BurmaNet News, February 9-11, 2008

[Editor]

February 9-11, 2008 Issue # 3399

INSIDE BURMA
AP: Groups that led Myanmar's pro-democracy protests denounce Junta's
polling plans
DPA via Bangkok Post: Suu Kyi freedom vow
Asia Times: Gaps in Myanmar's democratic timetable
Xinhua: Myanmar NUP party welcomes referendum, election time table
announcement
Irrawaddy: USDA to organize referendum, election
DVB: USDA member found beheaded
Mizzima News: Censor board warns journalists
CSM: Report on fossil finds? Burmese censors say no.

ON THE BORDER
Bangkok Post: All-Burma resistance: 'Never happen'
Reuters: Dissidents line up to fight Myanmar constitution
DVB: Karen refugee camps warned of attack rumours

BUSINESS / TRADE
Kachin News Group: Burmese military start gold mining operations in upper
Putao

REGIONAL
Khonumthung News: Local youth assault Chin asylum seeker in New Delhi

INTERNATIONAL
Irrawaddy: Burmese exile leader calls for referendum boycott

OPINION / OTHER
Irrawaddy: One-sided change is not enough [Editorial]
Mizzima News: The Saffron Revolution; a catalyst for freedom - May Ng

STATEMENT
The 88 Generation Students: Calling for the people of Burma and the Ethnic
Cease-fire groups to reject the Military-sponsored constitution, designed
to legalize the military dictatorship in Burma, in the upcoming referendum

PRESS RELEASE
BCUK: Burma regime defies UN with sham referendum and election
USCB: Leading US Campaign Group calls Burma referendum "A Charade"

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

February 11, Associated Press
Groups that led Myanmar's pro-democracy protests denounce Junta's polling
plans

Two of Myanmar's top dissident groups, one led by Buddhist monks,
denounced on Monday the military government's plans for a constitutional
referendum in May as an effort to perpetuate the junta's rule.

The All Burma Monks Alliance and the Generation 88 Students group, both
major organizers of last year's big pro-democracy protests, said the
government instead needed to hold reconciliation talks with the opposition
party of detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and
representatives of ethnic minority groups.

The student group described the government's plans as a «declaration of
war by the military regime against the people of Burma,» using junta
opponents' preferred name for the country. Last week, the government
announced the May referendum and a general election in 2010. It was the
first time it has set dates for specific steps in its so-called road map
to democracy.

It said it was scheduling the general election because «the time has now
come to change from military rule to democratic civilian rule. The move
failed to win much applause from the international community, which
questioned the junta's sincerity because its plans for democracy have so
far failed to include Suu Kyi and other independent political voices.

We're frankly very skeptical. We're not persuaded that this is anything
more than a cynical sham, said Australian Foreign Minister Stephen Smith.

Public reaction in Myanmar was generally lukewarm. Some felt it was a
small step forward. I will vote for the constitution as it is better to
have a constitution than not having any at all, said Tint Lwin, a
57-year-old university lecturer. Guidelines for a new constitution were
adopted at a military-managed national convention last year and a
government-appointed commission is now drafting the document. The
guidelines would give the military a major role in politics.

Myanmar held its previous general election in 1990, but the military
refused to hand over power to the winning party _ the National League for
Democracy of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Suu Kyi, who has been under house
arrest or in prison for more than 12 of the past 18 years.

The international community increased pressure on the junta, officially
called the State Peace and Development Council or SPDC, to hasten
political reform after it violently quashed peaceful mass protests last
September. The U.N. estimates the crackdown killed at least 31 people, and
thousands more were detained.

We reject and denounce the SPDC announcements as they ignore the
aspirations and wishes of the people and are an attempt to perpetuate the
military dictatorship, said an e-mailed statement from the All Burma Monks
Alliance. Most of Myanmar's 56 million people are devout Buddhists and
monks are highly influential.

The Generation 88 Student group, most of whose leaders were arrested
during and after last year's protests, accused the junta of «attempting to
legalize the military dictatorship with a sham-constitution.

Its e-mailed statement said it believed the government would use any means
possible, including force, to make its constitution approved in the
referendum.

We are ready to stand up to intimidation. We are ready to confront the
Burmese military junta and its violence and brutality, it said, urging
people to vote against the constitution.

The group also asked the U.N. Security Council to pressure the junta for
reforms, said U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon should visit Myanmar as
soon as possible and encouraged Western nations to increase financial
sanctions targeting junta leaders, their families and associates. It also
called for China, the junta's major ally, to apply pressure for reforms.

