BurmaNet News, September 1, 2006

[Editor]

September 1, 2006 Issue # 3038


INSIDE BURMA
DVB: Reaction of Su Su Nway on hearing news that she is to be given John
Humphrey Award
Irrawaddy: Labor activist awarded freedom prize

HEALTH / AIDS
AFP: Desperate HIV sufferers in Myanmar turn to weeds for cure

DRUGS
Irrawaddy: Opium crops on the rise in Kachin State

BUSINESS / TRADE
Irrawaddy: Junta’s new law for special economic zones

ASEAN
The Economist: Myanmar: The gathering mild rebuke

REGIONAL
Thai Press Reports: UN High Commissioner for Refugees visits Foreign
Ministry of Thailand

INTERNATIONAL
DPA: EU hangs tough on misbehaving Myanmar
Irrawaddy: Suu Kyi losing her power, says Forbes

OPINION / OTHER
Washington Times: The crisis that is Burma - Michael Schiffer

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

August 31, Democratic Voice of Burma
Reaction of Su Su Nway on hearing news that she is to be given John
Humphrey Award

"As it is an award recognising the efforts for democracy and human rights
and truth (in Burma), I want to say that we are feeling very happy and
proud with public leader, Auntie Suu (Aung San Suu Kyi), who are
struggling for democracy and human rights and the people of Burma.
Although I am glad to hear that I received this award, I am feeling
happier to know that it is becoming more obvious that all the people (of
Canada) and the world are constantly supporting the struggle for democracy
in Burma.

I especially want to thank the elders (leaders) concerned who gave me the
award and the people of the country concerned. Although the prize was
given to me, I regard it as a prize given to all the people of Burma.

I feel very encouraged by being given the award. When working for the
truth, I am feeling very, very proud and happy because the award is like
tonic which helps me work harder several folds. I want to say that I will
increase my efforts (and) struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma
(and) do my best for matters regarding peace of the whole world."

____________________________________

September 1, Irrawaddy
Labor activist awarded freedom prize - Aung Lwin Oo

Burmese female labor activist Su Su Nway has been awarded the 2006
Humphrey Freedom Award by the Montreal, Canada-based group Rights and
Democracy for her courageous struggle for justice and human rights.

The group’s announcement of the award on Thursday stated that “Su Su
Nway’s defiant struggle for human rights and dignity has made her a symbol
of resilience and courage to the people of Burma.”

Su Su Nway, a 34-year-old youth leader of the opposition National League
for Democracy, was freed from Rangoon’s Insein Prison in early June. Her
release came after she had served nearly seven months of her 18 month
sentence, which was handed down in October 2005 for allegedly threatening
and swearing at local authorities. The sentence followed her successful
lawsuit against local officials—including the headman of Htan Manaing
village, Rangoon Division, where she lived—for practicing forced labor.

“Su Su Nway’s story moved us profoundly and represents the selfless
commitment to justice that the John Humphrey Freedom Award was established
to honor,” Wayne MacKay, Vice-Chair of Rights and Democracy’s Board of
Directors said upon the announcement on Thursday. The group selected Su Su
Nway from among 100 other nominees. “What she has accomplished is a
powerful tribute to the human spirit that we hope Canadians and the
international community will join us in celebrating,” Wayne said

“I feel very pleased and encouraged by the news that I’m so honored, and
this award highlights that women are striving shoulder to shoulder with
men in the struggle for human rights, justice and democracy,” Su Su Nway
told The Irrawaddy on Friday. “This award belongs to the people of Burma.”

Despite her release from prison, Su Su Nway remains under scrutiny by
authorities. She said that relatives and friends endure frequent inquiries
by local officials, and her ongoing social work has been impeded. A local
school, which earlier accepted her donation of furniture worth 150,000
kyat (US $110), refused her assistance after pressure by local authorities
on school officials.

