BurmaNet News, February 9, 2007

[Editor]

February 9, 2007 Issue # 3139


INSIDE BURMA
Irrawaddy: Burmese open their hearts
Irrawaddy: Breakaway group leaves KNU-controlled area
Xinhua: Some political forces in Myanmar hold first summit
Khonumthung: Junta decides to pay salaries to woo people in Chin State

REGIONAL
Irrawaddy: Learning to live with the neighbors
Japan Economic Newswire: Myanmar activist granted special permission to
remain in Japan

INTERNATIONAL
DVB: Burma receives part of UN emergency fund
Irrawaddy: Publish and be damned?

OPINION
International Herald Tribune: A two-edged weapon

PRESS RELEASE
Government of Canada: Canada to welcome 2,000 more Karen refugees

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

February 9, Irrawaddy
Burmese open their hearts - Shah Paung

The Open Heart campaign launched in Burma in early January by a
pro-democracy group has started to gain momentum, according to members.

The 88 Generation Students group initiated the campaign on January 4 by
calling on Burmese to write letters describing their dissatisfaction with
the social and political situation in the country.

Min Ko Naing, the leader of the group, says it has already received more
than 8,000 letters from monks, retired government officials, students and
others.

Many of the letters openly criticize the economic, political and social
mismanagement of the country by its military leaders, particularly
inadequate salaries and pensions.

Min Ko Naing read selections from the letters to The Irrawaddy by phone
from his home in Rangoon. One letter from a former civil servant
complained that retired officials who live in rural Burma spend much of
their pensions on transportation costs to and from city banks where they
are required to pick up the funds, according to the group.

“The pension I receive now is not even enough for a meal,” the civil
servant continued. “We have fulfilled our duty for our country, but the
government failed to take responsibility for us.”

Some letters were addressed directly to junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe and
included the names and addresses of the authors.

Others were believed to have been written by monks and urge Than Shwe to
address the country’s problems immediately. “Life is not permanent,” one
such letter reads. “Do not think it is permanent. Take reform while you
have authority and power.”

Rising commodity prices led one monk to write that he no longer wants to
receive alms from people, as the prices for ordinary staple goods have
skyrocketed in recent months.

The letters give voice to many common complaints in Burma: political
repression, government corruption, limited educational opportunities, poor
healthcare and abuse of rural villagers by the military. One letter about
the frequent electricity blackouts contained traces of candle wax.

One letter obtained by The Irrawaddy was written by a student who
complained about donations collected by university officials. “Some
students face many problems because they have no money,” the letter said.
“They [female students] have to think about whether to sell their bodies
to continue their studies or just return home.” The letter also contained
an appeal to the military to show compassion toward students and think of
them as they would their own children.

One of the letters received by the group and believed to be sent by a
young girl living with her grandmother contained only a list of daily
expenditures. The list showed expenses of 600 kyat (47 US cents) per day
but a daily income of only 400 kyat (31 cents).

Local officials have become alarmed by the letters, according to Min Ko
Naing, and have tried to pressure people not to submit them, saying that
if they have complaints, the government will solve them.

The 88 Generation Students planned the campaign to coincide with the 59th
anniversary of Burma’s independence from Britain, commemorated on January
4, and set a deadline of one month.

The deadline has since been extended because carriers bringing the letters
to Rangoon have faced security problems. The letters are not sent through
the post office because people fear being arrested if they are intercepted
by government officials.

Official economic statistics and growth figures contrast sharply with
information submitted in many of the Open Heart letters. “In newspapers,
the government claims that national incomes have increased,” said Min Ko
Naing. “But if we compare the young girl’s daily expenditure list, her
account seems more sensible.”

Min Ko Naing, a former student activist who lead a nationwide
pro-democracy uprising in 1988, summed up the purpose and difficulties of
the Open Heart campaign this way: “Burmese people have a right to tell the
truth, but it will be hard for people [to exercise that right], as they
have lived under military rule for so many years.”

____________________________________

February 9, Irrawaddy
Breakaway group leaves KNU-controlled area

The former commander of the breakaway 7th Brigade of the Karen National
Union abandoned a KNU-controlled area along the Thai-Burmese border on
Friday, according to reliable sources.

