BurmaNet News, November 29, 2005

Editor editor at burmanet.org
Tue Nov 29 14:31:00 EST 2005



November 29, 2005 Issue # 2853

INSIDE BURMA
SHAN: Pyinmana just what the doctor ordered
SHAN: New capital's fault is Sagaing Fault
DVB: Burmese lawyer allowed to appeal on behalf of detained Shan leader
Khonumthung: Price hike hurts weaker sections
IMNA: Commander directs women to attack rapist soldiers

INTERNATIONAL
AFP: Total settles out of court in Myanmar forced labour case
Kyodo News Service: Japan “deeply concerned” over Burma’s extension of Suu
Kyi house arrest

OPINION
Mizzima: A call for General Maung Aye's leadership
The Nation: Suu Kyi’s safety under threat

STATEMENT
UN Secretary General: Myanmar and the Continued Detention of Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi
U.S. Department of State: Burma - Extension of Aung San Suu Kyi's Detention
Special Rappateur: Following the further extension of the house arrest of
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
RYDF: Statement on the extension of detention for the Burma's democracy icon

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

November 29, Shan Herald Agency for News
Pyinmana just what the doctor ordered

Apart from astrological calculations and American invasion, there are more
down-to-earth reasons why Burma's autocratic rulers have chosen Pyinmana
as the new power center, according to civilian officials in Tachilek,
opposite Thailand's Maesai.

"The most pressing reason was the struggle between generals Than Shwe and
Maung Aye to place their men at the helms of the Rangoon Region Command,"
said a source. "Each side was refusing to budge an inch. Pyinmana
therefore became a convenient compromise for both."

Which appears to explain why Rangoon's ministers, during a press
conference on 28August, were side-stepping questions about moving to
Pyinmana. Information minister Kyaw Hsan spoke of "No official
instructions whatsoever concerning shifting to Pyinmana," while home
minister Maung Oo maintained "time will decide" the question.

Prior to that reports were abound that No.2 man Maung Aye was pushing for
the replacement of No.1 man Than Shwe's Myint Swe, Commander of Rangoon
Region Command and head of the newly-formed Office of Military Affairs
Security, with his own underling Myint Hlaing. The whisperings died down
following the 4-monthly meeting of top commanders in October.
Other reasons given by the officials include:

During the 1988 uprisings, all government apparatus went to a standstill
as officials in Rangoon were unable to run their offices. "What can a
minister do without his secretaries," one asked rhetorically. "The
military does not want to repeat the same kind of situation."

Also during the 1988 nationwide unrest, Rangoon, the seat of the
government, had also become a battleground. "The generals want to have a
secure command post in the rear from where they can direct the killing
field," said another.

It is also easier to run the local affairs of Pyinmana (population:
200,000) than those of Rangoon (population: 5 million), he pointed out.

The generals also have become uneasy about Rangoon fast becoming the hub
of unregistered arms and ammunition brought in by both ceasefire and
military militia groups throughout the years. "The whole city is like a
keg of powder ready to explode at anytime," an officer was reported as
saying.

The May 7 bomb blasts that had killed and injured more than a hundred
people had shaken the generals' nerves, claimed a source.

Moreover, with Indonesia's Suharto gone, the country's leaders have been
desperately looking for a new role model. "They have finally discovered it
in General Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan, who runs his country through a
civilian government that he can appoint or fire at will," said one, then
making a final challenge at S.H.A.N. "Believe me, the whole country is
heading towards the Musharaft way to democracy, where Than Shwe and his
successors are going to lead from Pyinmana."

Pyinmana, according to historians, derives from the Shan word, "Piang
Markna" (Plain of Myrobalan, terminalia bellerica.) It used to be a way
station for ancient Shan caravans going back and forth between the Shan
hills and Rangoon.

____________________________________

November 29, Shan Herald Agency for News
New capital's fault is Sagaing Fault

According to a map produced by the US Geological Survey, National
Earthquake Information Center, Burma's new military and administrative
center in Pyinmana is right on top of what is known as the Sagaing fault
system.

