BurmaNet News, December 6, 2007

[Editor]

December 6, 2007 Issue # 3358

INSIDE BURMA
DVB: Htin Kyaw on hunger strike
DVB: UWSA clashes with government troops
DVB: Government propaganda campaign targets US
Narinjara News: Arakanese and Burma troops clash on western border
Mizzima News: Rumors of Burmese military head facing psychological problems
Irrawaddy: Sunflowers—Than Shwe’s latest Yadaya?
Irrawaddy: UNFPA’s Dan Baker to temporarily replace Petrie

ON THE BORDER
DVB: Food aid to refugees faces cuts
Khonumthung News: Burmese Army orders destruction of Indo–Burma road

BUSINESS / TRADE
Khonumthung News: Indo-Burma border trade mired in controversy

GUNS
Mizzima News: China supplies military trucks to Burma

ASEAN
Irrawaddy: Regime asks Asean journalists to help counter "negative" reporting

INTERNATIONAL
Irrawaddy: Opposition barred from drafting of Burmese constitution: UN
silent, US critical
Financial Times: Burma’s junta warned of growing anger
Inter Press Service: Junta snubs UN yet again
Mizzima News: Burmese media group in exile receives award
Irrawaddy: Burmese Junta wins "Worst Housing" Award

OPINION / OTHER
Irrawaddy: Burma's 'Fire' and 'Water' foreign policy stymies diplomacy -
Kyaw Zwa Moe
Mizzima News: India should not prove Gandhi wrong & irrelevant in Myanmar
- B.Raman

PRESS RELEASE
Human Rights Watch: UN: Impose Burma arms embargo, end child soldier use

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

December 6, Democratic Voice of Burma
Htin Kyaw on hunger strike

Prominent activist Htin Kyaw has vowed to continue with a hunger strike to
call for the release of political prisoners, even though his health is
suffering.

A relative who visited Htin Kyaw at Insein prison in Rangoon yesterday
said that he had begun his hunger strike six days previously to urge the
Burmese government to release him and other political activists who are in
detention.

A prison official said that Htin Kyaw had been feeling very weak and has
now been admitted to the prison hospital.

Htin Kyaw said he would refuse to eat until all political prisoners were
released.

Regime officials in Naypyidaw were informed of Htin Kyaw’s hunger strike
when it began, but there has so far been no official response.

Htin Kyaw has been detained since 25 August for his role in instigating
protests that month against fuel price increases.

____________________________________

December 6, Democratic Voice of Burma
UWSA clashes with government troops

Soldiers from the United Wa State Army clashed with Burmese government
troops in eastern Shan state on 3 December, with both sides suffering
casualties, according to the Shan Herald Tribune.

About 30 soldiers from the ruling State Peace and Development Council’s
Light Infantry Battalion 360 and another ten from the allied Lahu militias
faced around 50 UWSA troops near Mai Sat in eastern Shan state.

At the time the fighting occurred, a Burmese government official was
visiting the USWA headquarters area in Panghshang to try to persuade the
group to release a statement denouncing detained democracy leader Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi’s calls for inclusive dialogue.

However, the skirmish is not thought to have been based on political
factors, but to have arisen because of a dispute over control of the drug
route.

Casualties were reported on both sides, but there are no further details
on the number of people killed or injured.

None of the groups involved could be reached for comment.

____________________________________

December 6, Democratic Voice of Burma
Government propaganda campaign targets US

Business owners in Rangoon have said that the placement of government
propaganda slogans above commercial billboards at junctions in the city is
unfair and demeaning.

The government billboards bear a modified version of the People’s Desire
slogan, calling on the Burmese people to “oppose those relying on
Americans, acting as stooges, holding negative views”.

Some business owners were unhappy to find that the government billboards
had been placed above their advertisements, and said it was unfair to put
the slogans up there when the companies had paid money to the Rangoon
municipal committee to rent the space.
"I don't like having those slogans on top of my advertisement. It is
disturbing,” said one business owner.

The original version of the slogan read “external elements” instead of
“Americans”, and the new wording marks a more direct campaign against the
US.

According to a confirmed source in Rangoon, the mention of the US in the
propaganda campaign was planned by the Union Solidarity and Development
Association and ordered by the Rangoon city mayor and secretary of the
USDA, brigadier general Aung Thein Linn.

The regime has previously made allusions to the US in propaganda
campaigns, referring to it as a “powerful western nation”, but does not
usually name the country explicitly.

In a recent government press conference on the public demonstrations in
August and September, information minister Kyaw Hsan blamed the US for
giving funding and training to anti-government protestors.

The government billboards are currently displayed at the intersection near
Kabar Aye pagoda road and Sayar San road, near Mya Yeik Nyo hotel, and in
Myaynigone township.

____________________________________

December 6, Narinjara News
Arakanese and Burma troops clash on western border

Dhaka: An gun fight between the Arakan Liberation Army and Burma Army
troops took place yesterday on the Indo-Burma border, a local source said.

The clash took place at Sami Village in Paletwa Township on the Indo-Burma
border at around 2 pm , but only lasted for ten minutes, the source said.

A column of the ALA and Burmese Light Infantry Battalion 344 squared off
in an area near the village and the fighting ensued, but there are no
further details about the battle.

"We did not receive detailed information whether any people were injured
or killed in the gun fight because many villagers ran away from the area
for fear of action by the Burma Army troops," a villager said.

Many villagers who live near the site of the clash are hiding in the
jungle in the aftermath, of the gun fight because the Burmese Army
typically punishes villagers whenever armed fights take place with rebels.

The Arakan Liberation Army is the armed wing of the Arakan Liberation
Party, which has been fighting for Arakanese independence for four
decades.

____________________________________

December 6, Mizzima News
Rumors of Burmese military head facing psychological problems

Burmese junta supremo Senior General Than Shwe is reportedly suffering
from strain and psychological problems and has sought an appointment at a
hospital in Singapore for treatment, sources close to the military
establishment said.

"Senior General Than Shwe has suffered a sudden attack and is now seeking
an appointment with a psychiatrist in Singapore," the source told Mizzima.

While the information cannot be independently confirmed, Htay Aung, a
Burmese military analyst based in Thailand said, "It is likely as he [Than
Shwe] is getting old."

The Burmese military Supremo today met a Chinese official, who pressurized
him to conduct economic reforms to solve the socio-economic crisis in the
country, the source said.