____________________________________

February 11, Deutsche Presse-Agentur via Bangkok Post
Suu Kyi freedom vow

Rangoon - Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi is likely to be freed six
months prior to a general election in 2010, a leader of the country's
largest pro-government political party predicted Monday.

"The general election will be free and fair in 2010 and may lead to the
release of Daw (Mrs) Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners under
an amnesty," said National Unity Party secretary general Khin Maung Gyi.

Khin Maung Gyi told a press conference that the NUP, known for its close
links with the military, expected Suu Kyi and other political prisoners to
be released six months prior to the 2010 polls, but he forecast that her
National League for Democracy (NLD) would not pull off another landslide
as they did in 1990.

"The NLD won a landslide victory in the 1990 general elections but this
will not happen again in 2010," he said.

The Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a pro-military
organisation with millions of members, will soon be turned into a
political party to contest the 2010 polls, said Khin Maung Gyi.

On Saturday, Burma's ruling junta announced it will hold a referendum on a
new constitution in May, to be followed by a general election in 2010.

The announcement was greeted with by scepticism the regime's many
detractors, who see the move as a manoeuvre to deflect international
pressure on the military to open a political dialogue with Nobel peace
laureate Suu Kyi, who has been under house arrest since May, 2003.

The NLD won the 1990 general election with more than 80 per cent of the
contested seats, compared with less than 10 per cent by the pro-military
NUP.

Suu Kyi, the daughter of Burma independence hero Aung San, lost her right
to contest an election for public office when she married British
professor Michael Aris. Under Burma law, and the new draft of the
constitution, she is ineligible, but the NLD party can do so.

The party was blocked from taking power by the military for the past 18
years, on the pretence that the country needed a new constitution before
handing government over to civilians.

Burma will hold a referendum on the new constitution, drafted by a
military-appointed convention to assure their dominant role in any future
government, in May.

"The regime is attempting to legalise the military dictatorship with its
sham constitution," said The 88 Generation Students, an anti-government
group that has been behind recent protests, including the Buddhist
monk-led demonstrations in September that ended in a brutal crackdown.

The 88 Generation Students group and other junta critics predict that the
referendum will be rigged to assure a positive outcome, as it was in the
country's last referendum of 1974 when the former constitution was
approved.

Burma has been under military rule since 1962.

Some observers predict that the referendum will prove a flashpoint for
more anti-government protests.

"The upcoming constitutional referendum will be a major battle field
between the military regime, who wants to rule the country forever, and
the people of Burma, who want to be free from military rule," said The 88
Generation Students in a statement.

http://www.bangkokpost.com/topstories/topstories.php?id=125859

____________________________________

February 11, Asia Times
Gaps in Myanmar's democratic timetable - Larry Jagan

Myanmar's top general Than Shwe has finally revealed his closely guarded
plans for the country's political future: institutionalize military rule
through a sham constitution and manipulated democratic elections.

The strategy was presented publicly over the weekend when Myanmar's
military rulers announced plans to hold democratic elections in 2010 after
holding a national referendum on a new constitution this May. The
referendum represents the fourth step in the ruling junta's seven-step
"roadmap to democracy", which was first broached in 2003.

"We have achieved success in economic, social and other sectors and in
restoring peace and stability," a top leader in the junta, Secretary 1
Lieutenant-General Tin Aung Myint Oo, announced on the state-run radio and
television. "So it is now suitable to change the military administration
to a democratic, civil administrative system, as good fundamentals have
been established," he said.

Than Shwe obviously feels the time is now right to move towards a form of
civilian rule in order to appease international pressure and prevent
further unrest within the country. Previously the military regime used its
so-called "roadmap to democracy" as a delaying tactic when they came under
international pressure to introduce political reforms.

"It seems that General Than Shwe has changed his mind and is no longer
using the seven-point road map to buy time, but instead it is now central
to his efforts to overcome both internal and international pressures,"
according to the Chiang Mai-based academic Win Min.

"Internally the generals may be worried about further mass unrest, and are
using the promise of elections to cool people down and encourage them not
to do demonstrate, but to wait and see," he said. "The junta promised
elections after crackdown on the 8-8-88 mass movement for the same
reason."

Than Shwe, keen to maintain his influence despite his failing health, has
strategically killed several birds with one stone.

Within the military, he has clearly indicated to his number two, General
Maung Aye, that he cannot hope to replace him as the country's absolute
ruler. He has also effectively killed the United Nation's mediation role -
as there is nothing left for the envoy Ibrahim Gambari to discuss. And his
message to the detained opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, is that there
are no viable options for her but to endorse the roadmap.

