BurmaNet News, January 9, 2008

[Editor]

January 9, 2008 Issue # 3376

INSIDE BURMA
Mizzima News: Authorities continue detaining monks, activists
Mizzima News: Veteran ethnic politician's book circulates in Rangoon
Irrawaddy: Exodus of medical students from Burma
Irrawaddy: University privileges granted to Than Shwe’s grandson
VOA News: Burma's military keeps tight rein on society
BBC News: Hidden life of Burma's opposition
DVB: Rights activists' appeal denied by court
DVB: Dagon man charged after fight with official’s family

BUSINESS / TRADE
Mizzima News: Miners jobless after gold mines shutdown in Kachin state

REGIONAL
Reuters: Indonesia urges Myanmar to do more on democracy
The New Straits Times: Passport ring busted

INTERNATIONAL
UNNC: More vulnerable people in Myanmar to benefit from UN food aid in 2008
Irrawaddy: US Presidential hopefuls—Who’s best for Burma?
AP: US diplomat urges Myanmar leaders to start talks with opposition

OPINION / OTHER
Irrawaddy: Burma faces more of the same in 2008 - Aung Zaw
The Honolulu Advertiser: World must persevere in pressuring Burma - R.
Nicholas Burns

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

January 9, Mizzima News
Authorities continue detaining monks, activists - Htein Linn

In a continuous crackdown, authorities in western Burma's Arakan state
have sentenced 13 political activists, arrested for their involvement in
the September monk-led protests, dissidents said.

Ofthe 13 arrested – six monks, a university student, three National League
for Democracy party members and three civilians – have been charged under
various articles including frightening the people, disrespectful action
against the government, inciting public riot, involvement in undesired
public protests, beating, swearing, associating with unlawful
organizations, and destroying public properties.

Thein Hlaing, secretary of the Arakan state NLD, said, "The latest
information that we received is that there are six monks and seven
civilians. While some of them have been sentenced under various charges,
some are still kept at interrogation centres."

Among the six detained monks, U Kitharihya from Sittwe's Seikthathukhah
monastery was arrested on September 29, 2007 and is charged under article
143, 505 (b) and 6. Sources said, the monk was sentenced to seven years
and six months in prison and is now kept at Buthitaung prison.

Sixty seven year old U Kawmala, another monk from Sittwe town's Adithan
monastery, was arrested on October 14, 2007 and is charged under article
143 and 295 and sentenced to 2 years and 6 months, sources said. The monk
is currently detained at Sittwe prison.

While U Wunnathiri ( 23) from Sittwe town's Yadanabonmyay monastery, was
arrested on September 29, 2007 and sentenced to 3 years in Sittwe prison,
the other three monks, who were arrested in November, 2007 have been
detained at Sittwe interrogation camp, the source said.

Sources in Arakan state NLD said, while party secretary Khin Hla was
sentenced to 4 years, party treasurer Min Aung is sentenced to two and
half years in prison.

Another party member, Ye Thein, was arrested on September 2 but released
on September 5, 2007. However, he was re-arrested on Noveber 19, 2007 and
was sent to lunatic asylum in Rangoon, sources said.

Meanwhile, authorities continue to detained a final year Master of Arts
(Economics) student, Ye Min Oo, who was arrested in October, in Rangoon's
notorious Insein interrogation centre. But activist Aung Naing Soe, who
was also arrested in October, was charged under article 505 (b), and 143
and is sentenced to three years and nine months in jail in Thandwe prison
in Arakan state.

Two other civilians, Aung Naing and win Maung, who were arrested in
October, were sentenced to 2 years and 3 months, and 2 years and 6 months
respectively, said the source adding that Aung Naing is detained in Sittwe
prison while Win Maung is continued to be detained in Maan Aung police
station.

____________________________________

January 9, Mizzima News
Veteran ethnic politician's book circulates in Rangoon - Phanida

A political book penned by veteran ethnic Shan politician, U Shwe Ohn, is
circulating with gusto in political circles in Rangoon, sources said.

The book, 'Let us build an indestructible federal union', has 17 chapters
that focusses on the historical background of different nationals living
in Burma, the formation of the Pagan kingdom, the historic Pang Long
agreement and the constitutions of Burma.

U Shwe Ohn (86) told Mizzima, "It has been 60 years since we established a
union but till today there is no genuine federal union in Burma. So, I
have written this book in order to help form a genuine federal union."

A politically aware youth, who has read the book, said, it has 311 pages,
and has been written from historic and legal perspectives.

Pointing out the flaws of Burma's 1947 constitution, U Shwe Ohn in his
book said, "the Nyaunghnapin Constitution is not for Burma, and it is not
for other states either. It is only helping the military dictatorship."

"Though he is a Shan ethnic, he has not written the book from a Shan
perspective alone. He has properly studied other ethnic people and also
refers to them. I have actually gained a lot from the book. Reading this
book is like getting a priceless historic legacy," another youth, who read
the book, told Mizzima.

Shwe Ohn said, photocopies of the book, which will be published, if the
Burmese Censorship Board passes it, is currently under circulation among
politicians and friends for review.