The north-south fault line runs across the country through Mandalay,
Yemethin, Pyinmana, Toungoo and Pegu before dropping off into the Gulf of
Martaban.

The dictionary of Environment Words, published by Images Asia, describes
'fault' as a break in the rocks that form the Earth's surface, where one
side of the break has moved against the other side and creates an
earthquake when the rock breaks in the weakest place. A fault line is
explained as a line of weakness in the rocks of the Earth's surface, where
earthquakes often happen.

The US Geological Survey takes note of the Magnitude 6.6 quake on 22
September 2003 when three temples and a bridge were reported damaged in
Taungdwingyi, 90 km west of Pyinmana.

The tremors also caused minor cracks in Bangkok, 530 miles southeast of
the epicenter.
Information minister Kyaw Hsan announced on 7 November that the country's
military leaders were moving the capital to Pyinmana, 400 km north of
Rangoon, as it was centrally located and had quick access to all parts of
the country. Five days later, the Mizzima News reported that the new
capital had been named Naypyidaw "Royal Capital".

____________________________________

November 27, Democratic Voice of Burma
Burmese lawyer allowed to appeal on behalf of detained Shan leader

Burmese lawyer Aung Thein was allowed to lodge appeals on behalf of one of
the nine Shan leaders who were given lengthy jail terms recently.

After meeting with authorities of remote Kalemyo Prison in northwest Burma
on 26 November, Aung Thein managed to obtain ‘power’ letters which
authorise him to represent, defend and lodge appeals on behalf of Sai
Nyunt Lwin who was sentenced to 85 years in prison. None of the Shan
leaders were allowed to be defended by lawyers of their choice when they
were detained and tried secretly in Rangoon Insein Jail.

“It is true. He himself signed the letters,” Aung Thein told DVB. “There
are five cases and so there were five letters. Sai Nyunt Lwin got three
life sentences and 25 years. 60 years for three life sentences and it is
true that he got 85 years with Act 122-1 and Act 123-A. He got 20 years
for ‘disrupting’ the efforts for successfully convening the national
convention”.

It is the first time someone was given life sentence for criticising the
junta-sponsored constitution-drafting ‘National Convention’.

As there are less than 30 days left for the appeals, lawyers are urgently
trying to obtain ‘power’ letters from other detained Shan leaders such as
Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD) chairman Khun Htun Oo and Shan
State Peace Council (SSPC) patron Gen Hso Ten who were sent to Puta-O and
Khamtee Prisons in Kachin State.

All the nine leaders were arrested in February at Shan State capital
Taunggyi, and detained and tried in Rangoon Insein Jail. They are still
not allowed to see their families since their arrests.

____________________________________

November 29, Khonumthung News
Price hike hurts weaker sections

The economically weaker section of the people in Chin state, North-western
Burma are in dire straits with prices of essential commodities
skyrocketing. Many day-to-day necessities have become beyond reach of the
common man.

Prices of essential commodities and transport costs began increasing in
Chin state from the first week of November, leading to immense burden on
the poorer section of the society. The price hike of essential commodities
is directly linked to the massive increase in prices of fuel which in turn
has also raised transportation costs.

"The cost of essential commodities and transportation have doubled from
this month, though a partial increase has been in evidence for the past
few months," a trader told Khonumthung in Aizawl.

Transport fares have reportedly gone up as much as 20 percent in some
routes while it has shot up to more than 50 percent in other routes. For
instance, the transport fare from Tiou, a border village in Chin state, to
Kalaymyo, Sagaing Division, have gone up from 8,000 kyats to 10,000 Kyats
per commuter, while it has been hiked to 13,000 kyats from 6000 kyats
between Hakha and Mandalay.

The increase in transportation costs has pushed up the prices of all
essential commodities. For instance a bag of rice (100 kilograms
approximately), which used to cost 7,000 kyats, has gone up to 13,000
kyats as of November.

"Because the cost of transportation and essential commodities are now so
high, we have to find means for our survival and travel. Travelling for
family entertainment and family visits need to be avoided as it has become
expensive," the trader continued.