In honor of John Peters Humphrey, a McGill University law professor who
prepared the first draft of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the
John Humphrey Freedom Award is given annually to an organization or
individual for exceptional achievement in the promotion of human rights
and democratic development. The award includes a speaking tour of Canadian
cities to help increase awareness of the recipient's human rights work.

Su Su Nway said that she will not travel to Canada to receive the
award—which includes a cash prize of Canada $25,000, as she fears that her
return may not be granted by the regime.

_____________________________________
HEALTH / AIDS

September 1, Agence France Presse
Desperate HIV sufferers in Myanmar turn to weeds for cure - Hla Hla Htay

Yangon: Aung Naing, a doctor of traditional medicine in Myanmar, believes
in the healing power of herbs, but even he is worried about claims being
made in the media about a common weed in the military-run nation.

Easily available on sidewalks in the capital Yangon, the flowering Siam
weed has been widely reported in local media as a cure for HIV -- a
tempting claim in one of the world's poorest countries where few can
afford expensive life-prolonging anti-retroviral drugs.

"What I have learned from one HIV-infected person was that she recovered
by using this herb," reads a typical dispatch in the Yangon Times weekly.
"It can be taken twice daily. Even in seriously ill people, it can show
results after two weeks. The virus decreases. If they continue taking it,
the effect will be greater. The person who is taking this herb is still
alive," the story said.

But 58-year-old Aung Naing, who has been interested in traditional
medicine since high school, worries that people are clinging to a false
hope and may not take HIV seriously if they believe it can so easily be
cured.

"If the media exaggerates without any official research, it could be bad
for the people," he says. "It will be dangerous if people do not pay
attention to this epidemic because of this herb."

The weed is a kind of herb known in Latin as Eupatorium Odoratum. A
spoonful of juice squeezed from the plant that people in Myanmar call "bi
sat" is believed not only to cure HIV, but cancer too.

Although Aung Naing urges caution in the seemingly miraculous powers of
Siam weed, he remains a great believer in the power of nature, and urges
more research.

"These herbs seem not to have much toxicity. People can test it, it's
cheap. and easily available on sidewalks. I don't want to object to it,
but I also cannot guarantee it," he says, adding that traditionally, Siam
weed was used to treat muscles aches and fever.

Myanmar, formally known as Burma, was once one of the richest and most
promising nations in Southeast Asia. But more than five decades of
military rule have left the country impoverished and isolated.

According to official figures from Myanmar's Health Ministry, about
338,000 people in the country of 47 million are infected with HIV, with
some 30,000 receiving anti-retroviral (ARV) treatment supplied by the
government.

However the United Nations says that Myanmar suffers one of the worst AIDS
epidemics in Asia, with up to two percent of adults, or 550,000 people,
living with HIV.

The monthly cost for the ARV medicine -- about 50,000 kyats (45 US
dollars) -- is not affordable for most infected people in this
impoverished country, and many have to rely on traditional medicine.

Than Htut, deputy director of Myanmar's occupational health division, says
that the government would never sanction the use of an untested medicine
like Siam weed.

"There might be some exceptional and individual success cases in curing
HIV with traditional medicine," he says. "But the ministry never accepts
the individual blind evidence and never gives permission for producing HIV
medicine."

Medical doctors also warn against giving to much attention to an unproven,
potentially dangerous drug.

"I do not want to comment or say it is not good, but we need time to know
the exact effectiveness of this herb," a medical doctor who does not wish
to be named tells AFP.

"The media should not highlight it, because our traditional medicine has
not had much scientific research. It is so early," he says.

As for people living with HIV, any offer of hope for a better life is
treated with cautious optimism.

"Some say it encourages and improves the body's resistance. I believe if
we take care of our behaviour, our resistance will go up," a 46-year-old
HIV sufferer, who has been on ARVs for two years, tells AFP.

"But if the information is wrong, the situation could be worse ... For me,
I will try and stay healthy under the instruction of my medical doctor."

Traditional doctors are not making any promises about curing the HIV
epidemic.