A graduate in Law, the Shan ethnic politician is a colleague of veteran
Shan politicians U Tin Aye, U and Tun Myint. The trio, in 1993, had
jointly written a political book titled 'The whereabouts of the third
federal union'. In the same year, Shwe Ohn submitted a paper titled 'The
eight states' federal union' to the junta's National Convention, which
ironically earned him a year in prison.

The veteran politician, Shwe Ohn, is currently living in his residence in
Myay Ni Kone of San Chaung Township in Rangoon.

____________________________________

January 9, Irrawaddy
Exodus of medical students from Burma - Min Lwin

Medical students in Burma are frustrated by the lack of opportunities and
future prospects, according to Aye Sandar, who is studying a Third MB
junior degree at Medical University of Rangoon No 2 in North Okkalapa in
the outskirts of Rangoon.

“Traditionally, medical universities are popular destinations for eager
young minds, said Aye Sandar. “However, nowadays, young medical students
are losing interest; they are leaving medical school to go abroad.”

“I was really interested in learning medicine,” said Ze Yar, a student at
Rangoon Medical University in 2006. “But when I started attending the
class, it was different to what I had imagined. There were 20 students
performing surgery on each cadaver. We were not getting enough experience,
so I decided to go and study in Singapore,” he told The Irrawaddy by phone
on Tuesday. “What we learnt in medical university in Burma didn’t fit the
medical profession.”

“It is estimated that there are currently up to 900 former medical
students from Burma studying for diplomas in Singapore,” said Ze Yar, who
is himself studying education at a polytechnic in the island state.

According to Ze Yar, graduating medical students in Burma must wait a long
time until the Department of Health selects a post for them. Degrees and
diplomas obtained at Burmese medical universities are not internationally
recognized.

Ze Yar said he had no regrets about turning his back o¬n the country of
his birth. “I spent 18 years of my life in Burma, but the government
didn’t do anything for me,” he said. He feels no sense of gratitude
towards Burma—on the contrary, he says, “I’d really like to serve my home
country, but I owe my gratitude to Singapore.”

Another former student of Medical University of Rangoon No 2, Kyaw Tun,
now works at an electronics store in Singapore after receiving a diploma
from Nanyan Polytechnic in Singapore. Like thousands of young Burmese
before him, Kyaw Tun sought employment abroad.

“I left Burma to give my life stability, and that’s the main reason I
joined the polytechnic,” he told The Irrawaddy in a phone interview. For
Kyaw Tun, stability means the opportunity to earn a secure living in a
country free from the restrictions and uncertainties of life in Burma.

“It’s very sad that even the brightest Burmese students only receive
diplomas in Singapore; they cannot even hope to get a degree, because it’s
so difficult,” says Thidar, a former teacher at Medical University of
Rangoon No 1.

Thidar says that the difficulties in applying the knowledge learnt in the
medical profession in Burma is an additional reason why so many Burmese
medical students elect to study abroad after completing their
matriculation exams.

Ko Htike, who qualified to go to medical university in Burma but did not
attend, said most of the outstanding young students don’t want to be
doctors. “They are not interested in working as doctors,” he said. “They
leave their home country because there is no future there.”

Less than six years ago, Ko Htike was at high school in Burma,
contemplating his future. Now he works as a technical assistant in
Singapore. He added that all technicians from Burma are in high demand
within Singaporean industries.

After graduating from the prestigious Medical University of Rangoon No 2
in 2004 with a degree, Zin Mar Aung could not find suitable employment.
“In Burma, it’s difficult for general practitioners to find jobs, and
their salaries are so low,” she said. “I regret that it took me six years
to earn my degree.”

Zin Mar Aung left home seven months ago to study for a master’s degree in
business at the National University of Singapore. “It is good to be here
because I wouldn’t be able to do anything in Burma,” she said, adding that
many students who graduated from her college are now working as
salespeople for pharmaceutical companies in Rangoon.

A total of 2,400 students per year are entitled to apply to study medicine
in Burma at one of the four medical universities, according to the
university entrance guide booklet from the Department of Higher Education
in Rangoon.

Students who graduate from medical universities have to wait for several
months just to work as assistant doctors because the government cannot
find posts for the number of students who are graduating each year in
medical science. “Half of the students who graduate go to work in
government hospitals,” says Dr Tint Zaw, formerly of North Okkalapa
General Hospital.

Thidar is acutely aware of the irony inherent in medical universities
where there is a lack of teachers. The former teacher drew a comparison
with the insufficient equipment in laboratories. While she sees the
necessity in gaining work experience, she still despairs. “I am afraid
that the next generation of doctors in Burma coming from these
universities will be unqualified,” she said.

Singapore has been a popular destination for Burmese students since the
1990s. The city state suffers from a manpower shortage and lures foreign
students with offers of permanent resident status and 80 percent loans.
Recipients repay the loans by working for the Singaporean government after
completing their studies.

____________________________________

January 9, Irrawaddy
University privileges granted to Than Shwe’s grandson - Saw Yan Naing

Denied a university place in Singapore, the pampered grandson of Burma’s
junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe is having an easier time pursuing his
studies at Rangoon’s Technological University.

Nay Shwe Thway Aung—aka Pho La Pyeit—has reportedly been granted special
privileges that include hand-picked teachers, security guards and a
special classroom shared with 17 other favored students.

This week, municipal workers cleared the road he follows to university,
destroying roadside stands selling water.