Maj-Gen Htain Maung, who formed a breakaway group called the Karen
National Union/Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council on January 31,
returned with his family and followers to Toh Kaw Koe village, Kawkareik
Township, Karen State.

The source could not give the number of people who accompanied Htain Maung.

Col Myat Htun Oo of Military Affairs Security in the Burmese military
government welcomed Htain Maung and his group in Myawaddy, opposite Mae
Sot in northern Thailand.

The group was then transported to the village in a motorcade of 14 cars,
sources said, and the village will probably become the group's
headquarters. It was not clear if more of Htain Maung's followers would
arrive at a later date.

The general-secretary of the KNU, Mahn Sha, confirmed the return to Burma
of the breakaway group.

Other sources said Burmese authorities may hold a formal celebration to
welcome the group to Toh Kaw Koe village during the weekend.

On January 30, Htain Maung was dismissed as head of 7th Brigade by the KNU
after organizing negotiations with the military government without
approval of the KNU central committee.

____________________________________

February 9, Xinhua General News Service
Some political forces in Myanmar hold first summit

Some political forces in Myanmar comprising some political organizations
and figures held their first summit in a Buddhist monastery here Friday.

Under the name of " First Summit of National Political Forces", the
organizations includes "88-Generation Students (Union of Myanmar)",
Wunthanu NLD-Union of Myanmar and some individual elected parliament
members (in the 1990 election) and national convention delegates.

Of them, the "88-Generation Students" is led by U Aye Lwin who was one of
the former student leaders in 1988 political crisis, while Wunthanu NLD is
a splinter group of the National League for Democracy (NLD), the main
political party in Myanmar.

The summit vowed in its joint statement to prevent and oppose the danger
of betrayal from national affairs and union affairs posed by those claimed
as extreme leftists and rightists and above- ground and underground
destructive elements who hold negative views and lead in instigating
foreign sanctions with the aim of disintegrating the union.

At the summit, Aye Lwin said the country's transition to democracy could
be delayed if anti-government political forces overwhelm and extreme
nationalists exist, adding that those forces who would like to cooperate
with the government should unite in alliance to prompt the transition.

A national convention delegate noted that the constitutional national
convention will decide the future of the state.

The summit was attended by invited official, private and foreign newsmen.

____________________________________

February 9, Khonumthung News
Junta decides to pay salaries to woo people in Chin State

In a bid to run its administrative apparatus smoothly in Chin state the
military regime in Burma has reportedly decided to pay high salaries to
chairmen at the township and village level administration. The idea is
also to woo the people for the upcoming referendum.

The authorities in Chin state will raise salaries of the incumbent headmen
of administrative offices and peg it at between Kyat 30,000 to 50,000,
according to a source in government service in Chin state.

“A large number of people in Chin state are queuing up to apply for
administrative posts after word got around that the salaries will be
raised,” said a source from political circles in Chin state.

Graduates and those who have passed Class X will be given priority as
village administrative heads throughout Chin state.


>From December 1 to 30 last year, military authorities held administrative

training classes for members of the village council in Chin state.

The military government in Burma is likely to appoint presidents and
secretaries of the village council. There will be a change in the
structure of village, block and village group administrative bodies.

Moreover, hand picked village heads will be designated to carry out
political campaigns for a referendum to be held in various areas of Chin
state after drafting of constitution is complete.

The newly elected village heads may have to face punishment if the
campaign for referendum fails.

“From my point of view, it is merely an attempt to persuade the people as
they would like to win the support of the people for the referendum,” said
a source in Chin state on condition of anonymity.

Chin state has a population of 4, 79,950, comprises 1407 villages, 19
quarters and 71,560 households, according to a government report.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

February 9, Irrawaddy
Learning to live with the neighbors - Sai Silp

Burma rolled out the red carpet for Thailand’s visiting supreme commander
Boonsang Niempradit in late January. The Thai general met top leaders of
the Burmese junta, Snr-Gen Than Shwe and his two deputies, Vice Snr-Gen
Maung Aye and the man tipped to become head of the armed forces, Gen Thura
Shwe Mann.

