BurmaNet News, September 22, 2006

[Editor]

September 22, 2006 Issue # 3051


INSIDE BURMA
Irrawaddy: Burma’s top brass reportedly reduce military role
Xinhua: Myanmar denies military shake-up
DVB: Witnesses of the case against NLD Myint Tun refuse to say the truth -
lawyer

ON THE BORDER
Economist: A burden but also a boon; South-East Asia's refugees
SHAN: Easy to close border, difficult to open

BUSINESS / TRADE
Narinjara: Bangladesh to participate in 5-nation trade exhibition in Burma

REGIONAL
Irrawaddy: Coup leaders tighten grip
Mizzima: Impact of Thai coup on Burmese dissidents
Mizzima: Burma's Maung Aye to visit Thailand

INTERNATIONAL
Irrawaddy: Rights council to tackle Suu Kyi petition in December

OPINION / OTHER
Kanglaonline.com: Winds of Change: Can New Delhi trust Burmese Juntas? -
Oken Jeet Sandham

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

September 22, Irrawaddy
Burma’s top brass reportedly reduce military role

Reports have emerged, following Burma’s quarterly military meeting in
Naypyidaw, suggesting that the country’s top military leaders have stepped
down from their military positions.

Junta supremo Snr-Gen Than Shwe, who currently serves as
Commander-in-Chief of the Burmese armed forces, and his deputy, army chief
Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye, are said to have been replaced by Gen Thura Shwe
Mann, currently army chief-of-staff, and former military commander Maj-Gen
Thura Myint Aung, Agence France Presse reported on Friday. Shwe Mann is
known to have been loyal to Than Shwe and has been considered a possible
successor of Than Shwe.

Several others, including powerful military commanders, were also believed
to have been repositioned. “No one knows for sure, but [these changes are]
very likely, and this quarterly meeting appears to be a crucial one,” said
Htay Aung, a Burmese researcher for the exiled Network for Democracy and
Development.

The junta is rumored to have been considering renaming the current State
Peace and Development Council with a more political title that includes
the word “democracy,” sources say. Burma’s military rulers changed its
current name in 1997 from the State Law and Order Restoration Council.

Critics of Burma’s military government suspect that the reported shift in
military leadership may follow.

Critics suspect that the likely move is adaptation of party and army
coordinated Chinese-model and the junta-affiliated Union Solidarity and
Development Association may play a role in the changes.

The regime has claimed to be committed to democratic reform by
implementing its seven-point road map—the first step of which is the
National Convention, tasked with drafting a new constitution.

Members of the international community, particularly the UN, have been
critical of the junta’s claim, as the assembly lacks support by Burma’s
ethnic opposition groups. The latest convening of the National Convention
is scheduled for October 10.

____________________________________

September 22, Xinhua General News Service
Myanmar denies military shake-up

Yangon: A Myanmar military sources denied Friday night that there has been
high-level shake-up in the military, saying that the was no change with
the military posts of the present state leaders.

Some media reports and rumors said earlier on Friday that the military had
undergone a major change with Chairman of the ruling Myanmar State Peace
and Development Council (SPDC) Senior-General Than Shwe, 74, who is also
Commander-in-Chief of the Defense  Services, having handed over his
military post to General Shwe  Mann, who is a SPDC member and Chief of
General Staff ranking the  third most powerful in the military, while
retaining the head of  state.

The rumors also said Vice-Chairman of the SPDC Vice Senior- General Maung
Aye, 68, who is also Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Defense Services and
Commander-in-Chief of the Army, has also transferred his military power to
Commander of Southwestern Command Major-General Myint Aung, while
remaining as deputy head of state.

____________________________________

September 20, Democratic Voice of Burma
Witnesses of the case against NLD Myint Tun refuse to say the truth - lawyer

Witnesses of the manslaughter case against Rangoon Shwe Pyithar Township
National League for Democracy (NLD) member Myint Tun refused to tell the
truth at the court today, according to Myint Tun lawyer Myint Thaung.

The case was prompted by the death of a man named Ya Soe Myint, in July,
who trod on a live broken electric wire belonging to a businessman and a
friend of the local authorities, who was sourcing electricity illegally.
The authorities then allegedly cut off the electric line connected to the
home of Myint Tun and put all the blames on him.