The football-loving youngster, a favorite grandson of Than Shwe, enrolled
at the Technological University last month.

In April 2007, during a visit by Than Shwe and members of his family to
Maymyo a helicopter was reportedly dispatched to Rangoon on a special
mission to buy roast duck for Nay Shwe Thway Aung.

Reports of his pampered lifestyle circulated among Burmese students in
Singapore, fuelling fears at home that he could be exposed to abuse and
even attack if he attended university there.

____________________________________

January 8, VOA News
Burma's military keeps tight rein on society - Rory Byrne and Wido
Schlichting

Burma's military government has been in power for more than four decades.
While most Burmese are poor, the country's top military elite and their
friends have become rich, fueling widespread resentment. Those feelings
have grown more serious in the days since the military crushed
anti-government demonstrations in September. Yet despite their
unpopularity, Burma's generals are as entrenched as ever. Rory Byrne and
Wido Schlichting report on how the country's military stays in power.

Burma is one of the most isolated countries in the world.  Democratic
observers say the military government uses fear and repression to maintain
its grip on power.  Opposition is not tolerated.

In September of last year, the government sharply increased the price of
fuel and tens of thousands of Buddhist monks and civilians took to the
streets in pro-democracy protests.  Among them was Hlaing Moe Than.

When the military crushed the protests, Hlaing Moe Than escaped into
Thailand. He had been jailed and tortured many times in the past.  He
says, "The military junta can do as they like - they are above the law.
Our people don't get the protection of the law, you know - they can arrest
anybody without a warrant. They can detain persons in an interrogation
center."

The military regime has forbidden freedom of expression from opposition
groups. Only pro-government news media is allowed.

Zaw Min, a Burmese pro-democracy activist living in Bangkok, describes the
government rules and tactics, he says, "They rule the country for many
years based on the fear of the citizen. That's why they use so many kinds
of oppressive measures on certain citizens. If you want to go against the
government you are put in prison, arrested, tortured, even you disappear -
nobody knows."

Prices for fuel have had a drastic effect on the costs of transportation,
cooking oil and food.  Most people in Burma earn less than a dollar a day.
But the military elite and their friends live in luxury.

Oo Win Naing is an opposition politician living in Rangoon. He has been
jailed many times for his views. "There are lots of people who are getting
rich during this military regime period. For those kind of people they
have become very, very strong supporters to the government because they
are gaining things, they are gaining lots of things," Naing said.

The military also controls the country's abundant natural resources. The
roads through Burma's forests are filled with logging trucks. Many people
in Burma and environmental groups say the military charges thousands of
dollars in fees for each truck.

In addition, precious stones from Burmese mines earn the government
hundreds of millions of dollars each year.

A gem auction in Rangoon recently raised more than $300 million from
foreign dealers, most of them from China.

Some human rights groups’ say more than 40 percent of the government's
budget goes to the army. Some of that money is spent on fighting ethnic
minority rebels.

Despite international demands that the government begin reform and talks
with opposition leaders, most notably Aung San Suu Kyi, there is still no
sign the generals are ready to give up power.

But as many people slip further into poverty, human rights groups and
activists say resentment to military rule is growing deeper every day.

____________________________________

January 8, BBC News
Hidden life of Burma's opposition - Andrew Harding

In a small, windowless room somewhere in Rangoon, a 35-year-old woman
called Nilar Thein is wrestling with an unusual dilemma.

For the past four months, she has been on the run, scrambling between
safe-houses, trying to keep a step ahead of the Burmese authorities as
they hunt for the ringleaders of last September's protests.

Most of those in hiding have already been tracked down and imprisoned, but
somehow Nilar has managed to evade capture.

"I'm very careful about my safety," she said, speaking on a mobile phone.
She changes numbers regularly.

"I've found kind families who really helped me. It's thanks to them that I
am still free. Still, I've had many narrow escapes."

But as the weeks slip by Nilar faces a growing quandary.

Should she remain in hiding indefinitely, or should she try to spearhead a
new protest campaign against the Burmese authorities - a move almost
guaranteeing her a lengthy prison sentence.

In many ways, Nilar's predicament is shared by the internal opposition
movement as a whole, as it struggles to regroup after last year's dramatic
street protests and the violent crackdown which followed.

"I feel inadequate when I hear that one of my colleagues has been arrested
for their activities. I get quite depressed that I cannot go out and do as
they did," said Nilar.

"My friends tell me not to get carried away by my emotions. We all decided
who would go out and who would stay.

"There are many things that I can do while in hiding. But I don't see
myself hiding like this forever. I'm just waiting for the right moment."

Child at risk

Nilar's position is complicated - to put it mildly - by her unusual family
circumstances.

Her husband Kyaw Min Yu - also known as Jimmy - is already in Rangoon's
notorious Insein jail.

He was arrested on 21 August after taking part in the very first street
protests triggered by an overnight increase in the price of fuel.

"I get messages, indirectly, from him in jail," Nilar explained.

"He is in good health. But sometimes I feel so sad I want to go to prison
just to see him."

As veteran members of Burma's 88 Generation Students - a pro-democracy
group named after the last major uprising in 1988 - Nilar and Jimmy are
both familiar with their country's penal system.