____________________________________

November 29, Independent Mon News Agency
Commander directs women to attack rapist soldiers

A military commander who has launched an offensive against rebels in Karen
state and Mon state has directed women in the villages to mark rapist
soldiers even if it means stabbing them so that they can be identified.

Col. Myo Win, tactical commander of No.12 Military Operation Management
Command (MOMC) has launched military operations in Thanpyuzayart Township,
Kyaitmayaw Township Mon State, and Kya-inn-sike-kyi and the Three Pagoda
Pass areas.

The troops are based in the plantation near villages and are undergoing
military training at the base every evening. Because they are based near
the villages and the plantations, the soldiers are likely to rape local
woman when they go to their farms and plantations.

The commander has told villagers that should the soldiers try to rape a
woman, the victim could stab the soldier with a knife or any other thing
that comes handy so that the guilty soldier can be identified easily, a
villager said.

Before this directive there was a rape during the Wae-Kha-Dike village
festival last full moon night. A soldier raped the woman while she was on
her way back home. The soldier could not be identified.

The commander with his directives is trying to ensure protection for the
local women given that he is aware that his soldiers had raped many women
when he led military operations in Southern Ye Township.

During his military operation against Mon rebel groups in Southern Ye
Township, at least 10 villagers were killed and at least 18 women raped by
his troops.

His soldiers had resorted to violence against women in the area, said a
report published by Women and Child Right Project in southern Burma. The
report was called “Catwalk to the Barracks.”

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

November 29, Agence France Presse
Total settles out of court in Myanmar forced labour case

The French oil company Total said on Tuesday that it had reached an
out-of-court settlement with a group of villagers from Myanmar who
complained they had been used as forced labour to build a gas pipeline.

Under the terms of the settlement, Total will pay 10,000 euros (12,000
dollars) to each of the eight claimants, who have in turn agreed to drop
the charges they brought against Total in a French court, the company said
in a statement.

Total, which staunchly denies the forced labour accusations, has also
agreed to set up a 5.2-million-euro solidarity fund -- from which the
workers' compensation will be drawn -- to finance humanitarian projects in
Myanmar.

The French oil company and its US partner Unocal have been accused of
human rights abuses during the building of a 1.2-billion-dollar gas
pipeline in Myanmar, which was formerly known as Burma, in the 1990s.

French prosecutors opened an investigation in 2002 after the eight
claimants charged that they were forced by the country's military to work
on the construction project.

Myanmar was found guilty by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) of
the systematic use of forced labour in the 1990s to build roads and
military camps and has since pledged to stamp out the practice.

____________________________________

November 29, Kyodo News Service
Japan “deeply concerned” over Burma’s extension of Suu Kyi house arrest

Japan expressed deep concern on Tuesday [29 November] over the Myanmar
[Burmese] junta's decision to extend pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu
Kyi's house arrest for another year.

"Japan is deeply concerned about the continuation of the detention under
house arrest of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi after the extended term of one year
ended on 27 November," Foreign Ministry Press Secretary Yoshinori Katori
said in a statement released Tuesday.

Katori said Japan "strongly hopes" the Myanmar government will "expedite
the democratization process including the early release" of Suu Kyi.

Myanmar's main opposition National League for Democracy confirmed on
Monday that the military government extended on Sunday the arrest of Suu
Kyi, the party's general secretary, for another 12 months.

Suu Kyi was most recently detained 30 May 2003, following what the junta
claimed were violent clashes between NLD supporters and pro-junta
demonstrators in northern Myanmar.

Nobel Peace Prize laureate Suu Kyi has spent more than 10 years under
house arrest since her return to the country in 1988 after living abroad
for nearly three decades.

____________________________________
OPINION

November 29, Mizzima News
A call for General Maung Aye's leadership - Aung Naing Oo

"Burma needs a new leader urgently," said a veteran diplomat who recently
returned from Rangoon.

Shaking his head in disbelief, he explained to me the disturbing political
state of disarray created by Senior General Than Shwe. "Than Shwe must
go," he said resolutely.

The old man came into power in 1992 after devising the ousting from office
of 1988 coup leader General Saw Maung. Due to his introverted, whimsical
and often brutal ways of implementing critical policies, he has committed
one blunder after another. Thirteen years on, his blunders are set to
continue.