Myint Tun, an active NLD member was arrested and indicted under Criminal
Act – 337 and Criminal Act 304/a for being ‘reckless’. But Myint Tun’s
wife Nang Ohn Nwe (a.k.a.) Shan Ma who was at home on the night the
accident occurred, insisted that the accident occurred at around 9.30pm
and the electricity supply to her house was not interrupted until the line
was cut off deliberately at around 10.45pm when the victim was already
dead and taken to the hospital.

Myint Tun is being detained at the notorious Rangoon Insein Jail and the
authorities have been pressurising eyewitnesses who know what really had
happened.

Apart from the second in command of the local police station, Zaw Tin,
other witnesses, Hlawkar local authority member Kani, local ward authority
chairman Tun Tin and Dr. Thi Thi Thein appeared at Shwe Pyitahr Township
court today and let themselves be cross-examined. But none of the
witnesses told the truth, insisted Myint Thaung.

The trial is to resume on 26 September.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

September 23, The Economist
A burden but also a boon; South-East Asia's refugees

Thailand wonders what to do with the millions who have fled there

Nestling on a hillside in the lush forests of northern Thailand, Mae La
refugee camp's neatly thatched rows of bamboo huts make it look rather
charming. While children frolic on the muddy streets, women sit at
handlooms, weaving cloth for sarongs. The camp has fresh water from
standpipes, a clinic and even some small shops. Aid-workers bring in food
and medical supplies. Conditions are far better than in, say, the refugee
camps of Darfur.

Yet Mae La is a prison for the 50,000 Burmese crammed into it. They are
among the 163,000 or so stuck in camps along Thailand's western border.
All have fled from war, repression and poverty in the neighbouring country
they call Burma but which the generals who brutally misrule it have
renamed Myanmar. Though they are treated well in the camps, they are
forbidden to leave. Those who sneak out seeking work risk being sent to
Myanmar.

Most refugees at Mae La belong to the Karen ethnic group, whose homeland
spans the border between Thailand and Myanmar. They have been arriving
since 1984, when Myanmar's troops, drawn mainly from the country's
dominant Burman ethnic group, first broke through the defences of the
Karen's separatist army. Whereas the regime has beaten other rebellious
minorities into signing "ceasefires", the Karen fight on. Almost every dry
season brings a fresh assault by the regime on their remaining turf,
triggering a fresh flood of refugees. New arrivals are still trickling
into the Thai camps following the latest such attack, earlier this year.

One fugitive Karen says she was a teenager when her family was among the
first to arrive in Mae La, in 1984. Now a mother of five who works in the
camp's clinic, she sees little prospect of going back. She would like to
stay and work in Thailand. Others in the camp dream of being resettled in
Australia, America or another rich country an option now being opened up
to them, following a change of policy by the Thai government. Resettlement
is great for some, but it robs the refugee community of its most skilled
and articulate members. There has been a heated debate at the camp over
whether to accept Australia's offer to take some of its members.

Until this year the Thai authorities only allowed small numbers of
refugees to be resettled in other countries. They feared that large-scale
resettlement would encourage even greater numbers to come across the
border. This, after all, is what happened in the 1970s when America
resettled many refugees who had come to Thailand to escape the Vietnam
war.

Now resettlement is being granted to all those in the camps who can find a
country to take them. America took its first batch, from the crowded Tham
Hin camp, last month. Perhaps 10,000 more will go next year, as the
resettlement schemes get into full swing, reckons the boss of a charity in
the camps. But, with no end in sight to the Burmese regime's attacks on
the Karen and other minorities, he says their places are likely to be
taken by fresh arrivals. On September 15th America succeeded in getting
Myanmar's troubles put on the agenda of the UN Security Council. But with
China and Russia opposed even to discussing it, the chances of making the
regime mend its ways are slim.

Those huddled in the refugee camps are only the visible tip of the
iceberg. Far larger numbers of Burmese, and those fleeing poverty and
oppression in Laos and Cambodia, live illegally all over Thailand. The
government has wavered between sending them back and letting them stay. In
2004 it offered a temporary permit to any migrant from those countries who
applied for it. Around 1.3m did so but officials concede the true number
of migrants in Thailand may be over 2m. About half of those registered in
2004 have failed to renew their permits.

Meanwhile Thailand's government briefly thought that a deal was possible
with Myanmar's junta, in which the refugees and other migrants could be
sent back under United Nations protection. The government and the UN High
Commissioner for Refugees were well advanced on a sweeping repatriation
plan when, in October 2004, the Burmese general they had been dealing
with, Khin Nyunt, was deposed as prime minister by more hardline generals.
This dashed hopes for any sort of deal with the regime.