"After the meeting he [Than Shwe] was so angry at having to listen to
instructions from the hated Chinese that he fainted," the source added.

The source, however, did not elaborate on details of the general's plan to
go to Singapore for treatment.

____________________________________

December 6, Irrawaddy
Sunflowers—Than Shwe’s latest Yadaya? - Shah Paung

First it was physic nuts. Now it’s sunflowers. Farmers in Pegu Division,
about 80km north of Rangoon, are being instructed by local authorities to
grow them, in the apparent superstitious belief that the flowers symbolize
long life for the regime.

The order last year to grow physic nuts at least had an apparently
practical purpose—to provide oil for possible use as an alternative fuel.
This time, farmers who dared ask why they were now being ordered to plant
sunflowers met only official evasion.

Local sources told The Irrawaddy that the order to plant sunflowers was
issued to farmers in Waw Township and Nyaunglaybin Township, Pegu
Division. Each was instructed to buy one pyi (2 kg) of sunflower seed at a
cost of 1,500 kyat (US $1.10). No commitment was made to buy seed from the
resulting sunflower crop, and no reason was given for the order.

Sunflower translates into Burmese as Nay Kyar, which literally means “long
stay.” The Pegu farmers are convinced that they are being asked to plant
Nay Kyar to support the Burmese regime’s hope that it will stay long in
power.

Local people point out that the astrological meaning of Nay is Saturday,
the seventh day of the week. Kyar means Monday, the second day. Add the
two together and—hey presto!—you have nine, a lucky number in Burma.

The head of the junta, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, is particularly fond of this
superstitious symbolism, known as yadaya.

When the order went out last year for Burmese households and farmers to
grow physic nuts, many believed that yadaya was behind the decision.

Physic nuts are known as kyet suu in Burmese, a combination of words with
the astrological meaning Monday and Tuesday. The name of Than Shwe’s chief
adversary, opposition leader Suu Kyi, has the meaning Tuesday-Monday, and
it’s said that Than Shwe’s astrologer suggested that by planting kyet suu
throughout the country Suu Kyi’s powers could be neutralized by this
juxtaposition of four words.

____________________________________

December 6, Irrawaddy
UNFPA’s Dan Baker to temporarily replace Petrie - Lalit K Jha

The UN on Tuesday designated Daniel Baker, head of the United Nations Fund
for Population Activities in Burma, as temporary head of UN operations in
the country in place of Charles Petrie.

“He (Baker) has been designated to replace Petrie as officer-in-charge for
the time being,” UN Secretary-General Spokesman Michael Montas said.

The announcement came as the previous country head, Charles Petrie, was
forced to leave Burma on Tuesday after the military government had refused
to extend his visa. On November 2, the Burmese authorities had told Petrie
that he was no longer desirable in the country after his scathing
statement on the country’s dire humanitarian situation.

However, his expulsion was delayed for a month while the UN special envoy
to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, spoke with Burmese junta leaders during his
visit to the country last month.

The UN sought to find a replacement for Petrie before he left Burma;
however, no suitable official could be identified, resulting in the UN
designating the second in command, Baker, as officer-in-charge for the
time being.
“[Baker] will take the functions of the UN resident coordinator in an
acting capacity until we have Petrie’s replacement,” Montas said.

Baker joined the UNFPA country office in Burma in March 2005. Previously
he had been the UNFPA representative in East Timor from 2002 to 2005. He
also served as information officer for the UNFPA Executive Board Branch
for eight years.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

December 6, Democratic Voice of Burma
Food aid to refugees faces cuts

A humanitarian agency working on the Thai-Burma border has been forced to
make cuts in food provisions to Burmese refugees because of funding
shortfalls.

The Thailand Burma Border Consortium has been providing food aid to over
150,000 refugees in ten camps along the Thai-Burma border for around 20
years.

But now funding shortfalls and increasing numbers of new arrivals have
meant that the group has been forced to cut back its provisions.

In particular, supplies of fish paste and chilli, staple ingredients in
Burmese cooking, are to be cut by half.

Shelly Townsend from TBBC said that a number of factors had led to the
funding shortfall.

“We’ve been affected by the exchange rate – the Thai baht is still very
strong, we’ve continued to get new arrivals and commodity prices are
increasing,” she said.

The strength of the baht against the US dollar has meant that the group is
losing about 7 percent, around 80 million baht, of its budget from foreign
funders.

Saw Ni, a Burmese refugee in Thailand, said he was worried about the
shortages.

“That’s going to hurt us if they cut down on the supplies. We can’t even
go out of the camps to get things for ourselves,” he said.

Another refugee, Ma Pearl, was also concerned by the cutbacks.

“Cutting down on these supplies will leave us with a food shortage
problem, since we are living inside the refugee camps and we can’t go out
and earn money for ourselves, she said.

“Fish paste is our main source of protein.”

Ms Townsend said that TBBC is concerned about the possible need for
further cuts and the problems they could cause for refugees.

“If we have to make further cuts, the concern is how that might impact on
their health,” she said.

“The other area of concern is that if we are unable to provide for their
basic needs, more people will be tempted to go outside of camp to try and
find work to support themselves and therefore they run the risk of being
arrested because they’re outside of the camps.”

____________________________________

December 6, Khonumthung News
Burmese Army orders destruction of Indo–Burma road

The Burmese Army has directed locals in the rural areas of Chin state,
Burma to destroy a 10-mile long Indo– Burma border road that connects Chin
state and Mizoram state, northeast India.

The road which is about two-three feet wide links Sabawngte village in
Matupi township in Chin state to Capui village in Saiha district in
Mizoram state and was constructed by locals from rural areas in both
countries under a self reliance programme without the approval of the
military authorities.

Because the construction is illegal, Major Thein Win Myint from Light
Infantry Battalion (304) recently posted in Sabawngte village in Matupi
Township issued orders to destroy the road.

“The road on the Burma side is in a bad condition now. It is only two or
three feet wide jus about enough to walk on”, said a local.

Moreover, the soldiers arrested village head U Li He and two other members
of the Village Council and took them into custody for a night.

Later, the village head and the members were released after villagers paid
Kyat 300,000 and 5 kilograms of pork to Major Thein Win Myint.