Between them they have spent 24 years in jail - Jimmy 16 years, Nilar eight.

In 2006, they decided to get married, and in April last year Nilar gave
birth to a daughter, Phyu Nay Kyi Min Yu.

When Nilar went into hiding at the end of August, she initially took Phyu
with her.

But the risks for both proved too great.

Once, while hiding in an attic, Nilar heard the police downstairs.

"I told my daughter - my dear, please don't make a noise. If you want to
stay with mummy, please do not make any noise. I was breastfeeding her.
She looked at me as if she understood the whole situation, and did not
make a sound."

After that incident, Nilar decided to leave Phyu with her in-laws.

"There is tight security around my daughter now. The authorities are still
hoping I will come to see her."

She believes they are using her daughter as a trap.

In prison, Jimmy is able to receive occasional visits from his daughter.
But in hiding, Nilar has no direct contact whatsoever.

"[Sometimes it seems like] those in prison have better lives than us," she
mused.

"They can leave their cells for walks, and see their families. I hear from
friends that my daughter has grown so much. They told me how she giggled.

"But a baby should be under the close care of her own parents. I really
want to be with my family - the three of us together."

Nilar spends her days waiting and planning, and her nights fighting with
bronchitis and asthma attacks.

She has not stepped outside for more than a month, but may soon have to
move to another location.

She says her years in solitary confinement have helped her cope with the
isolation.

"I'm in a place where I cannot see the sun, or be touched by the wind,"
she said. "But it could be much worse."

Useful role

There are now other activists with her in hiding, but she does not want to
give their names for security reasons.

"The only problem is if we fall ill. We cannot go out to see a doctor. But
all of us have spent time in prison so we are used to the conditions."

Once, when an earlier hideout was surrounded by the authorities, Nilar
managed to slip out of a side door and flag down a rickshaw taxi.

"When I glanced round, I saw a man with a walkie-talkie chasing me on a
bicycle. I hid behind my umbrella." Luckily for her the rickshaw was
quicker, and she managed to escape.

For now, Nilar insists she can still play a useful role in hiding.

"I don't think I am isolated at the moment, or sidelined. Many top leaders
have been captured but I am in touch with all those who are still in the
movement.

"We have contact and co-ordination. I have no plan to go abroad or into
exile. If you hold on to your beliefs, you can overcome anything."
But after decades in power, Burma's military government is showing no
signs of buckling under international or internal pressure.

Like the bruised opposition movement as a whole, Nilar acknowledges that
she may soon be obliged to come out of hiding to challenge the junta once
more.

"I have thought about it and prepared for that moment," she said calmly.

"There is every chance I will be captured, but until that moment I will do
what I must."

____________________________________

January 9, Democratic Voice of Burma
Rights activists' appeal denied by court

Three human rights activists who are currently serving time in Taung-ngu
prison in Bago division had their appeal rejected by Prome court on
Monday.

Thet Oo, Zaw Htun and monk U Panita, who are members of the Human Rights
Defenders and Promoters network, were each sentenced to two years’
imprisonment by district judge U Maung Maung on 7 November 2007 at Prome
prison court.

HRDP network leader U Myint Aye said that they were sentenced for their
involvement in the September protests and contact with the media.

“They have been imprisoned for talking to the media and for assisting the
monk protests in September,” U Myint Aye said.

“Jailing people for talking to the media is a violation of the right to
freedom of speech.”

____________________________________

January 9, Democratic Voice of Burma
Dagon man charged after fight with official’s family

A man from New Dagon township in Rangoon has been arrested and faces
criminal charges after an argument with a close relative of a local
official, the man’s family said.

Ko Win Ko, a villager from Htaung Taloke village in New Dagon township,
got into a verbal argument with Ko Aye Min Soe on 31 December after the
man failed to pay Ko Win Ko’s brother Ko Myint Htun 40,000 kyat for farm
labour he had done for him.

A family member of Ko Win Ko said that Ko Aye Min Soe's older brother,
village Peace and Development Council chairman U Aye Myint, then became
involved in the argument and proceeded to throw punches at Ko Win Ko while
his wife, Daw Aye Sein, also slapped him.

The following day, 1 January, U Aye Myint reported the case to the local
police station and had Ko Win Ko and his father U Chit Khine arrested by
deputy police chief Thet Zaw Oo.

The family member said that police also went to the house of Ko Win Ko's
younger brother Ko Hla Ko on the same night, but failed to arrest him as
he was not at home.

"Ko Hla Ko's wife Ma Thida was sleeping at the time [when the police came]
as she has been ill, said the family member.

“A policeman went up to her in bed and beat her three times with a baton."

The family member added that the police had had no warrants for the
arrests and were not accompanied by the village PDC officials as is
required.

Ko Win Ko and U Chit Khine were sent to Insein prison on 3 January and are
due to appear before Eastern Dagon [new] township court on 11 January.

Both the local township PDC and the police station were unavailable for
comment.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

____________________________________

January 9, Mizzima News
Miners jobless after gold mines shutdown in Kachin state - Myo Gyi

Of a sudden workers in Jawa gold mine in Phakant township, Kachin state
northern Burma have become jobless because the regional Burma Army
battalion ordered the mine to be shut down in September 2007.