"I just instruct my patients to go to the health department if they have a
positive result from a blood test," Aung Naing says.

"But if they want to rely on traditional medicine, I prepare some medicine
for them to improve their body's resistance. I never guarantee it.

"They are like people who are drowning. They want to grab a reed in the
water."

____________________________________
DRUGS

September 1, Irrawaddy
Opium crops on the rise in Kachin State - Khun Sam

Residents across Kachin State have claimed that a growing number of
farmers in the region are preparing to plant opium poppy crops.

Said one resident of Hopin township in Kachin State: “Farmers are now
clearing ground for opium crop cultivation in the mountains outside
Hopin.”

The resident told The Irrawaddy on Friday: “A week ago, households near my
house—including relatives of mine—went to Na Mawn village [in Hopin] to
clear ground for poppy fields.” She added that some farmers have been
secretly growing poppies in the Kachin hills for several years.

Another resident of Na Mawn said farmers from her village were also
preparing to grow poppy crops in the mountains surrounding Indawgyi Lake.
There were more than 10 households from her village alone growing poppy
crops last year, while many more farmers expressed interest in the crops.

According to a 2005 opium survey by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime,
opium poppy cultivation in Kachin State has increased in recent years,
while it has decreased in other regions of Burma.

“A rapid assessment conducted in a randomly selected area in Kachin State
showed that opium poppy cultivation in this State remains a concern,” said
the latest UNODC report. Kachin State produces six percent of all opium
poppy crops in Burma—a distant second to Shan State, which is responsible
for 94 percent. Burma is the world’s second largest opium-producing
country.

Despite recent eradication measures by Burmese authorities, production
significantly increased in Kachin State in 2005 by 900 percent, according
to the UNODC.

The rise in production has been attributed to economic factors. The steady
increase in commodity prices in Burma has led many farmers to turn to
opium poppy production despite government efforts to ban the crops.

Increased cultivation of opium poppies has also been reported in Tanai and
Sadone in western Kachin State. “More and more people are interested in
growing opium,” said a pastor from Mogaung township. “They get more profit
from the crops, and authorities are always willing to accept bribes. They
say ‘Hearing about the crops is not a problem, but don’t let anyone see
them.”

_____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

September 1, The Irrawaddy
Junta’s new law for special economic zones

Burma’s military government aims to finalize a new law for its planned
special economic zones by the middle of next year, according to Burmese
business circles. The new law, which is still being drafted, aims to
promote foreign direct investment into the country, according to a source
close to the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development.

It is expected to provide FDI investors with special incentives. Since the
Foreign Investment Law was established in 1988, the junta has approved
nearly 400 foreign enterprises from 27 countries to set up in the country,
accounting for FDI of US $7.78 billion up to January this year. Asean
countries are the major investors, led by Singapore, and energy is a major
sector interest.

Rangoon’s business circles believe the regime aims to establish several
special economic zones. The first has been under development beside
Rangoon’s Thilawa Port, in Thanlyin Township, since 2004. The Chinese
company Shanghai Jingqiao was commissioned to draw up plans for the
Thilawa zone.

“China is highly likely to be behind all these [plans],” said Sein Htay, a
Burmese economist in exile.

The junta’s Rangoon military commander, Brig-Gen Hla Htay Win, said in
mid-August that the former capital Rangoon should become a business hub
while the administrative capital would be Naypyidaw, near Pyinmana.

However, an Asian Development Bank report on Burma for 2005 said sanctions
have hit FDI levels which fell by 33 percent from the previous year. Over
5 years, FDI has fallen by 81 percent. “With a limited reform agenda, the
medium-term growth prospects are expected to be quite modest compared with
the official double-digit targets,” said the bank’s report.