The so called illegal Indo–Burma road was constructed by locals from both
countries to allow people from Mizoram state to go over to Burma to
participate in the centenary ceremony that marked hundred years of the
arrival of Christian missionaries among the Mara tribe in Chin state.

Mara’s centenary is to be held on November 12 in Sabawngte village.

The construction of the road was begun on the first week of November and
completed in the end of November this year

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

December 6, Khonumthung News
Indo-Burma border trade mired in controversy

To break the monopoly of a trade union in Mizoram in transporting goods
from Burma to India's northeast state, locals in Zokhawthar village halted
a procession of trucks heading to pick up cargo from the neighbouring
country.

On December 4, the trade union based in Champhai district in Mizoram
despatched 60 trucks to Tio stream to pick up goods from Burma stacked on
the Indo-Burma border trade road No (2) despite the Champhai District
Council having issued an order banning import of goods from Burma for two
months from November 19.

However, locals from Zokhawthar in Mizoram state who have been demanding
the rights to transport goods from Burma to Mizoram in India stopped the
trucks. Zokhawthar locals are not allowing any trucks to cross Zokhawthar
to Tio.

The police and members of Youth Mizo Association (YMA) from Champhai
rushed to the Zokhawthar to resolve the problem between the locals and
trade union members.

Yesterday, the police, YMA members and Zokhawthar locals held a meeting to
discuss the right to transport goods, but apparently, the issue has not
been resolved.

"There is no agreement yet from yesterday's meeting. We will continue the
meeting today", a local in Zokhawthar said.

Impatient traders from Burma have hired carriers at high costs and are
smuggling the goods from Tio to Aizawl.

"Instead of losing their investment by keeping the goods for such a long
period on the border, some traders are trying alternative means to smuggle
their cargo to Aizawl. I think, most of the goods have already been
transported through foot paths to Champhai", said a trader from Burma in
Aizawl.

A local who attended the meeting in Zokhawthar said there is a hint to
lift the ban on transporting goods from Burma to Mizoram, "The situation
will continue like this for this week, but I don't think the ban will
carry on for two months as stipulated".

The trade union from Champhai district charges Rs. 2,000 from passenger
buses but the charges they collect from trucks that transport goods on the
29 kilometre stretch from Tio to Champhai road ranges between Rs. 10,000
to Rs. 12,000.

____________________________________
GUNS

December 6, Mizzima News
China supplies military trucks to Burma - Myo Gyi

Several military trucks are believed to have been supplied to the Burmese
junta by China. They were seen arriving on the Sino-Burmese border town of
Ruili this morning, a local eyewitness said.

The light weight medium FAW trucks, manufactured by Chinese owned Tongfeng
Company, were seen lining up at Ruili town, a Burmese who works at the car
servicing centre told Mizzima.

"The trucks arrived this morning. They are light weight and all of them
are of the same design. Since the trucks were dirty, they sent it to us
for car wash," the local said.

Another Burmese businessman at Kyegaung town, said the trucks, which are
to be sent to the Burmese Amy as the first batch through the Muse-Kyegaung
Road, are currently parked in front of the Kyegaung Customs office.

"Yes the trucks are now parked in front of the customs office. There are
more than 200 trucks lined up," the businessman told Mizzima.

A source close to the Chinese authorities told Mizzima that about 400
military trucks will be sent to Burma as the first batch and more are
expected to be sent later.

He also added that the Chinese authorities in early November sent six
rocket carriers trucks through the Kyegaung-Muse Road.

Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese military analyst based on the Sino-Burmese border
said, "China has been supplying military trucks regularly. But it has been
quite sometime now that they had stopped supplying. But it is again
resumed supply."

"It is actually hampering China's image, because it is currently facing a
lot of condemnation for supplying the Burmese junta with military
hardware. But since China chose to continue supplying amidst mounting
pressure, may be it wants to show that it is supporting the Burmese junta
openly," added Aung Kyaw Zaw.

____________________________________
ASEAN

December 6, Irrawaddy
Regime asks Asean journalists to help counter "negative" reporting -
Violet Cho

Burma’s Information Minister, Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan, has appealed to
journalists in neighboring countries to help counter negative news about
events in his country.

The state-run daily, The New Light of Myanmar, reported on Wednesday that
Kyaw Hsan had claimed at an Asean sub-committee meeting that “some
powerful nations are misusing media as a weapon to interfere in the
internal affairs of small nations.”

The information minister charged that the foreign media had exaggerated
the events of August and September, which he described as “trivial.” Their
coverage of the demonstrations had damaged Burma’s image, he
complained—urging journalists from Asean countries to cooperate in
disseminating truthful and constructive information about Burma, the
newspaper said.

Kyaw Hsan was speaking to a meeting in Naypyidaw of an information
sub-committee of Asean’s committee on culture and information.

Foreign press coverage of recent events in Burma also came under fire at a
briefing in Naypyidaw by police chief Brig-Gen Khin Yi. He singled out the
Norway-based Democratic Voice of Burma, saying it was “the most notorious
foreign broadcasting station airing fabricated news about Myanmar
[Burma].”

Khin Yi slammed DVB two days before the TV and radio station was rewarded
by two French-based organizations for its coverage of the September
demonstrations. Describing DVB as “one of the most reliable sources of
news during the crisis,” Reporters without Borders and the Fondation de
France awarded the station their media prize.

In Burma, meanwhile, two Rangoon weeklies were recently ordered to suspend
publication temporarily after they carried pictures of opposition leader
Aung San Suu Kyi and the text of the statement she issued through UN
Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari. Snap Shot and News Watch were each ordered
by the military government’s censorship board to suspend one week’s issue.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

December 6, Irrawaddy
Opposition barred from drafting of Burmese constitution: UN silent, US
critical - Lalit K Jha

The United Nations maintained silence Tuesday on the latest Burmese
military government announcement that opposition leaders would not be
involved in the drafting of the new constitution, even as the United
States came out with a statement condemning it.

“[It] makes clear that Snr-Gen Than Shwe and his regime have no intention
to begin a genuine, inclusive dialogue necessary for a democratic
transition with these [opposition] parties as called for by the
international community, including Burma’s neighbors, UN adviser Ibrahim
Gambari, Asean and the UN Security Council,” the US State Department said.