The purpose of Gen Boonsang’s one-day trip was to discuss cooperation on
narcotics issues, according to Thai sources. Thai residents living in
Rangoon might find relations between the two military juntas are returning
to normal in spite of previous hiccups and occasional border conflicts.

Since the September coup that ousted Thailand’s Prime Minister Thaksin
Shinawatra and his government, Burmese generals may feel comfortable that
Thailand now is ruled by a military junta. But ironically, Thaksin was
also accused of forging business ties with the ruling generals in Burma.

So far, there has been no dramatic shift in Thai policy towards Burma,
apart from an assurance from Prime Minister Gen Surayud Chulanont that his
administration would honor the business contracts and deals made by
Thaksin’s government. Nevertheless, the new Thai government is reviewing a
loan to the Burmese government by Thailand’s Exim Bank.

In 2005, the Thaksin cabinet approved many government-to-government
projects with Burma. Thailand became the top investor in Burma in the
fiscal year 2006—$6.03 billion in the energy sector alone out of a total
$6.07 billion, a huge rise from the previous year’s $158.3 million,
according to Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development
statistics.

For Thais living in Burma it’s business as usual. About 500 Thais live in
Rangoon, many of them married to Burmese. Their business interests run
from restaurants to jade trading, from construction to hotel ownership and
management. Thanks to a “constructive engagement” policy with Burma, Thai
business there is expanding.

Thanyaporn Jittrong, who sells automobile spare parts in Rangoon, said
visa regulations that had made trading difficult over the past 10 years
had now been relaxed. Some special tax and investment conditions for
foreign investors had also been eased, she said.

Business people say it’s also easier to travel around the country now,
particularly in Mon State, where foreigners had previously been banned
from entering many areas.

The tourism sector is also steadily becoming more profitable. Nearly
20,000 Thais visited Burma last year, and numbers are expected to increase
following the recent release of an epic trilogy relating a colorful era of
Thai-Burmese relations, reviving the Thai public’s interest in Burma.

Thailand is even making inroads into Burmese cuisine, and Thai restaurants
in Rangoon report good business. “Sabai Sabai” on Dhammazedi Road,
“Pattaya” and “APK” near Bogyoke Aung San market, have been joined by
popular coffee outlets such as Black Canyon in front of the Yangon
International Hotel. There’s also a Black Canyon in Mandalay, and both
coffee shops are a favorite meeting place for professionals and business
people.

The Thai owner of a popular Thai restaurant in Rangoon, married to a
Burmese woman, said Rangoon was overcoming its reputation as an unsafe
city. “Actually there are just a few crime cases compared to Bangkok.”

Hotels owned and run by Thais include the luxurious Kandawgyi Palace
Hotel, the Nikko Royal Lake and the Dusit Inya Lake Resort.

Thai products, especially cosmetics and consumer goods, are popular among
Burmese, who generally prefer them to Chinese and Burmese brands. A Thai
cosmetics dealer said the Burmese government had imposed restrictions on
the importation of such Thai products as clothes and cosmetics in an
effort to achieve a favorable balance of trade. Demand for Thai goods
remained high, however, because Burmese consumers found them to be of
better quality.

On a wider scale, Thais have their eyes on Burma’s abundant natural
resources—gas, timber and water.

Matayawongse Amatyakul, director of the office of commercial affairs at
Thailand’s Rangoon embassy, told The Irrawaddy that Burma is not only a
market but also a gateway to the bigger markets in China and India,
opening up great opportunities for Thai investors. Special economic zone
projects along Burma’s borders with China and India would also benefit
Thailand, he said.

Trade would also improve the political climate between neighbors, said
Matayawongse. Politics, however, is an area Thai business people in Burma
studiously stay clear of.

Thaniya Phasuk, a jade trader whose father started a family business in
Burma 20 years ago, advises: “You can do everything in Burma—just avoid
politics.”

