawatra's family.
The firm's projected investment in Burma for the upgrading of
communications system in Burma is 600 million baht ($15 million).

Apart from Shin Sat, there are 13 other Thai companies that have contracts
with Burma: Siam Tone, Sojitsu, Tipco Asphalt, Seaca, Tomen Enterprise,
Kankul Engineering, Marubenii, Sinphuchai, Krung Thai Tractor, Ital-Thai
Industrial, Thai Petro-chemical Industry, Imco Steel Products and Hatari
Wireless.

_____________________________________
ASEAN

August 2, Thai Press Reports
Regional Forum expected to press Myanmar to speed up process for democracy

The Asean Regional Forum is likely to step up pressure on Myanmar (Burma)
to shift its democratisation process into higher gear, after the country
escaped some heat by opting out of next year's Asean chairmanship, sources
said, The Nation reports.

Asean officials said many of the 25 forum members, including the US and
the EU, were keen to promote democracy in Burma, but the 10 Asean members
probably didn't want to discuss the matter further.

"Normally, they [ARF ministers] will follow the Asean ministers' decision
on a matter," said Marty Natalegawa, a spokesman for Indonesia's foreign
ministry. "Fortunately, Asean already has had a good discussion on the
issue and reached a common position."Foreign Minister Kantathi
Suphamongkhon said the Burmese issue might be raised in the ARF meeting
today, although it was not on the agenda.

However, Javier Solana, the EU's representative, said the meeting had no
agenda and the subject could be raised during the course of discussions.

"We are not satisfied with how Burma is going about the process of
democratisation," Javier told a press briefing. The EU, which has imposed
sanctions against the junta, will not change its stance despite Burma's
decision to skip its turn at the Asean chairmanship, he said.

Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win told his Asean colleagues earlier this
week that the junta would soon resume the National Convention to continue
drafting a constitution and later this year would call a referendum on the
charter prior to a general election.

However, he did not give any timeline for the democratisation process.

At the end of today's meeting, the Asean Regional Forum ministers are
expected to restate their concern over the slow progress of Burma's
national reconciliation and democratisation, sources said.

Kantathi said that the forum might voice support for the United Nations to
play a role.

The UN secretary-general's special representative, Razali Ismail, who has
been barred from going to Rangoon for 15 months, has been seeking the
backing of forum ministers so he can resume his work as soon as possible.

_____________________________________
REGIONAL

July 2005, Irrawaddy
Living under the eye of the dragon - Aung Zaw

Kunming: Members of the Communist Party of Burma who have lived in
southern China since the party was fractured by a mutiny in 1989 have to
be careful not to talk about Beijing’s warm relations with their former
enemies in Rangoon

China is watched with awe worldwide as its economy grows at an alarming
rate; and with its military might expanding apace, it is already regarded
by the US and the West as a superpower. This and the fact that it is the
Burmese military regime’s closest ally concerns not just western countries
but also many Burmese at home and abroad.

Except for one group of Burmese, who both admire China’s swift rise and
act as apologists for Beijing over its relations with Rangoon. They are
members of the Communist Party of Burma, long regarded previously as a
Chinese-supported threat to Rangoon; now, the less-than 500 CPB members
live in the southern Chinese city of Kunming, where they are no longer a
threat to anyone.

That’s since the party was split by a mutiny by its main fighting
force—members of the Wa ethnic minority, who broke away and forged their
own peace deal with Rangoon in 1989 in exchange for a degree of autonomy.
While the Burman element of the CPB had to settle for a quiet life in
Kunming’s Yunnan province and elsewhere in southern China, with its
leaders given housing and a stipend by Beijing, international
anti-narcotics agencies claim the peace deal allowed the Wa to step up its
drug production and trafficking unmolested.

One admirer of China’s blossoming into a superpower is Hla Kyaw Zaw, a
senior member of the CPB, now living in Kunming. She commented on China’s
breathtaking modernization, which is rapidly changing the face of the
city. She lives in the suburbs. “If I don’t come into the city for two
months, I can hardly recognize it when I go back,” she said. “China’s
peaceful rise is good for everyone.” Like her, other CPB members living
here are also impressed by China’s economic growth.

But that’s as far as it goes. When the subject of China’s close relations
with Rangoon is raised, talk stops. Lips are sealed—perhaps
understandably, as these party members and their families are now guests
of the country which once supplied them, and gave political support in the
struggle against Rangoon. Even so, it seems CPB members are still
ideologically connected to China, toeing its communist party line.

They no longer pose a threat to the generals in Rangoon, as Chinese
military trucks which once stopped at the border to deliver supplies to
the CPB now carry on to Rangoon. Beijing is also an important trading
partner, provider of soft loans and aid, and political supporter of the
regime.