The State Department said it condemned the Burmese regime’s rejection of
meaningful participation for opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other
democratic and ethnic minority leaders in the process of drafting a
national constitution. It reiterated its call for the junta to release
Aung San Suu Kyi and other detainees and political prisoners as a
necessary condition for a genuine dialogue with democratic and ethnic
minority groups in transition to a civilian, democratic government in
Burma.

However, when asked about the announcement made by the junta in Rangoon on
Monday in this regard, the spokesman for the UN Secretary-General, Michael
Montas, said he preferred not to comment on the issue.

Instead he said, “We should hear shortly from Gambari. As you know, he is
in New York right now, and he should be meeting shortly for consultations,
certainly with the Secretary-General, and he will be meeting also with the
General Assembly, as far as I know, and with the Security Council.”

However, during the day, Gambari met the president of the General
Assembly, Srgjan Kerim, and briefed him on his just-concluded trip to the
Southeast Asian region, including Vietnam and Cambodia. He also met
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who is scheduled to visit the region next
week as part of his trip to attend the Bali Conference on climate change.
Ban will also visit Thailand and East Timor during the trip in which Burma
is likely to be a major issue on his agenda.

At a press conference, the Security Council President for December,
Ambassador Marcello Spatafora of Italy, said Gambari would be visiting
Burma again either towards the end of this month or at the beginning of
next month. At the same time, he said, he was not sure if Gambari would be
briefing the Security Council at this point in time, as the UN envoy has
not visited Burma since he briefed the Council last month.

____________________________________

December 6, Financial Times
Burma’s junta warned of growing anger - Amy Kazmin

A senior United Nations official expelled from Burma this week warned on
Wednesday that a “more volatile situation” lay ahead if the country’s
military regime refused to recognise that recent mass protests stemmed
from common people’s anger over economic woes.

In an interview with the Financial Times, Charles Petrie, who until his
expulsion on Tuesday was the most senior UN official in Rangoon, warned
that without substantive reforms the Burmese junta could be forced to
resort to greater repression to keep control over a restive population.

“It’s very dangerous for the regime not to understand the grievances that
people expressed on the streets,” Mr Petrie said. “People came out [to
demonstrate] because the pain they are feeling is too much – they are
suffering.”

The regime’s refusal to acknowledge these fundamental grievances, and
continued repression, were “a pretty bad cocktail”, he said. “It creates
the conditions for an even more volatile situation, which the regime will
only be able to contain by increasing violence and intimidation.”

Burma’s military rulers stunned the international community last month
when they abruptly announced that they were ejecting Mr Petrie. The move
followed the release of a statement by the UN country team in which it
said the September protests reflected widespread frustration “at the
everyday struggle to meet basic needs” and called for the junta to address
a “deteriorating humanitarian situation”.

The generals – who have characterised the mass protests as a CIA plot to
overthrow them – accused Mr Petrie, who was the UN humanitarian
co-ordinator and Development Programme representative, of “acting beyond
his capacity by issuing a statement that harms [Burma’s] reputation”.

Mr Petrie, who was granted a month to leave to ensure an “orderly
transition”, said the move against him was part of the regime’s broader
campaign to harass its critics and browbeat the local population.

“My expulsion is part of the intimidation,” he said.

Mr Petrie’s comments came as the military toughened its stance towards its
domestic and international critics, after making a few conciliatory
gestures following the global outcry at their suppression of the protests.

On Monday Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan, information minister, rejected calls by
Ibrahim Gambari, the UN special envoy for Burma, for the regime to engage
in a dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Prize-winning democracy
advocate, on a new constitution.

In a rare press conference, the minister said the regime was moving ahead
and did not need “assistance and advice from other persons”.

____________________________________

December 6, Inter Press Service
Junta snubs UN yet again - Marwaan Macan-Markar

Burma’s military regime fired a warning shot this week to let the United
Nations and the international community know that it will not cave into
pressure on domestic political reform.

The junta’s unequivocal stance was confirmed during a rare press
conference held by the country’s information minister, Brig. Gen. Kyaw
Hsan, when he told reporters that the doors of the South-east Asian nation
were not open to influence from outside.

He also confirmed what many analysts had long suspected in the recent
months: the military rulers of Burma, which is also known as Myanmar, are
in no mood to welcome the pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, currently
in her 12th year under house arrest, to discussions on the drafting of the
new constitution.

‘’No assistance or advice from other persons is required,’’ Kyaw Hsan, who
is a close confidante of Burma’s strongman, Gen. Than Shwe, said on
Monday. The press conference was the first held by the junta since the
brutal crackdown of peaceful pro-democracy protesters in late September.

The comments came on the day the military-appointed Committee for Drafting
a New Constitution was to begin work. This phase is the third in a
seven-step ‘’roadmap’’ to democracy that the junta has been touting since
it was unveiled in August, 2003. No time limit has been placed for the 54
appointees of the committee to finish their task.

The U.N., however, has been pressing for a different outcome. Ibrahim
Gambari, a special U.N. envoy, had informed the international community
following two visits to Burma since the crackdown that Suu Kyi should be
given a significant role to play in the political reform process. The
Nigerian diplomat had urged the junta to release her from detention and to
involve her in the constitution drafting process.

Initial signs suggested that the junta had warmed up to Gambari’s appeals,
given that his mission was backed by some of the military regime’s allies,
such as China and the governments in South-east Asia. The junta permitted
Suu Kyi to meet a government liaison officer, Labour Minister Aung Kyi, on
three occasions as part of a reconciliation effort. After one of these
broadly publicised meetings, she described it as ‘’positive.’’

But the early hope that emerged after these encounters has been dashed
with the junta reverting to its more familiar role of stubbornly defending
its entrenched positions. ‘’The junta wants to demonstrate that it will
not be cowed by international pressure and it doesn’t want outside
mediation,’’ Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese political analyst living in exile in
Thailand, said in an interview. ‘’It is a sign that the Burmese military
has become more entrenched.’’

The reaction from the U.S. government to this week’s turn of events was
the first in what could be a litany of statements of condemnation and
disappointment from capitals across the world. After all Beijing had
backed Gambari’s mission to Burma on behalf of the international community
and so had the members of the 10-nation regional bloc, the Association of
South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Burma is a member.