____________________________________

February 9, Japan Economic Newswire
Myanmar activist granted special permission to remain in Japan

Asylum-seeking Myanmar activist Khin Maung Hla was granted special
permission Friday to remain in Japan after winning last month a high court
ruling that nullified the government's deportation order.

The Nagoya Regional Immigration Bureau also granted permission to his
31-year-old wife, a Philippine national, who was overstaying her visa. She
had been held by immigration during her husband's trial, but was later
released on a provisional status.

Khin Maung Hla, 40, a Rohingya minority in Myanmar who came to Japan in
1992 on a fake passport, has been involved in pro-democracy activities
while residing in Nagoya and feared that he would face persecution by the
military junta for his current activities if he is sent back.

"I am glad the two of us are permitted to stay. I want to do everything in
my power in democratization activities while leading a normal life," Khin
Maung Hla said.

A lawyer representing the man said, "Even when people are recognized as
refugees under U.N. convention, the Japanese law does not recognize them
as such. It is inappropriate that a refugee is not protected as a refugee
and given a special permit instead."

In January, the Nagoya High Court upheld a 2003 Nagoya District Court
ruling that the justice minister's decision not to certify him as a
refugee under Japanese immigration law was appropriate but recognized him
as a refugee under the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of
Refugees.

_____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

February 8, Democratic Voice of Burma
Burma receives part of UN emergency fund

The United Nations said on Wednesday it would allocate US $1.35 million to
humanitarian programs in Burma and to help Burmese refugees in
neighbouring Bangladesh, courtesy of the new Central Emergency Response
Fund.

Of the $85 million allocated to “under-funded emergencies” in 15
countries, $1 million will go to Burmese Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh
through the UN Refugee Agency, with a further $354,976 allocated to UNAIDS
programs inside Burma, Stephanie Bunker, a spokesperson for the UN Office
for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, told DVB on Thursday.

The UNAIDS money will be channelled through Medecins Sans Frontieres
(Doctors Without Borders) Switzerland, Bunker said, to fund HIV/AIDS
therapy, counselling and treatment for 2400 people in Tenasserim Division.
MSF Switzerland has operated an office in Tavoy, the capital of Tenasserim
Division, since 2004.

Announcing the funding in New York on Wednesday, Margareta Wahlström, the
UN’s acting emergency relief coordinator, said that the money was unlikely
to meet the needs of the countries in question.

“While each of these allocations represents but a fraction of the overall
requirements in the individual emergencies, as a whole they help us pursue
principled humanitarian action in which those who require aid the most are
identified based strictly on need and assisted accordingly,” Wahlström
said in a UN statement.

In Burma’s case, only seven percent of people suffering from HIV/AIDS
receive the necessary anti-retroviral treatment, UNAIDS figures show.

Of the estimated 30,000-plus Rohingya refugees that remain in Bangladesh,
about one third are not registered with UNHCR. Refugees that are
registered find that they are unable to earn money, receive education or
adequate housing mainly due to Bangladeshi restrictions on the help UNHCR
is able to provide.

CERF, an emergency UN fund launched in March 2006, had already allocated
$3.8 million to UN programs in Burma in rapid response funding.

In December last year, more than $1 million was disbursed to UNHCR and
$52,645 to the International Organization for Migration to tackle the dire
health and internal migration problems in Karen and Mon States “in order
to decrease morbidity and mortality rates.”

In January, a further $1.5 million in CERF funding went to a UN Children’s
Fund health program and just under $1 million to the World Food Program,
which provides food aid to people suffering from a lack of food security
in areas of Burma including northern Arakan State, Shan State and Magway
Division.

But a WFP funding update on Wednesday showed that after receiving this
money the organisation had only secured nine percent of the estimated $52
million needed in Burma up to the end of 2009.

CERF has also guaranteed $230,000 for a UN Development Program water and
sanitation project in Burma to be disbursed in the coming months and will
announce further financial aid for under-funded emergencies worldwide in
the middle of the year.

____________________________________

February 1, 2007
Publish and be damned? - Jim Andrews

Lonely Planet and Rough Guide compete for readers on opposite sides of the
Burma divide

It’s that time of year again when travel book publishers hold editorial
board meetings to discuss what titles to update, launch or abandon. As
always, Burma is high on the agenda.