Clearly, CPB members are in an awkward position. Unlike Burmese exiles in
Thailand, India and Japan, they are reluctant to raise their voices over
the cozy relationship. Chinese foreign ministry officials keep a close eye
on the Burmese communists. They politely ask them to lay low and refrain
from speaking out, according to some CPB members.

There was no criticism even after China and Russia at the end of June
blocked a US effort in the UN Security Council in New York to hold a
discussion on the continued detention of Burmese opposition leader Aung
San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.

Even Chan Htun, Burmese ambassador to China in the 1970s, now living in
Rangoon, was moved to say China was only acting in its own national
interest. “That will only prolong the military dictatorship,” he said.

It was a different response from CPB spokesman Aung Htet, based near
Yunnan’s border with Burma. He told The Irrawaddy China and Russia were
protecting their own foreign policies. “Burma has to solve its own
problems, “he said. “It is better if powerful countries are not involved.”

When asked if the CPB was reluctant to criticize Beijing over its warm
relations with Rangoon, he appeared to lose his temper. He refused to
comment on China’s policy. Aung Htet, who has to report to a local police
station every three months to renew his stay, said the CPB never openly
criticized the Communist Party of China. “We have party-to-party
relations,” added.

Several CPB politburo and executive committee members live in Yunnan.
Other members do not say where they live, though it is unlikely they are
invited to Beijing and given red carpet treatment, as happened to CPB
leaders in the past. The remaining leaders are now in their 80s, and
former chairman Ba Thein Tin died several years ago.

One remaining leader is the respected Brig-Gen Kyaw Zaw, Hla Kyaw Zaw’s
father. The former Burmese army officer was a colleague of Burmese
independence hero Gen Aung San, and was with him as one of the Burmese
“thirty comrades” given military training in Japan during World War II. He
joined the CPB in the 1970s. He occasionally gives interviews to Burmese
shortwave radio stations, but does not meet visitors.

Taking advantage of its cozy relations with Beijing, the Rangoon junta has
asked China to return CPB leaders to Burma. But Beijing has so far
refused. “We are friends and we are treated well,” Hla Kyaw Zaw said.

Since 1998, the CPB has issued a series of statements criticizing the
regime and urging a dialogue between the main opposition National League
for Democracy and the junta. Party spokesman Aung Htet said that senior
CPB members and cadres use the Internet and cell phones to communicate
with each other to discuss party affairs and release statements. But these
statements have rarely touched on China’s policy towards Burma.

The irony is that while CPB remnants take pains to be nice to Beijing,
Chinese leaders might well have forgotten about their lost former Burmese
comrades.

Yet not all those connected with the CPB members are pleased with China.
Aung Kyaw Zaw, a former CPB member, and brother of Hla Kyaw Zaw, has a
completely different perspective to share. Before talking about China, he
was already fired up about his former party. “The way the [CPB] leadership
treated us was worse than the Burmese governments—that’s why we failed
this revolution,” he lamented.

Obviously, he and the party are no longer on good terms. From his tea shop
in the Yunnan-Burmese border town of Ruili, Aung Kyaw Zaw continues to
work for a democratic Burma. In June, he distributed leaflets
commemorating Suu Kyi’s 60th birthday. Chinese police and intelligence
officers came to see him, and he was politely warned not to be too
outspoken about the Rangoon regime.

Aung Kyaw Zaw thinks China’s Burma policy is based on trade and economic
issues. “China’s national interest is just making money,” he said. “China
is run by technocrats.”  He is blunt: “They want to suck everything from
Burma,” he claimed. He said he has often seen Chinese trucks bringing
wood, logs, gems and other valuable goods from Burma. He has also watched
loaded Chinese military trucks heading for Burma.

Aung Kyaw Zaw is outspoken on a range of issues. He agreed with a theory
that the former British colonial masters should be partly blamed for
Burma’s civil war after father of independence Aung San was assassinated
in 1947. (His father, Kyaw Zaw, once accused British officials of being
involved in killing Aung San.)

But he also thinks the Chinese have been responsible for prolonging
Burma’s internal conflicts by giving arms to the major players. First,
Beijing gave military aid to the CPB, and now to the military regime. He
believed that the junta has remained in power only because of China’s
support.

“They [the Chinese] are supporting the people who are ruining the country

 a lot of people in Burma hate the Chinese government,” Aung Kyaw Zaw
declared.

“Whoever supports the regime is my enemy.”

_____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

July 28, Wall Street Journal
Destructive engagement – Charles Chong

Myanmar's  decision  to  relinquish  its  turn  at  the chairmanship of
the Association  of  Southeast  Asian  Nations  next year shows that
persistent pressure works. Although Myanmar's military junta bills the
much-anticipated move as a sacrifice "for the good of Asean," the decision
to defer -- significant as it was -- must surely be only the first of many
steps required of Myanmar toward achieving a genuine democracy. It was a
means to an end, rather than an end in itself: the need for reforms in
Myanmar remains urgent.