‘’We condemn the Burmese regime’s rejection of meaningful participation
for Aung San Suu Kyi and other democratic and ethnic minority leaders in
the process of drafting a national constitution,’’ the U.S. department of
state spokesman Sean McCormack said in a statement during a Tuesday press
briefing. ‘’The regime’s December 3 statement to the diplomatic corps make
clear that Senior General Than Shwe and his regime have no intention to
begin a genuine, inclusive dialogue necessary for a democratic
transition.’’

But this week’s stance on political reform was not the only bullet that
junta had in store for the U.N. On Tuesday, the U.N. resident coordinator
Charles Petrie left Rangoon after the military regime refused to extend
his visa. Petrie had angered the regime by making a media statement that
was released by the local U.N. office in late October expressing concerns
about Burma’s ‘’deteriorating humanitarian condition.’’

The U.N.’s view about increasing poverty in the country conveyed what was
widely known by then, since the pro-democracy protests in September had
evolved out of small public demonstrations that were staged in mid-August
after the junta raised the price of fuel by 500 percent overnight.
Economic conditions have continued to worsen, according to residents in
Rangoon that IPS spoke with. Many who survive on a daily wage are cutting
back on meals.

The stakes have consequently increased for Gambari, who is due back in
Burma later this month or in early 2008, to engage the junta. ‘’Unless
Gambari can bring more leverage from the Security Council and China, his
next mission will be a failure,’’ says Win Min, a Burmese academic
attached to Payap University, in Thailand’s northern city of Chiang Mai.
‘’The junta feels it has less pressure on its back now that the ASEAN
summit is over.’’

But there are growing signs within Burma that its oppressed people have
little reason for optimism, Win Min revealed during an interview. ‘’Most
people have lost hope for political change to be achieved with the help of
the U.N. and the international community. They know now that nothing will
change as long as Than Shwe remains in power.’’

It is a view shaped by the current regime’s record. After all, the first
step in the ‘’roadmap’’ to democracy was the reconvening of a National
Convention to draft the new charter. The initial round of talks for this
convention began 14 years ago as an effort to prevent the opposition party
that Suu Kyi heads, the National League for Democracy, from forming a
government after it secured a thumping mandate in the 1990 parliamentary
elections.

____________________________________

December 6, Mizzima News
Burmese media group in exile receives award - Khant Zaw

The Democratic Voice of Burma based in Oslo, has been awarded the 2007
media award by the Reporters Sans Frontières, an international media
rights group, for its outstanding coverage of the recent protests in
Burma. The award carries 2,500 Euros.

The Democratic Voice of Burma, which has a Television, Radio broadcasting
as well as online news service, was among the few Burmese exiled media
groups covering the recent monk-led protests in Burma, which was
eventually crackdown upon by the ruling junta.

The RSF, during its 16th award giving ceremony in Paris, awarded the DVB
for its reliable source of news during the recent imbroglio in Burma.

Vincent Brossel, head of RSF's Asia desk said, "I am proud that RSF
recognized the important work of Burmese journalists, especially DVB. It
is a tribute for all Burmese who covered the news of recent
demonstrations, despite risks."

During the recent protests in Burma, the media played a vital role in
disseminating information about the ground situation to the international
community through the use of various means of communication means
including internet and telephone lines.

However, the Burmese junta, which initially exercised a certain level of
tolerance, resorted to tough measures and cut-off internet connections and
several telephone lines of key political activists. The junta also
arrested several local as well as foreign journalists and y killed a
Japanese photojournalist, Kenji Nagai, who was covering the events as it
unfolded.

DVB was at the forefront in covering news and information from Burma
during the protests. And its pre-matured TV broadcasting played a vital
role as it produced raw footage of the Burmese soldiers shooting
protesters.

Despite the Burmese junta's claim that the Japanese journalist was killed
by accident, when a stray bullet hit him as troops fired warning shots in
the air, a raw footage by the DVB clearly showed a Burmese soldier
shooting Kenji Nagai at point blank range.

"I am so proud and honoured to receive the Media prize, because it is not
only for us, but also for the people of Burma who made sacrifices for the
country," said Moe Aye, News Editor of DVB.

"The news reporters could not have done anything without being supported
by the citizens of Burma. At the same time, I am deeply saddened for
reporters and citizens who were arrested, or have disappeared, been
tortured and killed in their pursuit of freedom of expression. Burma is
very different from other countries, because newsmakers in Burma are
victims of human rights violations."

DVB was formed in 1992 by student activists, who escaped the Burmese
junta's brutal crackdown on protesters in 1988. While it began humbly as a
Radio broadcasting station, over the years it has expanded to a Television
station broadcasting directly to Burma.

With a viewership and audience claim of more two million, the DVB today
stands as one of the biggest Burmese media groups in exile that provide
immense information on Burma.

With a cash prize of 2,500 Euros, the RSF has chosen to honour the DVB and
recognize its efforts in producing reliable information on Burma.

____________________________________

December 6, Irrawaddy
Burmese Junta wins "Worst Housing" Award - Wai Moe

The Burmese military government has won an award from an international
housing rights group—for “Severe Human Rights Violations.”

The Geneva-based Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions announced on
December 5 that the State Peace and Development Council of Burma, along
with EU member Slovakia and the Beijing Municipality/ Beijing Organizing
Committee of the Olympic Games had been named as joint recipients of the
2007 Housing Rights Violator Awards for “their systematic violations of
housing rights and continued failure to abide by their international legal
obligations.”

The deputy director of COHRE, Jean du Plessis, said in a press release:
“The military regime in Burma has displaced more than 1 million people
from their lands and homes since 1962, disproportionately affecting ethnic
nationality communities— which has included confiscating their lands.”

According to the COHRE statement, forced migration in Burma, land
confiscation by the junta’s forces and land rights are the factors
responsible for the serious housing, land and property rights violations
in Burma.

These abuses occur during military counter-insurgency operations; to clear
land for the construction of new army bases; to make way for
infrastructure development projects; to facilitate natural resource
extraction; and to cater for the vested interests of business.

According to the Thailand Burma Border Consortium, over 80,000 people
across Burma have been forced to leave their lands and homes every year
since 2002. The total number of internally displaced persons who have been
forced or obliged to leave their homes and have not been able to return or
resettle and reintegrate into society is estimated to be at least half a
million people.

A further 95,000 civilians are estimated to be hiding from troops in
military operation areas. At least another 118,000 villagers have followed
the junta eviction orders and moved into designated relocation sites,
according to a report by the TBBC.