_____________________________________
ASEAN

September 2, The Economist
Myanmar: The gathering mild rebuke

The dictatorship's neighbours are losing patience with its lack of reform

In the 16 years since Myanmar's military regime chose to ignore an
electoral victory by the civilian opposition, neither sanctions imposed by
America and Europe nor the softer approach of its neighbours has persuaded
the generals to budge. Incompetent as well as callous, they have let what
was once one of South-East Asia's most promising countries become one of
its most brutalised and impoverished. With its big population (51m) and
its reserves of oil and other natural resources, Myanmar ought to be a
regional leader. Instead it is an exporter of drugs (second only to
Afghanistan for opium production) and refugees, and a breeding ground for
diseases from HIV to bird flu.

Myanmar's neighbours let the rogue state join their club, the Association
of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), nine years ago. They argued then, and
have continued to argue, that "constructive engagement" with the junta
would achieve more than harsh words and punishments. It has not—and now
their patience is wearing thin. On August 24th Musa Hitam, the chairman of
a group of ASEAN grandees charged with writing a new charter for the
regional body, said it might include mechanisms to expel or impose
sanctions on member countries. It was clear who these remarks were aimed
at.

The day before, Indonesia's foreign minister, Hassan Wirayuda, said ASEAN
leaders had told Myanmar, at a summit in July, not to expect any help if
America got its way and took the country to the United Nations Security
Council over its roguish behaviour, including its human-rights abuses and
its failure to democratise. They were exasperated that Myanmar had not
delivered a progress report on the "road map to democracy" that the
generals had promised in 2003. In early August Abdullah Badawi, Malaysia's
prime minister and ASEAN's outgoing chairman, said that in the light of
Myanmar's intransigence, the regional body's hallowed principle of
non-interference in members' internal affairs ought to be "updated".
By ASEAN's pussyfooting standards, these statements amount to a display of
sharp claws. They follow a period in which Myanmar's junta has shown great
disregard for world opinion. In January the UN's special envoy to Myanmar,
Razali Ismael, quit in disgust at the generals' repeated refusal to see
him. In March an ASEAN envoy was denied meetings with both Than Shwe, the
junta's chief, and Aung San Suu Kyi, the opposition's Nobel prize-winning
leader, who is under house arrest. Another top UN official, Ibrahim
Gambari, was allowed to see General Than and Miss Suu Kyi in May, raising
hopes that she might be released. But no sooner had he gone than the
regime announced an extension of her house arrest.
Despite its new toughish talk, ASEAN is still unlikely to take strong
action against Myanmar. Several other members Vietnam, Laos and Brunei are
not democracies and have no intention of becoming so. Even the body's more
liberal members may balk at creating means for neighbours to meddle in
their affairs. Moreover, Myanmar's oil, gas and timber are important to
the region. ASEAN's willingness to challenge the generals in Yangon will
be tempered by fear of losing juicy contracts to resource-hungry China and
India, which have fewer qualms about dealing with the regime. Even if
powers to exclude or punish members do get written into the draft of
ASEAN's charter, they will probably be diluted before it is adopted.
But even a slight hardening of ASEAN's stance might embarrass Myanmar into
making modest concessions. If ASEAN raises no objections to a Security
Council referral, this will increase the chances of America getting the
nine votes (out of 15) it needs to put a resolution on the council's
agenda. If the resolution omits to mention sanctions and simply calls on
the regime to accept political dialogue, allow greater access for
humanitarian aid and so on, veto-wielding China and Russia might be
persuaded to abstain.
The Burmese regime dislikes being treated as a pariah state, and it can be
prodded, reluctantly, into reacting to outside pressure. A recent threat
by the UN's International Labour Organisation to refer Myanmar to the
International Court of Justice prompted the regime to release two people
locked up for campaigning against the widespread use of forced labour in
the country. Threatened with being the subject of a Security Council
debate, and a bit more cold-shouldering in ASEAN, the regime might
possibly be badgered into restarting a tarnished and stalled initiative to
produce a new constitution the first stage of its promised road map to
democracy[#x2014]and into setting a date for it to be completed by.
The opposition boycotted the constitution-writing body because its
conditions (including Miss Suu Kyi's release) had not been met. The body
is therefore certain to guarantee the army a strong role in the country,
even if the ruling generals shed their uniforms and stay in power. One
faint cause for hope is that the clauses on how to amend the constitution
have yet to be written. Sustained diplomatic pressure might persuade the
generals to allow some scope for further changes after the constitution is
adopted maybe, one distant day, setting in train a genuine move towards
civilian rule.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