The discussion is invariably lively, ruled by often incompatible moral and
financial considerations. Two of the world’s leading travel guidebooks,
Lonely Planet and Rough Guide, find themselves on either side of a fence
that follows the moral high ground as well as the depths of pragmatic
commercialism. Many smaller, newer publications sit warily on the fence.

The moral issue facing publishers isn’t confined to the question of
whether or not to encourage Burma tourism. For Lonely Planet, in
particular, the core issue lies even deeper, in the protection of a
publishing company’s right to print whatever it sees fit, within the
restrictions a civilized society places on itself.

That right, say some editors, is threatened by a book boycott move led by
the Burma Campaign-UK, which recently placed Lonely Planet on its “dirty
list” of enterprises doing business with Burma. The London-based
organization called for a boycott of all Lonely Planet guidebooks, not
only those covering Burma.

Tony Wheeler, founder of the Lonely Planet guidebooks and author of the
first three Burma editions, dismisses the boycott campaign, saying it
“actually makes me more determined. I am not going to be told by anyone
what I can publish.”

Lonely Planet devotes the first 10 pages of the current guide to the
debate, under the general heading: “Should you go?” Both sides of the
argument are clearly stated, with a section on democracy leader Aung San
Suu Kyi’s opposition to tourism while the generals are in power. It quotes
the regime line with the succinct tip: “For a fascinating glimpse into the
world of propaganda (if not outright self-deception), check out the
government’s take on Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD”—referring readers to
the regime’s Web site, www.myanmar.com.

Lonely Planet readers are sent on their journey into Burma well aware of
the evils they are likely to meet, but the guide gets into trouble itself
when advising travelers to avoid government-run hotels, restaurants and
any services with regime involvement. It conscientiously tries to sift
privately-run establishments from those which feed the regime’s
coffers—but how is a guide to Burma able to ignore historically important
places like the Strand Hotel, the colonial era building that was
refurbished and restored to its previous splendour with an injection of
government money? The answer is: it can’t and it doesn’t.

The current Lonely Planet guidebook devotes a half page to the Strand, a
gleaming white monument to the glories of the British Empire. “Though well
beyond the budget of many visitors to Myanmar as a place to spend the
night, the Strand is well worth a visit for a drink in the bar, high tea
in the lobby lounge or a splurge lunch at the café,” says the guide. Some
independent travel writers find themselves splurging in uncomfortably
close proximity to expense account government spooks.

Downtown Rangoon’s other leading hotel, the highrise Traders, is also very
difficult to overlook, in every sense, and Lonely Planet gives it generous
coverage. Yet the hotel was built by a former drug lord and his son.

Wholly government-owned hotels are easier to spot, and Lonely Planet
attempts to tag them. In Kengtung, for example, it alerts readers that one
establishment, the Kyaing Tong Hotel, is a government property they might
want to “bypass.”

A far more complicated task set for itself by Lonely Planet is to steer
readers away from using transport operated by the government. Getting in
and out of Burma presents no problems to discerning travelers if they fly
with a Thai airline, but once there they could find themselves grounded by
their own very conscience. The national airline, Myanmar Airways
International, is government-owned, and one of the two smaller carriers,
Air Mandalay, is a joint venture between the Burma government and
Malaysia. The other, the rapidly expanding Air Bagan, is run by arms
dealer Tay Za, who has close ties to the regime.

The railroad network and many river ferries are run by the government.
There are many private bus operators, but it can be a tough task to root
out those that have no links with the government.

The Lonely Planet’s main competitor, Rough Guides, doesn’t have to worry
about the problems involved in publishing a travel guide to Burma. The
company just doesn’t publish one—and the publisher says it won’t do so “as
long as the military regime remains in power and Aung San Suu Kyi
requests
that tourists do not visit.”

The Rough Guide acknowledges that it does publish books on some countries
with questionable records on human rights, but only when it believes “that
well-informed travelers can bring positive economic benefits and assist in
the spread of ideas in both directions.”