Now Thailand's authorities accept that they are stuck with the migrant
problem, admits Dusit Manapan, a senior official in the Thai foreign
ministry. So, cautiously, they are edging towards long-term solutions.
Those in the camps who are not resettled in rich countries will be offered
identity cards, a first step towards letting them seek work. Meanwhile the
government is hoping to persuade Thai manufacturers such as shoemakers to
set up workshops in the camps. The education ministry wants to improve the
limited schooling refugee children get, in particular teaching them to
speak Thai. In the past year agreements have been reached with Myanmar,
Cambodia and Laos to try to regularise the flow of migrants coming purely
for economic reasons. Thailand will tell them how many guest workers it
wants each year; the three neighbouring countries will then grant special
passports to that number. It is unclear what difference this scheme will
make.

Yet the Thai government's recent moves suggest at least that it realises
that refugees and migrants can be a boon as well as a burden. As Thailand
becomes more prosperous, it is getting harder to fill dirty, low-paid and
risky jobs. Such work may be better than anything the visitors can find
back home.

____________________________________

September 22, Shan Herald Agency for News
Easy to close border, difficult to open

Closing the border with Burma is easier than reopening it, according to a
26-year old resident of Tachilek, following the abrupt shut down imposed
by the Thai military which took over the reins of the country on Tuesday,
September 19.

"A lot of time, patience and money are needed to cajole the Burmese
generals into agreeing to reopen it," said the businessman who asked not
to be named, "no matter who closes it first."

The order to seal the border was issued to prevent key members of the
deposed Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's government from fleeing across
the border, according to two senior Burma watchers. "A precedent has long
been set," said one.

General Sant Jitpatima, who had staged the abortive April Fool's Day coup
in 1981, took flight into Burma and stayed there until June 20, 1981,
according to 'Thai-Burma Relations,' a high school reader published by the
education ministry in 2001, in the aftermath of the military confrontation
between the two countries in February that year.

Former natural resources minister Yongyuth Tiyapairat, whose home is in
Chiangrai, opposite Tachilek, and was one of Thaksin's top aides,
surrendered to coup authorities yesterday.

The closure has not only affected the key border points in Maesai, Maesod,
Three Pagodas and Ranong, but also smaller ones in Maehongson province:
Huey Pheung, Nampiangdin, Huey Ton Noon and Saohin that had enjoyed a
short-lived boom following stiff restrictions put in place by Burmese
authorities on Thai goods in July.

"Let's hope we have an interim government installed as soon as possible,"
sighed a Thai businessman in Maesai.

Gen Sondhi Boonyaratglin, leader of the coup, has promised to appoint a
government in two weeks.

_____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

September 22, Narinjara News
Bangladesh to participate in 5-nation trade exhibition in Burma

Burma's neighbor, Bangladesh, will participate in a five-nation trade
exhibition in Burma that will run from December 21 to 23, said a report of
a Burmese weekly journal in this week's issue.

However, this particular trade exhibition will be moved from Rangoon to
the border area of Burma and China, where it will be held in the
newly-established Muse 105th Mile Border Trade Zone, linking China's
Ruili.

It is the first time Burma will hold a trade exhibition with neighbors in
the area.

Burma's neighbors Bangladesh, Thailand, India, and China will participate
in the trade fair, which will be comprised of 336 booths set upon a 1.2
hectare plot of land.

Since 2001, the Burma-China border trade exhibitions have been held
alternately in Muse and Ruili, with the last even being held in Burma's
Muse in December 2004.

Burma currently has two trade zones that have recently been opened by the
Burmese military government, one in Muse bordering with China, and another
in the border town Myawaddy near Thailand.  Burma has a total of 13 main
border trade points with its four neighboring countries.

Burma is now arranging to open another similar trade zone in Maungdaw,
Arakan State, to promote border trade with Bangladesh and Tamu in India.

According to Bangladesh custom statistics, Bangladesh's imports from Burma
in the border trade had a deficit of around 1.34 billion taka in the
financial year 2005-2006, while Bangladesh's exports to Burma only amount
to around 20 million taka.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

September 22, Irrawaddy
Coup leaders tighten grip - Dan Smith

Thailand’s coup leaders on Friday pursued their search for a civilian to
take over as interim prime minister and consolidated their control, while
the rest of the country eased back to business-as-usual.