Residents from urban areas have also been forced to relocate if
authorities want their lands for government projects and other causes.

In 1988-89, hundreds of thousands of people who were actively involved in
the 1988 uprising were forced to relocate from the city areas of Rangoon
to the outskirts, such as Dagon Myothit or New Dagon townships.

“We were driven from the city to rice fields. There was no electricity or
water supply in Dagon Myothit Township at that time,” said a resident. “I
also heard stories of snake bites.”

In China, the Burmese junta’s closest ally, the housing rights of over
1.25 million residents in Beijing have been violated in pursuit of
relentless economic growth, including the hosting of international
showpieces such as the Olympic Games.

Slovakia was also named as one of three Housing Rights Violators for 2007,
for persistently violating the right of adequate housing for Roma people,
often referred to as “gypsies.” Romani communities in Slovakia continue to
face pervasive and persistent discrimination in access to housing. Roma
frequently face segregation and forced eviction by local authorities. More
than 120,000 Roma in Slovakia reside in slums, according to the COHRE
report.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

December 6, Irrawaddy
Burma's 'Fire' and 'Water' foreign policy stymies diplomacy - Kyaw Zwa Moe

Burma’s supreme leader Than Shwe holds "fire" in one hand and "water" in
the other. Don’t think the junta chief is playing martial arts, like in
the Chinese movies he loves to watch.

Let’s call it the junta's "fire and water" foreign policy.

The junta chief, who used to work in the psychological warfare department,
practices his policy by dividing his officers into two groups: "fire,"
comprised of fiery hard-liners, and "water," comprised of soft-spoken
officers.

It’s time for everyone, especially world leaders and diplomats, to take a
serious look at Burma's foreign policy, which for almost two decades has
managed to manipulate whatever policies the West comes up with to try to
move the regime towards democracy and national reconciliation.

Diplomacy seems to be more crucial than ever to help solve Burma’s crisis,
since pro-active, violent means, including nationwide uprisings and armed
struggles, have proved ineffective.

For the international community, diplomacy seems to be the only way to
tackle Burma’s crisis. The diplomacy route is what all countries advocate,
from the West to the regime's more vocal supporters, such as China and
most of its Asean neighbors.

The regime's clever "fire and water" tactic to fend off the diplomatic
efforts of its critics was on display at the junta’s press conference in
Naypyidaw on Monday.

One of Than Shwe's right-hand men, Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan, the information
minister, ruled out any role for detained pro-democracy leader Aung San
Suu Kyi in the drafting of a new constitution of the military government,
even though the international community, including China, has called for
an inclusive process in writing the constitution and in national
reconciliation.

“No assistance or advice from other persons is required,” said the
minister. That's the fire.

Now, for the water. In the same conference, the government’s liaison
officer, ex-Gen Aung Kyi, considered "good in dealing with foreign
diplomats, said, “We have made progress at the meetings,” referring to his
three meetings with Suu Kyi, supposedly to discuss national
reconciliation.

Such "hard" and "soft" messages are ambiguous, at best, and muddy up the
analysis made by foreign diplomats, further confusing and blurring the
idea of progress or lack of progress.

In early November when UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari visited Burma, he was
lectured by information minister Kyaw Hsan.

The information minister told Gambari: “Your Excellency should seriously
pay attention to the fact that the government and the entire people are
expecting your visit to be constructive for the nation and the people.
However, your previous visit did not bear fruit as we had expected. The
presidential statement of UN Security Council, the further sanctions of
the US and EU, the sanction of Australia, etc., sowed suspicions on your
efforts among some of our people.”

The statement was reported by the junta’s mouthpiece newspapers. Many
Burma observers, including diplomats, said the speech was “patronizing.”

The minister added, “If you bring along the instructions of the leaders of
a big power and demands of internal and external anti-government groups,
it will in no way contribute towards the seeking of solutions to Myanmar’s
[Burma's] affairs. It will rather increase the existing suspicions of the
people.”

On the other hand, the story was different on the next day when Gambari
met Prime Minister Gen Thein Sein. According to inside sources close to
the government, Thein Sein spoke with a softer tone to the envoy. Thein
Sein invited Gambari to visit again a few weeks later to continue his
efforts for national reconciliation.

In retrospect, Burma’s governments have frequently preferred to craft
foreign policy in a bilateral way since it gained its independence from
British rule in 1948. During that period, Burmese governments concentrated
on neutralism and a non-aligned policy, especially during the Cold War
era.

Months before forming Asean in 1967, Thailand, Indonesia and the
Philippines persuaded the then Burmese government to join the imminent
grouping. Late dictator Ne Win's government turned down the proposal
later, saying that Burma couldn’t join the grouping as long as the member
countries allowed foreign troops to be based on their soil. The dictator
especially referred to its neighbor Thailand, which allowed US military
bases.

However, the successor military regime that deposed him in 1988 viewed its
foreign policy differently after the 1990 election, when the opposition
National League for Democracy party, led by detained pro-democracy leader
Aung San Suu Kyi, won the elections in a landslide.

To nullify the election results, the military regime desperately tried to
establish its legitimacy through the regional organization, Asean.
Moreover, through Asean it seemed to believe that it might convince the
West to recognize it. That’s why it joined Asean and embraced regionalism.

Burmese governments were comfortable with Asean policies such as
non-interference in member countries’ internal affairs and it
behind-the-scene, hush-hush diplomatic style.

Before joining Asean in July 1997, junta chief Than Shwe said at a
military training course: “There is nothing to lose by joining Asean; we
will only gain from it. It will not hurt our national interests. It will
not interfere in our internal affairs.”

Than Shwe was quoted in a paper, "Regionalism in Myanmar’s Foreign Policy:
Past, Present, and Future," published by the Asia Research Institute of
National University of Singapore.

In the paper, he said, “
regional groupings or regionalism have become
important. We can no longer stick to the "no friend; no foe" policy. We
must formulate and follow a new foreign policy of "all friends; no foe.”

In fact, nothing conceived to date has a chance of defeating or changing
the military junta. Diplomatic means such as international sanctions and
constructive engagement are failures. The international community has
never had, to this day, an effective policy to counter the junta’s
diplomacy.

If the international community can develop an effective policy that
somehow gets China and Asean countries to put real pressure on Burma,
there could be tangible progress.