But, it adds, “there are, however, occasional instances where any benefits
are overshadowed by the nature of the social and political climate.
Apartheid South Africa was an example. Burma, with its brutal
dictatorship, state control of the economy and forced labor used to build
its tourist infrastructure, is another.”

The Rough Guide’s stance has placed it on the Burma Campaign-UK’s “clean
list” of enterprises forswearing any commercial involvement with Burma,
along with Moon Handbooks, issued by Avalon Travel Publishing, which
declares that it won’t include Burma in its Southeast Asia guides “unless
and until there is significant regime change that warrants a return to
responsible tourism.”

One of the leading American guidebook publishers, Frommer’s, also drops
Burma from its Southeast Asian editions, while its main competitor,
Fodor’s, published by Random House, provides company for Lonely Planet,
Insight, Pan MacMillan, Trailblazer Publications and Travel World Media on
the “dirty list.”

“It should really boil down to one central conclusion,” commented a
veteran Fodor’s writer. “If you’re going to Burma you’ll need a guidebook.
If you’re not then, of course, you won’t require one. The Burma
Campaign-UK call for a total boycott of Lonely Planet guidebooks, however,
takes the debate into entirely new territory.”

_____________________________________
OPINION

February 9, International Herald Tribune
A two-edged weapon - Ian Bremmer

London: Few governments put much faith in diplomacy alone to get the
results they want, but the costs of military action — in lives, money and
public opinion — can be prohibitively expensive. This helps to explain why
powerful nations often turn to sanctions for coercive policies.

The United States continues to use various forms of sanctions against
Iran, North Korea, Cuba, Syria, Sudan and other states to pressure their
governments to change course.

Yet sanctions don't have a particularly strong track record.

Saddam Hussein, for example, was able to skim some $1.8 billion from the
UN's oil for food program and while deflecting blame for the hardships
borne by the Iraqi people onto the United Nations and the United States.
More than 27 years of U.S. sanctions on Iran have not persuaded its
government to renounce support for Hezbollah or, more recently, its
nuclear program. Then there's Cuba.

For sanctions to work, they must have the support of as many powerful
states as possible. But it's very difficult these days for Washington to
persuade other countries to make the sacrifices necessary to impose
credible sanctions.

States that import significant amounts of oil and gas from Iran (or, like
Russia, sell Iran arms and civilian nuclear material) are unlikely to
jeopardize valuable commercial relationships to back U.S. efforts to halt
its nuclear program, particularly when many of them are unhappy with the
Bush administration's unilateralist bent.

But it's not only the number of supporters that determines whether
sanctions will be effective. The nature of the targeted state matters as
well.

A government that comes under international sanctions will lose resources,
including the cash with which it can appease its restive population or pay
for heavy security forces.

But an authoritarian government can also use international isolation to
maintain its grip on power. Regimes in North Korea, Iran, Cuba or Burma
remain in power precisely because they are isolated. That enables them to
conceal their actions from the world and to deny citizens access to
foreign information and resources.

So the success of sanctions depends on what is more important to the
target state's rulers — the money or the isolation. Sanctions against
apartheid-era South Africa were relatively effective because South
Africa's rulers felt hurt by isolation. U.S. sanctions on Burma have been
much less effective, because the country's ruling military junta has ways
to replace some of the economic resources and because it believes
international isolation helps keep it in power.

North Korea is a prime example of a state that is difficult to influence
through sanctions because it has so little left to lose. When Kim Jong
Il's government defies calls from several of the world's most powerful
countries not to conduct an underground nuclear test, there simply isn't
much left to target.

Yet U.S. sanctions imposed in 2005 against the Macau-based bank, Banco
Delta Asia, have had an effect. The reason, U.S. officials say, is that
the bank launders money for Kim's government, so the sanctions squeeze the
ruling elite itself.

To say that sanctions generate fewer risks than military action is not to
say that sanctions don't carry risk. When a target state feels the sting
of sanctions, it may well lash out. Much depends on the tolerance for risk
of the political leadership.