Miners in Jawa gold mine said they lost their jobs when the army's
regional command battalion under the northern military division ordered
the mine to be closed.

Though the Kachin Independent Army (KIA), an armed Kachin rebel group,
which once had vast control over the famous Jade land area in Phakant
Township, told the mine workers to resume work after Christmas
celebrations, the regional command continues to impose restrictions, a
mine worker told Mizzima.

"One side tells us to open, and the other side tells us to close, so we
cannot work officially. But we are working secretly and if the army comes
to know then we will loose all our equipment," a miner said.

Gold mine workers, unlike in jade mines, have to pay millions of Kyat to
the army in order to be allowed to mine. They also have to pay 200,000
kyat to the KIA for the use of one gold mine machine, the mine worker
added.

While the reason for the closure of the gold mines still remains unknown,
a local resident said, Yuzana Company has taken a contract for a
plantation along Tha Naing and Phakant highway, on which the gold mine is
located.

Besides, a factory is also under construction along the highway, the local
added.

An estimated 200 gold mining machines are being used by thousands of gold
miners in the Jawa gold mine, which is located near a village along the
Tha Naing – Phakant highway.

The regional commanding battalion based in Tha Naing town, during an
operation in end September 2007, seized at least 180 gold mining machines
from the mine workers.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

January 8, Reuters
Indonesia urges Myanmar to do more on democracy

Indonesia urged military-ruled Myanmar on Tuesday to take more credible
steps towards democratization, including releasing political prisoners.

Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda said his country was
frustrated that years of attempts to engage Myanmar diplomatically had
born little fruit.

"We wish to see a more credible process in the implementation of their
roadmap to democracy," Wirajuda said in an annual foreign affairs
briefing.

Myanmar's junta has embarked on a national convention to draw up a new
constitution as part of its "roadmap to democracy," but the process has
been criticized in many quarters as a sham.

At least 31 people were killed in September when the junta crushed the
biggest pro-democracy protests in nearly 20 years, prompting international
condemnation and tougher sanctions.

Indonesia, the largest member of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN), which includes Myanmar, has been increasingly critical of
Myanmar's foot-dragging on reforms.

Myanmar's prime minister, Thein Sein, will hold talks with Indonesian
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono during a visit to Jakarta next week.

Wirajuda said the visit served as an opportunity for Myanmar to brief the
Indonesian leader about its plans.

He said even though neither diplomacy nor sanctions had brought changes in
Myanmar, it was important to continue to engage Myanmar with the help of
regional powers such as China and India.

"Some countries in the region choose to be indifferent but for Indonesia,
we can't afford to ignore this problem," he said. "We have to be
pro-active."

He reiterated calls for Myanmar to release political prisoners, including
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

Myanmar has ignored international pressure to release Suu Kyi, who has
been under house arrest for years.

Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won a 1990 election by a
landslide, but was denied power by the military, which has ruled in one
form or another since a 1962 coup.

(Reporting by Ahmad Pathoni; Editing Sugita Katyal and Alex Richardson)

____________________________________

January 9, The New Straits Times
Passport ring busted

Immigration officers seized more than 150 fake Thai and Myanmar passports
during a raid at a shoplot in Jalan Silang, Kuala Lumpur on Monday
evening.

Ten Myanmars, who had forged refugee status cards similar to the ones
issued by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), were
detained during the raid.

The officers also seized cash amounting to RM20,000, including US$3,500
(RM11,500), and 19 forged foreign worker identification cards.

Of the forged passports, 126 were Thai while 35 were Myanmar passports.

Immigration enforcement chief Datuk Ishak Mohamed said the operation,
codenamed Ops Serkap, was the department's first raid of the year.

However, the authorities failed to detain the masterminds, a Myanmar
couple, who are believed to be in Thailand.

"We believe the syndicate was only involved in the distribution of fake
passports, but not the production as we did not find any equipment," Ishak
said yesterday.

He said the passports were worth around US$1,000 or US$2,000 each.

"We will surrender the fake documents to the Thai and Myanmar embassies."
He also said that Jalan Silang had been identified as a haunt for illegal
immigrants and Immigration officers would be keeping a close watch on the
area.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

January 9, UN News Centre
More vulnerable people in Myanmar to benefit from UN food aid in 2008

The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) will expand its assistance
in Myanmar in 2008 after helping 500,000 people in vulnerable communities
last year to overcome chronic food shortages.

Overall, the three-year programme plans to reach 1.6 million vulnerable
people at a cost of $51.7 million.

“Not only have we helped marginalized communities to overcome the
immediate difficulties they experience during the monsoon period, but
through creative programming we are helping to reduce the size of the food
gap in these areas by improving livelihood opportunities,” WFP Country
Director Chris Kaye said.

The Government of Myanmar facilitates WFP’s work by granting access to
several of the most marginalized areas of the country. Many of those
supported are from former poppy growing communities in the eastern border
areas of the country.

Bringing food to people in these areas is particularly challenging due to
the remoteness and sometimes mountainous terrain. It is also constrained
by the complex clearance system imposed by the authorities which controls
the movement of goods and commodities from region to another.