Several prominent Thaksin supporters have been detained by the
military-led Council for Democratic Reform under Constitutional Monarchy
as Bangkok braced for the first protest demonstration by critics of their
intervention.

Soon after the army seizure of power, army commander Gen Sonthi
Boonyaratglin pledged to hand power back to a civilian government within
two weeks and to hold new elections in October 2007. In line with those
commitments, the CDRM is already in the process of contacting potential
candidates for the prime minister’s job.

Candidates reportedly include the president of Thailand’s Supreme Court,
Ackaratorn Chularat, and Supachai Panitchpakdi, a former Democrat Party MP
and respected economist who now serves as Secretary General of the UN
Conference of Trade and Development.

Another prominent figure identified as a candidate is Thailand’s central
bank governor, Pridiyathorn Devakul, but some unconfirmed reports
suggested he had already declined.

The military must hope the creation of a civilian cabinet will help to
deflect criticism of the military coup from Western governments, including
the US and Australia. US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia,
Christopher Hill, speaking in New York on Wednesday, called the coup a
“step backward for Thai democracy” and said that the US was reviewing its
aid to Thailand, normally considered a close ally.

Analysts say any such cuts would have symbolic rather than financial
significance, affecting only aid of up to $14 million of US assistance
under the Foreign Operations Assistance Act in fiscal 2006—a year that
expires in a few days.

Thailand's neighbors also view the coup with considerable concern. A
senior Asean diplomat commented that “this represents reversion to a
pattern deeply embedded in Thailand's political DNA. It will set back
Thailand many years. The real tragedy is that the Bangkok elite do not
realize this and seem to be congratulating themselves over getting rid of
a legitimately elected leader.”

The diplomat added: “Yes, Thaksin was arrogant. But he wanted to change
Thailand, and Thailand needs to be changed to meet 21st Century
challenges. This was his real sin in the eyes of the Bangkok elite."

However, after three days of calm in Thailand, in which the overthrow of
Thaksin has been received mainly with public expressions of relief, if not
outright enthusiasm, military leaders on Friday faced their first public
shows of opposition, led by the so-called “19 September Network against
Coup d’Etat.”

The group includes pro-democracy academics and social activists, who
called for a rally on Friday evening in defiance of orders issued by the
military banning gatherings of more than five people.

The Campaign for Popular Media Reform, which came under heavy pressure
from Thaksin’s government for its criticism of his rule, also issued a
statement saying it “sincerely regrets the military coup and the abolition
of the 1997 constitution” and expressing concern over media controls
imposed by coup leaders.

The measures, which have included stationing armed troops at television
newsrooms and controls on broadcasting news “deemed harmful” to the
military’s plans, mark continuing uneasiness about the possibility of a
counter-coup or mass challenge to the army takeover by Thaksin loyalists
in the armed forces and the general public.

Army checkpoints have ringed Bangkok since the takeover to prevent any
attempt to move crowds of Thaksin supporters into the capital from rural
provinces where his populist, pro-poor agenda won him mass support. The
army has also taken several prominent politicians linked to Thaksin into
custody.

Former minister Newin Chidchob, one of Thaksin’s inner circle of aides and
believed to have been linked to efforts to mobilize support for the prime
minister before the coup, surrendered to the army on Wednesday. Natural
Resources Minister Yongyuth Tiyapairat, another staunch Thaksin defender
also surrendered himself into military custody on Thursday.

Deputy Prime Minister Chidchai Wanasathit, in charge of the government in
Thaksin’s absence, and Prommin Lertsuridej, one of his closest policy
advisers and strategists, were detained shortly after the coup.

Diplomats in Bangkok say no evidence has yet emerged of concerted military
activity aimed against the coup but caution it may be premature to rule
out the possibility.

____________________________________

September 21, Mizzima News
Impact of Thai coup on Burmese dissidents - Mungpi

Global action to protest the Thai government's construction of dams on
Salween River in Burma was put on hold by campaigners and activists today,
given the restrictions imposed by Thailand's new military rulers.

In the wake of the military take over power on Tuesday, coup leaders
imposed martial law through out Thailand which restricts the gathering of
more than five people.

"We definitely cannot carry out the Bangkok action due to the situation
here. We have decided that it is in our best interests to also postpone
the GDA in countries worldwide as well," said the organizers of the Global
Day of Action against Salween Dam in a statement released on Wednesday.