September 1, Thai Press Reports
UN High Commissioner for Refugees visits Foreign Ministry of Thailand

On 30 August, 2006, Mr. Antonio Guterres, former Prime Minister of
Portugal and cur-rently the  United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees, paid a visit to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was welcomed
by Dr.  Pracha Guna-Kasem, Advisor to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, on
behalf of Foreign Minister Kan-tathi Suphamongkhon, who  is now on a trip
aboard.
Mr. Guterres is now visiting to Thailand as guest of the Foreign Minister
during 28-31 August. This is his first  of-ficial visit to Thailand in his
capacity as the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, although he has visited
Thailand  before in 1996 as then Prime Minister of Portugal.
The discussion between Dr. Pracha and Mr. Guterres covered such topics as
on the ways to continue Thailand-UNHCR  cooperation on the protection of
migrants from Myanmar, further improvement of the quality of life of the
misplaced  persons under Thai authorities' care, including the provision
of education, and the promotion of Thailand's  humanitarian role in the
region. They also discussed the problems of North Korean and Hmong
migrants in order to try to   find the most suitable solution to their
problems. Thailand and UNHCR have been enjoying close cooperation for 30
years,  on the provision of humanitarian assistance to the refugees as
well as the efforts to help finding solution to their  problems, and the
role of Thailand on these matters have been widely acknowledged and
praised by the international  community.
During this trip, apart from the visit to the Foreign Ministry, Mr.
Guterres also called on Prime Minister Thaksin,  DPM Surakiart and
Chidchai, the Minister of Interior, the Minister of Education, and the
Secretary-General of the  Na-tional Security Council of Thailand. On 29
August, he also went to Ratchaburi province to visit the temporary shelter
  area for migrants from Myanmar, accompanied by Ms. Ellen Sauerbrey, US
Assistant Secretary of State in charge of the  State Department's Bureau
of Population, Refugees and Migration.

_____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

September 1, Deutsche Presse-Agentur
EU hangs tough on misbehaving Myanmar - Peter Janssen

If the European Union may be faulted for downplaying human rights issues
in its diplomatic relations with economically booming China, the grouping
has certainly been consistent to its democratic ideals in dealing with
Myanmar.

Both Myanmar and China are run by one-party regimes. Both countries
brutally cracked down on pro-democracy movements in the late 1980s -
Myanmar crushed anti-military protests in September, 1988, leaving
hundreds dead, while China had its similar Tiananmen incident in 1989.
Both countries have also opened their economics up to foreign investment
and trade after years of socialism.

Thereafter the similarities start to peel away.

While China has transformed itself over the past decade-and-a-half into
the world's fastest growing economy, improved the livelihoods of millions
of its people and won itself diplomatic clout on the world stage, Myanmar
has remained an economic backwater and political pariah, condemned by the
international community for its ongoing human rights abuses, and has
become as increasing embarrassment to its Asian neighbours.

With less to lose, Western democracies have been truer to their ideals on
human rights and political freedoms in their foreign policy dealings with
Myanmar than with China.

Multilateral organizations such as the World Bank, IMF and Asian
Development Bank (ADB) ended their aid to Myanmar in the wake of the 1988
crackdown. All bilateral assistance to Myanmar from Western democracies
also dried up that year.

Although the EU has not prohibited its private sector from investing in
Myanmar, as the US did in the early 1990s, it has slapped political
sanctions on the country, denying its military leaders visas to visit
Europe and banning foreign investments with any Myanmar state enterprises.

Even so, European investment in Myanmar has been minimal, in keeping with
the general trend away from South-East Asia.