____________________________________

December 5, Mizzima News
India should not prove Gandhi wrong & irrelevant in Myanmar - B.Raman

In the wake of the widespread non-violent protest movement against the
military junta by large sections of the monks and students in August and
September, 2007, the Myanmar military Junta, under international pressure,
gave the impression of responding at long last to international concerns
over its policies. Pressure from China also played an important role in
this matter.

2. It allowed Mr. Ibrahim Gambari, the UN Special Representative on
Myanmar, to visit the country twice and meet not only senior officers of
the Junta, including Gen. Than Shwe, but also Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the
pro-democracy leader under house arrest. It appointed Col. Aung Kyi,
Labour Minister, as an intermediary to interact with Suu Kyi and allowed
Mr.Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, the UN special rapporteur on human rights, also
to visit the country. It claimed to have released most of those arrested
in connection with the agitation.

3. Now, confident that it has crushed the protest movement effectively and
that the international focus on Myanmar is no longer as intense as it was
from August to October, 2007, the Junta has once again reverted to its
long-held stand that Myanmar will have democracy on its terms and in the
colours decided by it and that Suu Kyi will have no role in the transition
to democracy or in the governance of Myanmar as and when democracy is
restored. Its interactions with her will be not on strategic issues of
Myanmar’s future and its transition to democracy, but on tactical issues
relating to the containment and management of the anger of its people over
its policies.

4. The Chinese pressure was confined to nudging the Junta to respond to
international concerns. It was not related to the people’s aspirations.
The Chinese worries were and are not over the suppression of the people by
the Junta, but over the likely negative impact of a worsening situation in
Myanmar on its image in the months leading up to the Beijing Olympics of
August, 2008. The Chinese were also worried that if the saffron revolution
succeeded in Myanmar, it could next spread to Tibet. Thus, the signs of a
slight opening up of the country and a more responsive Junta, which we saw
in the wake of the protest movement, were a tactical move by the Junta,
with a nod from Beijing, to prevent its being swept away by a combination
of domestic and international storms. Now that the Junta feels that the
storms have weakened and are unlikely to regain force in the near future,
it is back to its unrelenting opposition to a restoration of democracy,
with Suu Kyi playing a role in the transition.

5. This became evident at a press conference organised by the Junta at
Naypyidaw, the new capital, on December 3, 2007. It was addressed, among
others, by Brigadier-General Kyaw Hsan, the Information Minister, Mr. Khin
Yi, the national Police chief, and Aung Kyi, the Junta-designated
intermediary with Suu Kyi. The salient points made by them were as
follows:

Kyaw Hsan: The protests were the work of “bogus” monks organised by exiled
dissidents and the US. “Actually, the August-September protests were
trivial for the whole country. It is found with sound evidence that
ex-convicted bogus monks got joined with anti-government groups inside and
outside the country. Those unrests and violence, not participated by the
majority of the people and the majority of monks, have been put under
control.” The Government would stick to its own road map to democracy.
There is no timeline for completing the charter. There would be no role
for Aung San Suu Kyi or her National League for Democracy (NLD). “No
assistance or advice from other persons is required.” No changes to the
National Convention’s work would be considered. “It is not reasonable or
fair to amend those principles adopted by the delegates.”

Khin Yi: The protesters had hoped to overthrow the Government. “The
demonstrations and protests were planned and conspired months ahead to
topple the Government.” He accused a non-governmental organisation called
the Forum for Democracy in Burma of working with exiled dissidents to
orchestrate the protests, and said the US Embassy had also helped train
the activists. “The American Centre held a three-day training course on
infiltrating and organising the public. The uprisings dissolved within a
very short time frame simply because the general public did not take part
and our security forces were able to make pre-emptive strikes.”

Aung Kyi: His three meetings with Suu Kyi had yielded “positive
developments,” but he declined to elaborate.

6. While international organisations, media and elite have gone silent,
supporters of the pro-democracy movement in the US have continued to keep
the focus on Myanmar and its Junta. A special hearing on the subject was
held by the US Commission on International Religious Freedom at Washington
DC on the same day on which the Junta had organised its press conference.
The hearing was addressed by Rev. Ashin Nayaka, of the International
Burmese Monks’ Organisation, who is now a visiting Fellow at the Columbia
University, Mr. Aung Din, Executive Director of the US Campaign for Burma,
and Mr. Jared Genser, President of human rights group Freedom Now. The
salient points of their presentations were as follows:

Ashin Nayaka: “Myanmar’s Buddhist monks are prepared to face another
bloody confrontation with the ruling military government if the
international community fails to force the Generals to accept democratic
reforms. “Monks were a “symbol of hope” for reforms in Myanmar but were
“forcibly disrobed, assaulted and killed” by the military Government. “If
this continues unaddressed, further bloody confrontation is unavoidable.
The very existence of monastic life is being destroyed by the evil
military regime and it will face bloodshed again, if the international
community, including the UN Security Council, cannot find a collective and
effective way to stop this evil regime from killings and arrests.” He had
been working closely with U Gambira, the leader of the Alliance of All
Burma Buddhist Monks and key leader of the September protests arrested by
the military government last month. He expressed regret that pressure by
the international community on the military government had eased even as
serious questions remained over the number of monks forcibly disrobed,
imprisoned and killed following the protests. “Where has the global outcry
gone? This should be of grave concern for all governments worldwide. This
is a moral crisis that Americans must stand for.”

Aung Din: The US should appoint a full-time sanctions coordinator for
Myanmar as it did in the late 1990’s against Serbian leader Slobodan
Milosevic’s regime accused of genocide. This would enable coordination of
global sanctions against Myanmar’s military Government. Citing the
Australian Government which had targeted financial sanctions against 418
Myanmar citizens, including 40 businessmen, he asked the US Government to
impose restrictions on more Myanmar businessmen who provided money to the
military Government leaders and their families.

Jared Genser: He wanted that the US should consider imposing sanctions,
such as those used against a Macau bank accused of money laundering for
nuclear-armed North Korea, on a Southeast Asian state-owned bank suspected
of links to Myanmar’s military rulers. The US move against Banco Delta
Asia in Macau is believed to have forced North Korea back to the
negotiating table. According to him, a State-owned bank in one of the
ASEAN countries was playing a similar role in backing the military Junta
in Myanmar and US action against it might have an impact on Myanmar. He
added: “Anecdotally in conversations with diplomats in ASEAN countries, I
know there is a deep concern about the prospects of the United States
doing to a state-owned bank what happened to Banco Delta Asia in Macau
because of its laundering of North Korean funds.” He did not name the
bank.