And his hard-lined stance against pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi
has pushed Burma into isolation. It remains the subject of international
condemnation. His apathy towards the suffering of the Burmese people and
rejection of reality has cost the country enormously. The relocation of
Burma's capital to Pyinmana in Mandalay division is the last straw - an
administrative and financial disaster he invented in order to fulfill his
irrational follies.

However, given the state of affairs in Burma, it is apparent that Than
Shwe is pretty much in charge - perhaps his inner fold is so expertly
designed he is surrounded by cowardly crowd of 'yes men'. But he will soon
discover his craftiness will ultimately cause his downfall.

General Than Shwe himself is a catalyst for crisis. Yet the old man does
not seem to know or care. He may revel in his own achievements at the
expanse of the Burmese people and the armed forces but the country is on
its last legs. There is a crisis looming on the horizon. And the pressure
is mounting both at home and abroad, especially in the UN.

As the veteran diplomat pointed out, General Than Shwe is no longer fit
for top position in the armed forces. Nor is he capable of leading Burma.
Perhaps, it is time for a new leader to take charge.

But what new leader? Who? Given Burma's political climate there are not
many candidates to choose from.

There are many generals in the armed forces who could make a difference
and set a new course for the country. They are younger, idealistic and
ready to prove their worth. But a few at the top have tightened their
control, making open dissent impossible. Can anyone in the top brass be
the new leader?

There is General Soe Win, the premier. He is considered less corrupt and
bloodthirsty as Than Shwe. But his reputation will be forever tainted by
his alleged involvement in the Depayin massacre. Thura Shwe Mann, the
Joint-Chief of Staff could be another possibility. He is number three
according to military hierarchy and is considered a rising star, due to
his loyalty to Than Shwe. However, he is known as 'Ah Yan (reckless) Shwe
Mann' and despite his meteoric rise to power, he is not considered a
capable leader.

Then we have Senior General Maung Aye, Deputy Commander-in-chief and
Vice-Chairman of the ruling council. A graduate of the prestigious
military academy, he has been able to extricate himself from the major
crises, mistakes and embarrassments of the junta including the Depayin
incident and the 1988 uprising. He is said to be opposed to the move to
Pyinmana. He is the only credible alternative to Than Shwe and is believed
to have the support of many from the various strata of Burmese society.

"If Maung Aye can change Burma, he will be a hero," declared the veteran
diplomat who regularly meets government, military and business leaders
from Burma during his numerous visits to the country. Indeed, Maung Aye
could stop Burma from falling further. He could reinvigorate the armed
forces and redefine its role in national politics. He knows a change of
course is necessary in the days to come.

General Maung Aye seems to know what is at stake. But things are not that
simple. He must know other officials are still loyal to Than Shwe and a
move too early could cost him dearly. Perhaps, for this reason, he is
believed to have reopened communication channels with former premier Khin
Nyunt. Perhaps he is seeking allies.

Nonetheless, he should also realise that his inaction will adversely
affect his interests and those of his colleagues such as Soe Win and Shwe
Mann. He must remind them that they, "like a flock of crows" can no longer
afford to hang onto "the carcass of dead elephant floating in the ocean"
as the Burmese saying goes.

And the Burmese people can no longer afford to live in uncertainty. They
need a strong and decisive leadership. General Maung Aye must provide
that.

However, one cannot expect him to formulate policies that retreat 180
degrees from Than Shwe's but he could make a difference. More critically,
he would be able to work with Aung San Suu Kyi who confided to diplomats
that she could work with him after their meeting in January 2002. In the
absence of a better option General Maung Aye is the man to support.

____________________________________

November 29, The Nation
Suu Kyi’s safety under threat

Asean, and Thailand in particular, must abandon its impotent policy of
appeasement towards Burma

It should come as no surprise to anyone that the Burmese military junta
has decided to extend the house arrest of pro-democracy leader Aung San
Suu Kyi. After all, she has spent 10 of the past 16 years in detention,
mostly under house arrest. There are some very cynical reasons for the
junta to do this. First of all, Suu Kyi remains a symbol of democracy and
decency inside one of the world’s most repressive countries. Despite a
decade of iron-fisted measures to break her, the authoritarian regime has
failed to achieve this.