"Myanmar is off the radar screen," said Stefan Buerkle, business economics
chief at the German-Thai Chamber of Commerce in Bangkok. "If German
companies invest at all its mostly in Eastern Europe and in Asia it's
China, China, China. The second hype now coming up is India."

The EU's "common position" on Myanmar is that sanctions will stay in place
until there is significant progress on the country's political front,
specifically in terms of taking steps towards introducing political
reforms and freeing opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, a democracy icon
of Nelson Mandela proportions in Western democracies who has been under
house arrest for 11 of the past 16 years.

Why is there no similar EU pressure on China? One obvious reason is the
draw of the Chinese economy, but there are also political factors.

"There are in Europe many strong lobby groups working on Myanmar, and our
politicians and policy makers have to take into consideration what these
people are saying, but I'm not sure there are similar lobbies on China.
It's bizarre," said Jean Francois Cautain, political counsellor for the
European Commission in Bangkok, which oversees Myanmar.

A second point, noted Cautain, is that while the EU has made progress in
at least discussing sensitive issues such as human rights with China, and
other one-party states in Asia such as Laos and Vietnam, no similar
progress has been visible in Myanmar.

One reason, of course, is because the EU has pretty much severed all
political contacts with the regime over the years and has few bargaining
chips left to play, diplomatic sources note.

Then too, Myanmar's military regime has been remarkably good at cutting
itself off from diplomatic contacts. It's decision last year to move its
capital from Yangon to Pyinmana, in the middle of nowhere, is a good
example.

Even Myanmar's partners in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN) have grown increasingly frustrated with the ruling junta's failure
to make political progress.

While the EU and US were initially outraged by ASEAN's decision to accept
Myanmar as a member in 1997, they have learned to live with it.

"I think we've overcome that now," Cautain said. "We know that Myanmar is
part of ASEAN and we know that some of our ASEAN partners are not really
happy with the situation there."

One flaw with the EU's current policy towards Myanmar is that, having
severed all aid and curtailed diplomatic ties, it has few bargaining chips
with which to pressure the ruling regime, European sources admit.
Furthermore, there are grounds for arguing the greatest victims of the
effort to isolate Myanmar economically are the Myanmar people themselves.

In an effort to address that latter criticism, the EU earlier this year
opened an office in Yangon to handle humanitarian assistance to the
populace and will next month announce its participation in a "Three-D"
programme to tackle the countries three main diseases malaria, HIV/AIDS
and tuberculosis.

_____________________________________

September 1, Irrawaddy
Suu Kyi losing her power, says Forbes

The head of the Burmese Army, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, has reportedly banned the
mention of her name in his presence, and she is considered such a threat
that his government has detained her for more than a decade. But in the
latest “World’s 100 Most Powerful Women” survey by Forbes magazine, Aung
San Suu Kyi has slipped from 15th to 37th place. The Burmese democracy
icon’s drop by 25 places in the annual survey now puts her directly behind
Britain’s Queen Elizabeth II and four places behind the US First Lady
Laura Bush. US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice sees her meteoric rise
to power checked by the emergence of Germany’s first female Chancellor,
Andrea Merkel, who takes the top spot. At number two, Rice remains ahead
of Asia’s highest placed woman, China’s Vice Premier Wu Yi, who slipped to
third. The survey—which is decided on press citations and economic
impact—is once again dominated by women from the US, but Forbes notes that
Indian businesswomen are likely to make a big impact in the future.

_____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

August 30, The Washington Times
The crisis that is Burma - Michael Schiffer

Iran, Lebanon and North Korea may top the list of daunting challenges
facing the international community, but the U.N. Security Council should
make room on its agenda for one additional problem that warrants immediate
attention: Burma.

Although Burma may appear to lack some of the urgency of other global
hotspots, the ugly record of Burma's ruling military junta, the State
Peace and Development Council (SPDC), and the toxic mix of traditional and
non-traditional security challenges it has created embody the complexity
of the security challenges of the 21st century.