But in one area in North Rakhine State (NRS) recently, the authorities
have eased procedures which will help speed up the movement of food to
where it is needed most. “The easing of bureaucratic procedures in NRS by
the Area Commander is an initiative we hope will be replicated elsewhere,”
Mr. Kaye said. “It will certainly improve the effectiveness and efficiency
of our operations.”

WFP expects to expand its operations in 2008 to impoverished communities
in eastern Kachin. A critical element is Government agreement for WFP to
partner with a number of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and Mr.
Kaye said discussions had been positive. “I am confident that we will be
able to deliver food assistance in these areas in early 2008 providing we
continue to receive donor support,” he added.

Working with 22 UN and NGO partners, WFP provides food to vulnerable
people in Myanmar, including HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis patients and
schoolchildren in marginalized areas, supplying food baskets consisting of
rice, pulses, vegetable oil, salt and high-protein blended food. WFP
operations in Myanmar rely on the Government to facilitate the movement of
food and personnel.

____________________________________

January 9, Irrawaddy
US Presidential hopefuls—Who’s best for Burma? - Wai Moe

As the contest to select the candidates for November’s US presidential
election heats up, Burmese are asking themselves which of them are more
likely to engage in Burma’s democracy struggle and how a new
administration will impact on US policy on Burma.

The most interesting of them appear to be the Democrats Hillary Rodham
Clinton, and Barack Obama and the Republican John McCain. Clinton,
however, has shown less interest in Burma than Obama and McCain.


Democratic presidential hopeful Hillary Clinton [Photo: AFP]	Democratic
presidential candidate Illinois Senator Barack Obama [Photo:
AFP]	Republican presidential candidate U.S. Senator John McCain [Photo:
Reuters]

Many Burmese observers, inside and outside the country, say that Clinton’s
interest in Burma issue is less than her rivals, Obama and McCain.

Analysts point out that Washington’s Burma policy is mostly influenced by
congressmen, congresswomen and senators with special interest in the
country, such as Senators Joseph Biden, Mitch McConnell and Dianne
Feinstein and Congressmen Joseph Crawley, Tom Lantos and Joseph Pitts, who
are united in their view that the Burmese military regime is one of the
world’s worst tyrannies.

Thaung Tun, the UN representative of Burma’s government in exile, the
National Coalition Government Union of Burma, told The Irrawaddy on
Wednesday he didn’t expect a “big change” in US policy from a new
administration. All candidates for the US presidency shared the same view
on Burma, he said.

Obama spoke out on October 1 last year about the September demonstrations
and crackdown, saying the world had witnessed the images of monks as they
courageously and peacefully demand democracy and the military junta’s
violent response. He said a regime that claimed to be impervious to
international criticism had moved to close off media and communications
access to stem the flow of those images out of the country.

Obama said he was pleased that the UN had dispatched special envoy Ibrahim
Gambari to Burma and that he had met opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

“I urge all nations, including the EU and Burma’s neighbors, to cooperate
in enforcing the financial sanctions the United States has imposed,” said
Obama. “The United States should also push China to help persuade the
regime to begin a serious dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi and those seeking
democratic reform.”

Obama also said the US should lead in charting a unified course with
Asean, China, India, Japan and the EU “to forge a road map for change in
Burma, and prevent the junta from playing countries off each other as they
have in the past.”

“Ordinary people armed with courage and hope are not powerless,” Obama
said. “They are history’s mightiest force, even before the guns of a
brutal regime. We must remain true to their cause and honor their
bravery.”

In contrast to Obama, Clinton was silent on the September demonstrations
and the crackdown, earning criticism from commentator Sheldon Filger on
the Web site www.hillaryproject.com.

In a commentary carried by the site on October 8, Filger said many
statesmen and human rights advocates had been speaking out publicly about
the events in Burma.

“But what about the person who claims to be the ‘most qualified’ to become
America’s next president, Hillary Rodham Clinton?” he asked. “Our former
co-president, Senator Hillary Clinton, has thus far been silent on recent
events in Burma. Why?”

A Western observer told The Irrawaddy Clinton was “more like a political
opportunist.” But he also wanted to know how Obama stood on Burma—“I am
not sure if he knows where Burma is located."

Among all presidential candidates, McCain has proved himself to be the
best champion for the Burmese people. He visited Burma with a US
delegation in the 1990s and met Suu Kyi while she was under house arrest.

“Aung San Suu Kyi is the greatest person I have ever met in my life,”
McCain said after the meeting.

“Some in the international community fail to see the urgency of restoring
just rule in Burma, believing that the passage of time will eventually
undermine the SPDC's [State Peace and Development Council’s] tyranny,”
McCain wrote in a commentary in The Wall Street Journal in June 2005.

“But as we see today, the SPDC could just as easily tighten its grip as
lighten its repression. We must stand behind Ms Suu Kyi and other Burmese
democrats to ensure that time abets freedom, not despotism and misery.”

When the Burmese junta cracked down on Buddhist monks and other protesters
last September, McCain referred to the events repeatedly on the campaign
trail, even to crowds largely unfamiliar with what he was so upset about.
“They are bad guys,” he said of Burma’s ruling generals. “Thugs.”

____________________________________

January 9, Associated Press
US diplomat urges Myanmar leaders to start talks with opposition

A senior U.S. diplomat urged Myanmar's ruling military junta on Tuesday to
begin talks with opposition leaders and release political prisoners.