Second, releasing her from detention would be political suicide for the
junta, because she remains a charismatic leader who can draw huge crowds
of people who share a love of democracy and justice. Everyone remembers
that day at Depayin - May 30, 2003 - when thugs believed to have been sent
by the junta almost killed her.

It is high time for the international community to come to grips with the
harsh realities of Burma and the evil designs that the brutish Burmese
generals have in mind for this troubled nation. Why do they want to
continue detaining Suu Kyi? The most obvious reason is to isolate her from
her followers, both inside and outside Burma.

By keeping her away from public view for an extended period of time, her
health and longevity can be manipulated. The outside world must begin to
take her personal safety and well-being seriously.

Her dying from supposed natural causes would be welcome news for the
junta, especially now, after having recently moved the government to the
new capital of Pyinmana.

The issue of Suu Kyi’s safety and unconditional release should be raised
at the Asean summit meeting set to convene in Kuala Lumpur in the middle
of next month. Asean statesmen who are also members of the Asean
Inter-Parliamentarian Caucus on Burma will meet this week to discuss
measures to pressure Burma into releasing Suu Kyi.

Asean must live up to its moral obligations and confront beleaguered junta
leader Than Shwe at the summit and demand her freedom.

Failure to stand up to Burma yet again will attract worldwide scorn and
put Asean to shame as a regional organisation.

In the wake of a report commissioned by South African Bishop Desmond Tutu
and former Czech president Vaclav Havel on the political situation in
Burma, issued in September at UN headquarters, support has grown among UN
members to address the Burma question, including members of the powerful
Security Council. Of late, the move to place Burma on the council’s agenda
has gained momentum. The United States, which is spearheading this effort,
has already mustered nine votes out of the 15 council members in favour of
such an inclusion.

Within the next few weeks, the council will for the first time discuss the
situation inside Burma, after years of unsuccessful bids thwarted by China
and Russia. The purpose this time will be to raise the world’s awareness
of the fact that the situation in Burma is a threat to international peace
and stability. There will be no resolutions or calls for sanctions just
yet.

As international pressure continues to mount, Thailand’s own policy
towards Burma will be placed under a microscope. And as a country that has
appeased the hated junta’s every whim and act for almost five years now,
Thailand, especially the Thaksin administration, will have a lot to answer
for.

Hard questions will include exactly how Thailand’s national interest has
been served by playing devil’s advocate for the brutal regime. Or to be
more precise, whether the selfish interests of politicians and certain
interest groups override Thailand’s moral obligation to do the right thing
as a member of the international community.

There needs to be an urgent policy review of this issue before Thailand
finds itself accused of being an accomplice of the pariah state and forced
to share the blame for the harsh repression of the Burmese people through
its association with the junta.

____________________________________
STATEMENT

November 28, UN Secretary General
Statement attributable to the Spokesman for the Secretary-General on
Myanmar and the Continued Detention of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

The Secretary-General is deeply disappointed that Myanmar's authorities
have extended the detention under house arrest of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi,
General Secretary of the National League for Democracy (NLD), for another
six months.

The Secretary-General reiterates his belief, shared by ASEAN (Association
of South East Asian Nations) and much of the international community, that
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's continued detention is not in the interest of
Myanmar's processes of national reconciliation and democratization.

The Secretary-General continues to make his good offices available in
helping to address the many challenges faced by Myanmar.

____________________________________

November 28, U.S. Department of State
Burma - Extension of Aung San Suu Kyi's Detention - Sean McCormack

The United States deplores the extension of Aung San Suu Kyi's detention.
Since the brutal attack on her convoy in May 2003, after which she was
imprisoned and subsequently transferred to house arrest, the regime has
failed to charge Aung San Suu Kyi with any criminal offense, instead
making the incredible assertion that she is being held for her own
protection.