Burma represents a key test of international cooperation, and how the U.N.
responds to the challenge is a critical question for the international
community.

The rap sheet on Burma's ruling generals is long: grave human rights
violations, failure to make progress toward national reconciliation and
unwillingness to implement the recommendations of the U.N.
secretary-general.

Despite the regime's many promises to institute democratic reforms,
political repression in recent years has only gotten worse. Nobel Peace
Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest, despite the
juntas multiple promises to release her, and hundreds of opposition party
leaders are still in jail.

The military junta has also stepped up its attacks and repression of
civilians, and in particular its violent oppression of the Karen ethnic
minority. The systematic destruction of villages, killings, and rapes has
forced tens of thousands of people to flee their homes into the jungle.
With over half a million total IDPs, these refugee flows are creating a
significant destabilizing pressure on Burma's borders, and its border with
Thailand in particular.

Indeed, with well over a hundred thousand refugees living at the border in
camps, the spillover effect of the humanitarian crisis engineered by the
SPDC has created deep and systemic instability across the region. In
recent years Burma's neighbors have come to recognize the nature of the
threat posed by the SPDC. As the regime's depredations have worsened,
ASEAN in turn has started to back away from its earlier stance of
engagement with Burma.

The problems created by the SPDC for the region (and indeed the globe),
however, are not just those related to the refugees or human rights
violations. Because the regime has effectively destroyed Burma's ability
to provide such basic services as health care to its people, for example,
Burma now functions as a disease vector for Southeast Asia, including
malaria, TB and HIV/AIDS -- epidemics whose ill-effects place Burma's
neighbors at grave risk. Yunnan province in southern China, for instance,
has witnessed a spike in HIV rates, attributed in large part to spillover
from Burma.

Burma also remains one of the world's top producers of heroin and
amphetamines. Having effectively destroyed Burma's economic well-being --
a further source of instability in the region drug production and
narcotrafficking are central to the survival of the regime, which preys on
its neighbors and indeed the entire global community.

Given these developments, U.N. Security Council members must recognize
that Burma is what a 21st century security threat looks like, and build on
the council's recent history of taking action on nontraditional threats to
peace and security: In Sierra Leone, the U.N. took action when the
country's democratically elected government was overthrown. It acted in
Cambodia when fighting among factions created instability, in Yemen and
Haiti when there were gross human rights violations; in Rwanda when
refugee outflows threatened regional stability, and in Afghanistan to
counter the international threat from drug trafficking.

Burma, tragically, meets the threshold for action on every one of these
issues.

To address the very real and pressing threat to regional and international
peace posed by Burma, the Security Council should take immediate action to
adopt a resolution to:  • Urge the SPDC to end its attacks on ethnic
minorities;

• Release Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners immediately
and unconditionally;
• Call on the SPDC to allow for the transparency and accountability that
is necessary for international humanitarian assistance to reach those most
in need;
• Call on the SPDC to work with the secretary-general to implement a plan
for national reconciliation, restore democracy, and respect the results of
the 1990 elections; and
• Mandate that the secretary-general report back to the Security Council
on a regular basis.

While the regime in Burma may not be hard at work on nuclear weapons -- at
least as far as we know and the bloodshed inside Burma has not yet spilled
over its borders, it is clear that Burma merits immediate attention from
the global community.

Indeed, integrating those states unwilling to join the international
system, seek to undermine globally accepted norms of behavior, and thwart
international institutions is one of the premier challenges of the 21st
century.In the long run, the way to assure international peace and
security will be through capable global mechanisms and institutions that
can act in anticipation to integrate non- or poorly integrated states into
the international system -- with the respect for human rights and civil
and political freedoms that follow.

Action by the Security Council is critical to show that the international
community is serious about seeking the integration of Burma -- but that
the regime must take seriously the obligations incumbent upon it if it is
to join the international community, too.

Michael Schiffer is a program officer at the Stanley Foundation.