For Asean, Myanmar's decision presents tremendous opportunities. It shows
that   stronger,   consistent pressure works better than "constructive
engagement."  And this pressure should continue in order that the momentum
for change in Myanmar not be lost. Asean now needs to demonstrate that it
is willing and capable to handle its own conflict resolution in the region
by setting out a plan of action for reforms in Myanmar with clear
deadlines and standards of achievement. And, this time, it must not
tolerate excuses.

Myanmar's  military  junta, the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC), has  broken  promises  to  Asean many times before, including
promises made relating  to  the  release of National League for Democracy
leader Aung San Suu  Kyi.  Each time, the SPDC has been let off the hook
by its neighbors.

The issue of Myanmar's chairmanship has forced a refreshing frankness from
some of its members.  Leaders  in  Singapore,  Malaysia,  Indonesia  and
Philippines  have  broken  tradition  to  speak  up  publicly in favor of
a deferral.

Even with Myanmar relinquishing the chair of Asean, the pressure on the
SPDC leadership to make good on its promises to the grouping must
continue. And this will require a far more resolute leadership of Asean --
one that is prepared to make hard decisions.

Asean can start with a strong demand for the unconditional release of Aung
San Suu  Kyi  and  the approximately 1,000 political prisoners still being
held  in  Myanmar.  Although over 240 prisoners were released earlier this
month, other political detainees are now being rounded up to replace them.

It  can  also  recognize  that  "constructive  engagement"  (which the
less tactful  might  call political inaction) has not only failed to bring
about change  in  Myanmar, but is making a mockery of Asean which is now
seen, in some  quarters,  as  being complicit in the derailing of
democratization in that country.

Asean's  policy  of "constructive engagement" over the past eight years
has cost  the organization its image, prestige and credibility, while the
junta has  used  it  as  a  convenient  shield  against  international
criticism.

Admitting that "constructive engagement" was a mistake would not be wrong.
Pretending it is still relevant going forward would be inexcusable.

Mr. Chong, a Singaporean member of parliament, is a founding member of the
Singaporean Parliamentary Caucus on Myanmar, and a committee member of the
Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus.

_____________________________________
ANNOUNCEMENT

August 1, CFB
Canadian Friends of Burma seeks an Interim Coordinator

An Interim Coordinator is needed for a full time contract for 10 months,
beginning Oct. 1, 2005.

CFOB is an Ottawa based advocacy group that has been in existence since
1991.  CFOB’s mission is to support the international movement for
democracy and human rights in Burma.  CFOB raises public awareness in
Canada about the current deplorable situation in Burma, maintains an
on-going dialogue with Foreign Affairs Canada and CIDA and work closely
with MPs, NGOs and civil society groups to work on campaigns and various
initiatives to precipitate change in Burma.

CFOB’s financial resources are somewhat limited and as such the sole paid
staff member will be Interim Coordinator, with the potential exception of
occasional part-time contract staff and student interns. The job of the
CFOB coordinator therefore requires a multi-talented and creative
individual that is able to work independently.

Closing Date August 25, 2005
Interviews will be held in mid- September.  Only those selected for an
interview will be contacted.

For more information please contact Canadian Friends of Burma

Phone:  (613) 237-8056
Fax:      (613) 563-0017
www.cfob.org

_____________________________________

August 2, Australian National University
Myanmar/Burma research posting

Australian National University: Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies
Division of Politics and International Relations
Department of Political and Social Change

Postdoctoral / research fellow
Academic Level   A or B
Fixed Term - Two Years

Salary Range: $46,878 - $70,106 (AUS) pa plus 17% super

The Department is seeking a scholar to do research on domestic politics in
Southeast Asia, preferably Burma / Myanmar and/or Thailand although other
countries in the region are possible instead. While this is primarily a
research position, the appointee is expected also to apply for external
funding and contribute to graduate courses taught by the Department. The
appointee will have a Ph.D. in political science (or closely related
discipline), have research experience in and publications on at least one
Southeast Asian country, know the language(s) relevant to doing research
there, have a research agenda compatible with the Department's interests,
and have a demonstrable interest in comparative politics. This position is
for two years (fixed term) and can commence as early as practicable to all
concerned during 2006.

Selection Criteria:
http://info.anu.edu.au/hr/jobs/>http://info.anu.edu.au/hr/jobs/
or from Gabrielle Cameron (612) 54-444, hr.rspas at anu.edu.au

Enquiries: Prof.  Harold Crouch (612) 52-178; harold.crouch at anu.edu.au, or
Beverley Fraser beverley.fraser at anu.edu.au (612) 54-790

Closing Date:   Friday, 21 October 2005

Information for applicants:

http://info.anu.edu.au/hr/Jobs/How_to_Apply/index.asp>http://info.anu.edu.a
u/hr/Jobs/How_to_Apply/index.asp