Rights activists, campaigners and environmental conservationists across
the world had planned to stage a massive demonstration in front of Thai
embassies and consulates as well as conduct a press conference in Bangkok
on September 21, to demand that the Thai government stop its plan to build
five dams on the Salween River.

However, the political turmoil in Bangkok led to an abrupt cancellation.

"We will be having the GDA in the near future," the statement said but it
does not mention the new date.

While Thai citizens, loyal to the king, widely welcomed the coup led by
Army Commander-in-Chief General Sondhi Boonyaratkalin, there is mixed
reaction among Burmese dissidents and organizations based in Thailand over
the possible imposition of restrictions on their movement and crackdown on
democratic forces.

The Naga National League for Democracy today warned Burmese dissident
groups based in Thailand to be cautious of their movement in the light of
a possible joint crackdown by the Thai Army and the Burmese Army.

The NNLD, an ethnic Naga political organization based on the Indo-Burmese
border, in a statement expressed strong suspicion of the Burmese junta's
involvement in the military coup in Thailand, which took place a week
after Gen. Sondhi met Burmese military supremo, Than Shwe, in the new
capital of Naypyidaw in central Burma.

However, other Burmese activists as well as a few ethnic armed rebel
groups such as the Shan State Army (South) dismissed such a possibility,
claiming that the coup was an internal affair of Thailand.

U Win Min, a Burmese political analyst based in Thailand said while the
political changes in Thailand will not have a direct affect on Burmese
activists and their activities, however, the coup leaders currently
in-charge of the government, may be a little reluctant to support the
Burmese democracy movement.

"Apart from the order not to hold gatherings of more than five people, I
don't think there will be any restriction on Burmese dissidents and
activists. And so far everything remains the same here [in Thailand]," U
Win Min told Mizzima.

He also hoped that the new government, to be installed within a year as
promised by the coup leaders, might be more democratic and might like to
see Burma moving ahead with democratization.

Gen. Sondhi on Wednesday said he will take charge of the premiership for
two weeks and hand over charge to a competent, neutral and democratic
civilian to be chosen by the "Administrative Reform Council" – formed by
coup leaders.

Following the coup, Thailand shut-down all border points, freezing border
trade with neighboring countries including Burma, and replaced police and
security personnel with troops. Reports suggest that Thailand had
increased the number of troops deployed on the border with Burma.

While a few speculate this move as a possible threat to Burmese insurgents
operating in the border region, the Shan State Army (South), the largest
remaining Shan rebel group in eastern Burma, said they feel no sign of
threat or see any major changes in their area of operation.

Hnam Khur Hsen, spokeswoman of the SSA (S) said, "We do not see any such
move [deployment of more troops] and even if there are we don't know. But
as far as we are concerned we feel no threat, and we feel perfectly safe."

"Even if it is true [that more troops are deployed], it is natural because
with the change of regime the government wants to protect its borders,"
she added.

The Karen National Union, Burma's largest insurgent group based in
Thai-Burmese border, said the situation in their region of operation
remain perfectly the same.

_____________________________________

September 22, Mizzima News
Burma's Maung Aye to visit Thailand

The Burmese military junta's second most powerful man, General Maung Aye
will visit Thailand soon, according to a reliable source.

While the reason for the visit is still unclear, Maung Aye would be the
first foreign state official to visit Thailand after a bloodless military
coup in Bangkok on Tuesday.

Earlier this month, Thailand's Army Commander-in-Chief General Sondhi
Boonyarataglin, who spearheaded the coup on Tuesday, made a three-days,
September 11 and 13, visit to Burma's new capital Naypyidaw and met junta
strongmen Generals Than Shwe and Maung Aye.

Maung Aye, who is also the vice chairman of the State Peace and
Development Council and Army Commander-in-Chief of Burma, last visited
Thailand in April 2002.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

September 22, Irrawaddy
Rights council to tackle Suu Kyi petition in December - Clive Parker

The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, an organ of the Human Rights
Council, will address Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s
detention during its next session in December, sources close to the case
say.

A petition was filed on behalf of an unidentified relative of the National
League for Democracy leader in June, the first such case received by the
new Human Rights Council in Geneva. The Working Group then sent an
official letter to the Burmese government on July 10 asking for its
response, which it received on Wednesday.

The Burmese government’s reply on the question of Suu Kyi’s
detention—which has now lasted more than three years—is considered
confidential by the Council and has not been made public. In the past, the
Burmese government has defended the move by saying her detention falls
under Section 10 (b) of the Law Safeguarding the State from the Danger of
Destructive Elements, which allows for detention without trial for up to
five years. Her continued detention must be renewed every year.