The extension of Aung San Suu Kyi's detention is yet another step in the
wrong direction by Burma's military rulers. In order to move the country
toward democracy and national reconciliation, the Burmese regime should
release Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners, and initiate a
meaningful dialogue with the democratic opposition and ethnic minority
political groups.

____________________________________

November 29, Special Rappateur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
Following the further extension of the house arrest of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

29 NOVEMBER 2005

The Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights on the situation
in Myanmar, Mr. Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, deeply regrets the further
prolongation in the house arrest of the General Secretary of the National
League for Democracy and the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been held hostage without charge or trial for
over ten years by the Government of Myanmar.

On the eve of another phase of the National Convention, many of those who
should be in attendance find themselves behind bars. That legitimate
political stake-holders are locked out of the political process runs
contrary to the Government’s commitment to institute democracy.

By cordoning off the political arena and imposing multiple life sentences
on Shan leaders, the Government is depriving the political transition
process of vital contributions from the key political actors in the
country.

The Special Rapporteur once again appeals to the Government to honor its
commitment made to the people of Myanmar, by releasing the 1,143 political
prisoners; lifting restrictions on freedom of expression and association;
revoking all legislation which violates civil and political rights;
re-opening of offices of political parties; and terminating the
harassment, arbitrary arrest and detention of pro-democracy advocates,
human rights defenders and all those involved in peaceful political
activities.

____________________________________

November 29, Rohingya Youth Development Forum
Statement on the extension of detention for the Burma's democracy icon

We, at the Rohingya Youth Development Forum (RYDF), Arakan-Burma would
like to express our deep concern on the extedntion of detention for
another six months to the Burma’s Democracy icon and Nobel Peace Laureate
and leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD), Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi.

Aung San Suu Kyi has been detained since May 2003, with virtually no
contact with the outside world. Her house arrest was last extended by 12
months one year ago. Lastly, on the evening of November 27, 2005, she was
officially informed of the six-month extension without any reason.

It is clear that the military authorities will resume the constitutional
National Convention on December 5 will run well into 2006 and they don't
want to release her until it's over and done with, while the NLD is
boycotting the convention, demanding that the military first release Aung
San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners. The extention of Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi’s continued detention is not in the interest of Burma's national
reconciliation and democratization processes.

The convention has been widely dismissed by the international community
for its exclusion of opposition voices, although the military sees it as
the first step on its self-declared "road map" to democracy.

The length of the extension made little difference to the junta that has
kept her in detention for 10 of the last 16 years, despite vocal
international demands for her release.

One year of six months doesn't really matter to the regime. The regime
could release Daw Suu tomorrow if they felt like it.

London-based rights watchdog Amnesty International Saturday called her
continued house arrest a "travesty of justice", while both the United
States and the European Union have imposed sanctions on Burma for its
suppression of the pro-democracy movement.

Earlier this month the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution slamming
systematic human rights violations in Burma, including extrajudicial
killings, torture, rape, forced labor and harassment of political
opponents. Ethnic Shan leaders were sentenced for lengthy in earlier of
the month, while it was started by imprioning to the ethnic minority
Rohingya leader, an elected MP from the National Democratic Party for
Human Rights (NHPDR) and a member of Committee Representing for People’s
Parliament (CRPP).

The NLD won 1990 elections but was never allowed to govern. Its regional
offices remain shuttered and many of its officers have been detained over
the years.

Since 1962, the Burma has been ruled by the military, which is one of the
world's most isolated nations and that suppressed the entire people of
Burma, especially the Rohingyas of Arakan whose rights of citizenships
were denied, drafting a black law in 1982. Several crackdowns were made
against them after the Burma's independent that forced the Rohingya to the
displacement in across the world.

In this reason, we solemnly call upon the SPDC to end the recent extetion
of house arrest and release Aung San Suu Kyi, U Tin Oo, Hkun Htun Oo
including U Kyaw Min and all other political prisoners immediately and
unconditionally and cease its arbitrary acts and maltreatment against the
people to allow their full participation in a meaningful political
dialogue leading to genuine national reconciliation and the establishment
of democracy. We also appeal to the UN, EU, ASEAN and International
Community to take the issue Burma seriously to act against the regime for
the democratic changes in Burma.



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