7. The sanctions imposed till now have been directed mainly against the
Junta and other Army officers. Suggestions for sanctions against Myanmar
and foreign businessmen backing the Junta are now being made. In addition,
sections of Burmese political exiles have been advocating that the US
should also use the Beijing Olympics for keeping up pressure on China to
make the Junta change its policies. Non-governmental elements in the US
and West Europe have already been linking the human rights issue in Darfur
in the Sudan and Tibet to the Olympics. They want that the issue of
Chinese support to the Myanmar Junta should also be linked. They feel that
while a call for the boycott of the Olympics by the participating Western
countries would not work, a call for the boycott of the Olympics by the
Western media in protest against Chinese policies in respect of Darfur,
Tibet and Myanmar might. They want that even if the Western media is
disinclined to boycott the Olympics, it could at least down-grade the
coverage of the Olympics. These Myanmar exiles are also considering the
issue of an appeal to foreign tourists not to go to Beijing to watch the
games.

8. In the meanwhile, groups of students and monks inside Myanmar have not
allowed themselves to be demoralised by the repressive policies of the
Junta. They are now canvassing support for a non-cooperation movement
similar to the movement started by Mahatma Gandhi against the British in
India. This would involve a boycott of services and products of companies
associated with the Junta.

9. India faces a strategic as well as an ethical dilemma in Myanmar. The
strategic dimension arises from the importance of Myanmar for the internal
security of our North-East and the need to counter the Chinese presence
and designs in Myanmar, particularly in its North. The ethical dimension
arises from India’s status as a successful democracy, its long association
with Myanmar political leaders and people and the fact that under Suu Kyi,
the Myanmar people have been emulating the non-violent methods of
Gandhiji. We will be betraying the memories of Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru
and other freedom-fighters if we fail to support a Gandhi-inspired
movement in Myanmar and instead support a military Junta, which rules the
country in its interests and not in the interests of the people.

10. The strategic path need not exclude the ethical and vice versa. A mix
of ethical and strategic parameters should govern our policy-making.
Presently, the ethical parameters hardly have any influence in the
policy-making on Myanmar. This position has to change and ethical
parameters should play an important role. A beginning in this direction
can be made by expanding the Myanmar language broadcasts of the All India
Radio in order to provide for more time to political and economic issues,
by allowing the leaders of the Myanmar exile movement in different
countries to visit India in order to interact with our leaders, people and
media and starting telecasts specially beamed to Myanmar. Our private TV
channels should also play an active role in this.

11. Suu Kyi and her supporters are trying to prove that Gandhiism has
still got relevance and can work in restoring to their people their
dignity and freedoms. We should not prove them wrong by continuing with
our present policies.

(The writer, Mr.B.Raman, is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet
Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director,
Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. He is also associated with the
Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail: seventyone2 at gmail.com)

____________________________________
PRESS RELEASE

December 6, Human Rights Watch
UN: Impose Burma arms embargo, end child soldier use

The United Nations Security Council should impose an arms embargo on Burma
in response to the Burmese military government's continuing recruitment of
children for its national army, Human Rights Watch said today.

Tomorrow, the Security Council's working group on children and armed
conflict will meet to consider a report by UN Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon that has found "grave violations" against children in Burma,
including patterns of underage military recruitment.

The UN secretary-general has issued five reports since 2002 citing Burma's
national army, the Tatmadaw, for violating international law prohibiting
the use of child soldiers. The reports have also cited several non-state
armed groups in Burma for recruiting children, including armed opposition
groups.

"Burma's army has recruited thousands of children to fill its ranks," said
Jo Becker, children's rights advocate for Human Rights Watch. "The
Security Council needs to show Burma's generals that they cannot get away
with such horrendous practices."

The Security Council's working group on children and armed conflict must
now consider what action the Security Council should take in response to
the secretary-general's new report on violations in Burma. In past
resolutions on children and armed conflict, the Security Council has
stated that it will consider targeted measures including embargoes on arms
and other military assistance in cases where governments and armed groups
fail to end their use of child soldiers.

In a report released in October, Human Rights Watch documented how
children as young as 10 are recruited by force into Burma's army. At
recruitment centers, officers falsify documents to register new recruits
as age 18, even if they are clearly underage. Former soldiers reported
that in many training camps, children made up more than 30 percent of new
recruits.

After putting children through military training, the Burmese army uses
them in combat against ethnic armed opposition groups, and sometimes to
participate in human rights abuses against civilians. Children who try to
escape are typically beaten, re-recruited, or imprisoned.

The army's forced recruitment is designed to fill personnel shortages as a
result of both increased desertion rates and army expansion. This
expansion includes new units established to utilize arms purchased from
China, India, Russia, and Ukraine.

Under Burma's national law, the recruitment of anyone below age 18 is
prohibited. The recruitment and use of child soldiers below the age of 15
is considered a war crime under international law.

In 2004, the military government, known as the State Peace and Development
Council, established a high-level committee to prevent the recruitment of
underage soldiers. Human Rights Watch's investigation found that the
committee had taken little action to end child recruitment, and instead
repeatedly denied outside reports of child soldier use by government
forces. There is no independent oversight of this committee, nor is there
monitoring of recruitment centers or access to military bases throughout
Burma's hinterland, where many child soldiers are deployed.

"The Security Council should not be fooled by Burma's repeated promises to
address the army's use of child soldiers," said Becker. "Nothing short of
an arms embargo is likely to make Burma's military government end all
recruitment and use of children."

Non-state armed groups in Burma also use child soldiers, though practices
vary widely. Some groups actively recruit and use children in armed
conflict, while others, including the Karenni Army and Karen National
Liberation Army, have taken steps to end the recruitment of children into
their forces. In its report, Human Rights Watch noted that cooperation by
the Karenni Army and its efforts since 2002 to end the use of child
soldiers had eradicated the practice, and recommended the armed group be
removed from the UN secretary-general's list of parties using child
soldiers.

"Burma's diplomatic supporters in the Security Council, China and Russia,
are also its main arms suppliers," Becker said. "These countries sell
weapons to Burma with scant regard for the impact on the civilian
population."