By the time the Human Rights Council makes a judgment on the case, Suu Kyi
will have spent three and a half years in detention, mostly at her home in
Rangoon. Jared Genser, the US lawyer that filed the petition, says he is
confident that the 5-member Working Group will rule in Suu Kyi’s favor. “I
hope that
 they will reaffirm that her extended house arrest is a clear
violation of international law,” Genser said.

In the meantime, the Human Rights Council will address Burma during its
current session next Friday when Sergio Pinheiro, the special rapporteur
on the situation of human rights in Burma, submits his country report, to
be followed by a response by the Burmese ambassador to the UN in Geneva,
Nyunt Maung Shein.

The US has recently criticized the Council for failing to deal with what
it considers the most pressing human rights cases, including Burma. While
the US has itself come under scrutiny since the current session began on
September 18 regarding the Guantanamo Bay detention facility, Burma has
not yet been mentioned, according to official press releases from Geneva
this week that run to more than 60,000 words.

A discussion on Burma is expected between September 27—when Pinheiro
submits his report—and the end of this session of the Human Rights Council
on October 6.

_____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

September 22, Kanglaonline.com
Winds of Change :Can New Delhi trust Burmese Juntas? - Oken Jeet Sandham

India and Burma have completely different political ideologies. The former
is ruled by democracy while the latter by military. Since Indian attained
her independence in 1947, there had been no major political crises except
a State of Emergency declared during Indira Gandhi regime in 1975. The
people of this country had sharply reacted against the act which in fact
led her party to face unprecedented electoral debacle in the coming
general election. On the other hand, Myanmar has been experiencing the
military dictatorship that has earned dubious distinction for rejecting
the democratically elected leaders to run the Government and for keeping
the country`s democratic icon, Aung San Su Kyi, under house arrest till
today. But the world communities were taken aback when India decided to
work with the military regime.

The amount of suffer the people of northeast, however, have due to the
cross-border militancy and drug trafficking is enormous. And it is so
complicated that New Delhi simply cannot tackle without the assistance of
her counterpart. The northeast states are sharing 1643 kilometer-long
borders with military-ruled Myanmar and over 95 per cent of area is
covered with dense forest and rivers, giving safe haven for those
cross-border militants and drug smugglers.

Of late, there has been mounting pressure from New Delhi to the Burmese
military ruler to crack down the northeast militant camps in its soil. For
quite some time, New Delhi was unhappy the manner in which Yangon allowed
northeast insurgents to use its soil to launch anti-India activities,
while realizing that its isolation of Yangon also created huge diplomatic
vacuum which was being filled by China. That has become a disadvantageous
for New Delhi .

Over the years, New Delhi changed its policy towards Yangon and started
investing millions of dollars for various developments like road
construction and even for Kachin region. Reciprocating such gestures,
Yangon cracked down northeast militants including NSCN (K). In the last 7
years or so, Myanmar juntas had launched intermittent operations against
the northeast insurgents staying in their soil.

But how far the military regime can be trusted to be partners in their
fight against these two most important issues---the cross-border militancy
and drug trafficking. Because there are allegations that Myanmar army
personnel have been involved in running the drug manufacturing and trading
in connivance with the drug lords. According to papers presented by the
international resource persons during an Asian Media Meet in Delhi , the
Myanmar army has provided poppy seeds and loans to the farmers with the
permission to grow them. The Military regime has even ordered militia to
collect opium tax for battalion and also authorizing them as official drug
buying agents.

There have also been reports that Myanmar army has nexus with the
insurgents and even released cadres of the northeast militants after
receiving a huge bribe.

In the backdrop of this, it is difficult to imagine how the armies of the
two countries having sharp differences in the command, functioning and
system will be able to jointly address the issues. Where is the logic that
the Indian army can work with the cooperation with their counterpart who
is creators of the problems? At the same time, we should not expect that
Myanmar could do Bhutan way. The country is too big to dance in New Delhi
`s tune.

New Delhi should rather work hard to develop a roadmap of democracy for
Myanmar , no matter how long it takes. The world leaders have confidence
that India can do a lot for restoring democracy in the military-ruled
nation. Once the democracy is restored, the country will shine and bring
major changes in the whole of Asia, while India `s major problem will also
be solved.