Nicholas Burns, the State Department's No. 3 official, wrote in The
Washington Post that the leaders in Myanmar, also known as Burma, and
their «policies are the greatest threat to Burma's unity, stability and
prosperity.

Detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's political party is
advocating for her freedom and for the release of prisoners seized during
last year's crackdown on pro-democracy protests led by Buddhist monks.
Myanmar troops crushed the street rallies in September and sparked global
outrage over the loss of life.

Burns said the generals «have brought about a steady decline in living
standards and a deterioration in educational and public health systems.
They have caused a continuing flow of refugees, narcotics and dangerous
diseases into neighboring countries.

The United States, Burns wrote, supports U.N. efforts to start a national
dialogue.

«That's why it is critical that China, India, the ASEAN countries and
Burma's other neighbors use any and all influence to support the U.N.
effort and press the regime to initiate a dialogue,» Burns wrote,
referring to the 10-country Association of Southeast Asian Nations. «It is
also why the United Nations should quicken the pace of its diplomacy.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

January 9, Irrawaddy
Burma faces more of the same in 2008 - Aung Zaw

Less than four months after the shattering events of September, news about
Burma is now a scarcity and has almost disappeared from the radar screen.
The regime's tight control over the country has increased in that time,
and a quiet crackdown on dissidents has continued.

The regime's attempt to restore "normalcy" may be working as many
dissidents have been locked up and Buddhist monks have deserted Burma's
temples and monasteries.

In this on-going stalemate, a combination of deep depression, despair and
fear continues to grip the country.

News from Iraq, Kenya, Pakistan, Afghanistan and now the American
pre-election primaries has taken over the headlines, and developments in
Burma are given little attention.

Nevertheless, as the year 2008 gets under way, the desire among Burma’s
international friends to see change there is as strong as ever.

These friends keep advocating Burma's cause and maintain the spotlight on
Burma. They are as determined as Burma's undefeated souls to keep the
Burma issue alive.

On the 60th anniversary this month of Burma's independence, US first lady
Laura Bush again strongly criticized the country’s military leadership,
saying "instead of celebrating their freedom, the Burmese people live in
fear, poverty and oppression under General Than Shwe and his military
regime."

She also said that the US stands united behind detained opposition leader
Aung San Suu Kyi and "all those working to make sure that by the next
January 4 the people of Burma will celebrate real independence."

Britain's Foreign Secretary, David Miliband who has written several
commentaries on Burma since September’s uprising, also issued a statement
saying that the Burmese people's aspirations for democracy, stability and
prosperity have been frustrated.

Meanwhile, the European Union's special envoy for Burma, Piero Fassino,
said that efforts to promote democracy in Burma must remain a priority for
the international community.

Piero Fassino, who made a tour of the region and met Chinese officials in
Beijing, said: "We want to keep Myanmar [Burma] at the top of the
international community's agenda."

He also held talks with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and UN special
envoy Ibrahim Gambari. Fassino said they found common ground, particularly
on the need to enlist the support of all key Asian countries for
diplomatic pressure to secure a political dialogue between the Burmese
regime and the country's opposition.

The regime is not interested in dialogue, however. The appointment late
last year of a liaison minister between the regime and Suu Kyi was just an
attempt to deflect growing international criticism. The junta "fails to
show any interest in talks" with Suu Kyi's party, the National League for
Democracy, the London-based Economist Intelligence Unit said in its recent
annual report.

Frustration and disappointment have also been felt in the region.

As Indonesia prepared to welcome Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein to
Jakarta next week, Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda said that while “some
countries in the region choose to be indifferent
we can’t afford to ignore
this problem.”

The Indonesian Foreign Minister said his government wanted to see “a more
credible process in the implementation of their [the Burmese junta’s] road
map to democracy.”

Singapore's elder statesman Lee Kuan Yew has also criticized the military
junta, saying Burma’s ruling generals were "people with very fixated
minds, quite convinced that they will have the natural resources to
weather any sanctions."

Lee, who famously said the regime leaders were rather dumb in handling the
Burmese economy, also drew attention to the role other countries in the
region could play in persuading the junta to embrace democracy.

"The members of Asean who could influence them [the generals] will be
Thailand, and beyond [that] China and India. The rest of us—we are a kind
of background muzak," he said, using slang for elevator music.

China, Thailand and India are major trading partners of the regime, and
Beijing has been a leading supplier of arms. Singapore diplomats and
officials have been quietly criticizing the Burma policy of Thailand,
which is eager to purchase gas and natural resources from the regime.

Meanwhile, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh told visiting Burmese
Foreign Minister Nyan Win that it had become increasingly urgent to bring
about "political reform and national reconciliation" in Burma.

The regime is likely this year to face more diplomatic pressure from the
region and in the wider world.  Dissidents in exile also predict that more
street protests similar to those of last September are likely to take
place, leading to social unrest and instability.

It seems, however, that Snr-Gen Than Shwe and other leaders are prepared
to resist any pressure from inside or outside the country. Than Shwe's
recent Independence Day speech contained nothing new, while indicating
that the regime's "road map" will not be inclusive and that the indefinite
power of the military will be maintained.

In his speech, Than Shwe said the “road map” would guarantee a
"discipline-flourishing democratic state."