Despite his government's often bellicose rhetoric, Kim Jong Il is more
risk averse than is commonly believed. The decisions to test ballistic
missiles last July and to perform an underground nuclear test in October
were carefully choreographed to wring concessions from China and South
Korea, and they were signaled well in advance to minimize the risk that
surprise might produce a sharp international reaction.

Iran, by contrast, will likely prove a tougher target. President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad has shown himself to be anything but risk averse as he
punctuates arguments that Iran is entitled to a nuclear program with
vitriolic threats against Israel's existence. Tougher sanctions could well
provoke a series of hostile reactions.

All these factors should be weighed when sanctions are debated. An
understanding of how sanctions work — and don't work — is a crucial
element of any state's foreign-policy tool kit.

Ian Bremmer is president of Eurasia Group, a political risk consultancy.

_____________________________________
PRESS RELEASE

February 9, Government of Canada Newsroom
Canada to welcome 2,000 more Karen refugees

The Honourable Diane Finley, Minister of Citizenship and Immigration,
today announced that Canada will welcome an additional 2,000 Karen
refugees from Burma (also known as Myanmar) over the next two years.

The Karen, a minority ethnic group, fled their country in 1995 following a
major offensive by the Burmese government army against the Karen National
Union. They are part of the 140,000 Burmese refugees who have been living
in Thai refugee camps for up to 20 years. In 2006, Canada accepted a first
group of 810 Karen for resettlement.

“Canada’s New Government is pleased to open our doors to an additional
2,000 Karen refugees, who have been living under terrible conditions for
many years,” said Minister Finley. “We look forward to helping them
rebuild their lives in a safe, welcoming environment. It is part of our
long-standing tradition of providing protection for refugees.”

Canada has been working closely with the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR) and other countries to resettle groups of refugees
considered more at risk than the general refugee population, namely,
people who have suffered severe persecution, including torture,
imprisonment, forced labour, the burning of villages and forced relocation
in their homeland. The UNHCR has identified Karen refugees in Thailand as
a distinct group with particular protection needs and vulnerabilities and
has called upon the international community to help in resettling them.

“The willingness to resettle more Karen refugees demonstrates Canada’s
determination to find solutions for vulnerable refugees who have long
remained in camps and who can neither safely return home nor stay in their
host country,” said Jahanshah Assadi, UNHCR Representative in Canada.
“This bodes well for our continuing close cooperation in addressing
protracted refugee situations, of which the Karens are a typical example.”

Of the 810 Karen refugees that Canada agreed to accept last year, 712 have
already arrived and are settling in cities across the country. Ninety have
settled in London, Ontario, where the Minister made the announcement.

Citizenship and Immigration Canada is working closely with settlement
service agencies and private sponsoring groups as they deliver key
services and supports to help the refugees adapt to a new and very
different life in Canada. In order to ensure the long-term success of
newcomers to Canada, Canada’s new government is making important
investments, including $307 million in Budget 2006 for settlement funding
in provinces other than Quebec, which has its own agreement.

“Here in London , the whole community pitched in to assist and welcome the
90 Karen who arrived in November 2006,” said Mary Williamson, Executive
Director of the Cross Cultural Learner Centre, where the Karen stayed when
they first arrived in London. “The people of this city have been so
generous, even donating guitars and other musical instruments, for
example, so the Karen can continue their choir practices, something that
is very important to them. We’re ready and anxious to help the next group
of Karen refugees who settle here.”

Other countries responding to the UNHCR call to resettle Karen refugees
include the United States, Australia, New Zealand, Finland, Denmark,
Norway, Sweden, the United Kingdom and The Netherlands.

Photos of the event at the Cross Cultural Learning Centre will be
available on the CIC Web site at www.cic.gc.ca.

Video footage of Karen refugee camps in Thailand is available on the UNHCR
Web site. Please contact Nanda Na Champassak by e-mail at
champass at unhcr.org or by telephone at (613) 232-0909, extension 236.

For further information (media only), please contact:

Philippe Mailhot
Press Secretary
Minister’s Office
Citizenship and Immigration
613-954-1064

Marina Wilson
Spokesperson, Media Relations
Communications Branch
Canada Citizenship and Immigration Canada
613-952-1650