More political gambits with the UN, in order to appease powerful neighbors
like China, are to be expected from the former psychological warfare
officer, implying that
Gambari may soon go back to Burma.

Gambari's mission has been supported by western and regional governments,
although his efforts to bring about political dialogue and national
reconciliation have so far proved to be futile. Burmese at home and abroad
have been increasingly critical of Gambari's work, which has been
ridiculed by the Burmese public—the Nigerian diplomat has even been a
figure of fun in the popular traditional comedy shows.

A western observer and a businessman with keen interest in Burma recently
said that there is no question of the good intentions of the US, the EU,
American first lady Laura Bush and some regional leaders—but he added: "It
is also disgusting to see them back Gambari, who hasn’t a clue about
Burma." All the words and statements uttered about Burma should be turned
into action, he said.

The year 2007 ended with a bloody crackdown and deep depression.
Independence Day at the start of 2008 marked only Burma’s recolonization
by homegrown dictators—and prospects for the rest of the year remain
bleak.

____________________________________

January 9, The Honolulu Advertiser
World must persevere in pressuring Burma - R. Nicholas Burns

Three months have passed since the world called on Burma's dictators,
Gens. Than Shwe and Maung Aye, to end their brutal crackdown on tens of
thousands of peaceful monks and other demonstrators and begin a genuine
dialogue with Burma's democratic and ethnic minority leaders — with the
goal of a transition to democracy. The time has come for them to act.

With the strong backing of the U.N. Security Council, U.N. special adviser
Ibrahim Gambari has made two trips to Burma, also called Myanmar, since
the crackdown to try to facilitate a dialogue. Through him, democratic
leader and Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has reaffirmed her
willingness to participate in a "meaningful and time-bound" dialogue to be
joined by representatives of the country's ethnic minority groups.

This is a rare opportunity to help put Burma on the path to democratic
civilian rule and to greater stability and prosperity. But while the
regime initially made a few unremarkable gestures, such as appointing an
official to interact with Aung San Suu Kyi and allowing her to meet once
with a few democratic colleagues, it has since halted even this hint of
progress and, in fact, has moved backward.

It has continued to arrest activists and harass Buddhist monks, recently
closing a monastery that served as an AIDS hospice. Aung San Suu Kyi
remains under house arrest, and the junta has refused her request to have
two colleagues serve as liaisons to the government. On Dec. 3, senior
regime officials delivered their harshest comments yet, rejecting any role
for the opposition in drafting the constitution, blaming Aung San Suu Kyi
for the lack of progress on a dialogue and describing the September
demonstrations it suppressed as "trivial."

The United States does not regard such violence and the beating, detention
and reported torture of peaceful protesters, including monks, as trivial.
As first lady Laura Bush has said, "it seems the generals are indifferent
to the Burmese people's suffering, but the rest of the world is not."

Dialogue would enable the Burmese people, through legitimate political and
ethnic representatives, to discuss with the regime ways to broaden the
political process — including participation in the drafting of a
constitution. This way the results will have legitimacy and popular
support, allowing the full array of talent available in Burmese society to
tackle the country's many problems. While the regime argues that it is the
only force capable of keeping the country unified and that any change
outside its control risks turmoil and instability, the reality is that the
regime and its policies are the greatest threat to Burma's unity,
stability and prosperity.

The military rulers have brought about a steady decline in living
standards and a deterioration in educational and public health systems.
They have caused a continuing flow of refugees, narcotics and dangerous
diseases into neighboring countries, and have so distressed and frustrated
the people that they took to the streets by the thousands despite the risk
of brutal suppression.

This is a horrendous track record, but Aung San Suu Kyi and other
democratic leaders have nevertheless said that the Burmese military has an
important role to play in a peaceful transition to democracy. With Than
Shwe and Maung Aye showing no willingness to move in this direction, many
in their regime should be increasingly uncomfortable with their policies
and the country's direction.

The United States wants to see a strong, prosperous, stable and free
Burma. We are convinced that the only way to achieve this objective is
through the sort of broad national dialogue that U.N. special adviser
Gambari is trying to facilitate with Security Council support. That's why
it is critical that China, India, the ASEAN countries and Burma's other
neighbors use any and all influence to support the U.N. effort and press
the regime to initiate a dialogue. It is also why the United Nations
should quicken the pace of its diplomacy.

As part of this effort, the United States will continue to target regime
leaders and their cronies with sanctions. President Bush has promised that
our country will continue to pressure the Burmese dictators to ensure that
there is no return to business as usual. The world must not turn its back
on the people of Burma and allow the regime's disregard for human dignity
to continue. Together, we must apply sustained and strong pressure while
making clear that a successful dialogue leading to a political transition
would enable Burma to make a full return to the international system.

There are steps the junta could take immediately that would signal its
seriousness — releasing Aung San Suu Kyi and others, allowing them freedom
of association and ending the ongoing crackdown. Meanwhile, Ibrahim
Gambari plans to return to Burma soon. It is time for the generals to tell
him — and the Burmese people — that they will begin a genuine dialogue and
take the steps necessary for it to succeed. The time has come to ask the
senior generals: What are you waiting for?

R. Nicholas Burns is U.S. undersecretary of state for political affairs.
He wrote this commentary for The Washington Post.

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