The move will please Myanmar's Asian allies - especially China, India and
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) - by coming up with a
hard and fast timetable for political change. The junta first broached its
"roadmap to democracy" over four years ago, but this weekend's
announcement represents the first time that a timetable has been set.

"Than Shwe has been constantly considering all his options and examining
all the possible scenarios in order to have a strategic plan which will
ensure he retains power and protects his family's interests in the
long-run," said a senior source in the new capital Naypitdaw who is close
to the military leader. "For sometime the roadmap was a back-up strategy,
but after the crackdown on the protests last year, it became the main
option to keep political control."

The planned constitution, which critics have branded as a sham and
unrepresentative of the country's pro-democracy constituency, is expected
to be revealed in the next few weeks. More than a thousand military
appointed delegates spent over 14 years in a National Convention process
drawing up guidelines for the constitution.

Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party, which
resoundingly won 1990 democratic elections which the junta annulled, was
notably excluded from the constitution drafting process. "Without the
participation of Aung Sann Suu Kyi, the NLD and the ethnic groups, the
constitution is not credible and people will not accept it," said Zin
Linn, a spokesman for Myanmar's government-in-exile made up of MPs elected
in the 1990 elections.

Towards military democracy
So far little is known about the actual contents of the new constitution -
except that it will essentially preserve military rule under the guise of
a civilian government. Under the guidelines for the new charter drawn up
by the National Convention, a quarter of the seats in the proposed
parliament will be reserved for military appointees.

The president will come from the military, while key ministries, including
defense, will be directly controlled by the military. The army would be
allowed to set its own budget, without reference to the civilian
government, and the army commanders would retain the right to declare a
state of emergency and seize political power at any time for ill-defined
reasons of national security.

"The junta's plans are for a nominal democracy, or as the military prefer
to call it, 'disciplined democracy'," said the independent Burmese analyst
Aung Naing Oo.

Moreover, few, if any, Western diplomats or political analysts believe
that the referendum on the new constitution will be a free and fair
process.

"Unless the regime revokes the regulation 5/96 [which prohibits criticism
of the National Convention or the constitution with a maximum sentence of
life in prison if convicted], there can be no free debate about the
constitution," an opposition leader inside Myanmar told Asia Times Online
on condition of anonymity.

Rather than a secret ballot, analysts believe that the new constitution's
ratification is likely to be accomplished through a series of mass
meetings across the country overseen and controlled by the pro-military
mass organization the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA),
which is run by Than Shwe's closest allies.

Ever since the National Convention first started discussing the guidelines
for the new constitution in 1993, several senior government officials have
hinted that USDA rallies would form the basis of the referendum process.
In 1994, millions of Burmese citizens reportedly attended USDA-led mass
rallies across the country to publicly support the work of the National
Convention. Most of those in attendance, however, were coerced or bribed
by the regime, according to many diplomats based in Yangon at the time.
"It's almost certain to be either a process of affirmation through mass
meetings or a re-run of the 1974 constitutional referendum, when voters
had a choice of putting their ballots either into a black box for 'no' and
a white box for 'yes' under the gaze of the soldiers guarding the polling
stations," says Australian constitutional lawyer Janelle Saffin.

What is even more certain is that international election monitors will not
be allowed to scrutinize the referendum or the elections. Myanmar's
charismatic opposition leader Suu Kyi - who has spent more than 12 of the
past 18 years in detention - will constitutionally not be allowed to stand
for election because she was married to the British academic Michael Aris
and thereby considered a foreigner.

Although Than Shwe has previously told UN envoy Gambari that the NLD would
be allowed to stand in the general elections, many analysts believe all
the existing political parties, including the NLD, will be either barred
or severely hobbled through official harassment. "The generals learned
their lesson from the last elections in 1990; they will not repeat the
same mistake twice and this time they have two years after the referendum
to make sure the results meet their plans," Zin Linn said.

The junta's announcement notably comes at a time that the military regime
is under growing international pressure to introduce political reform and
involve Suu Kyi and the NLD in the process. The European Union and the
United States have stepped up trade and investment sanctions against the
junta after its brutal crackdown on mass anti-government demonstrations
across the country last August and September.

Both the EU and the US have threatened even stiffer sanctions if there is
no demonstrably progress towards political reform in the next few months.
In the meantime UN special envoy to Myanmar Gambari has been trying in
vain to return to the country to resume his mediation efforts between the
opposition leader and the junta.

"The announcement may also mean the end of the Gambari process," said Win
Min. "In effect Than Shwe is saying that there is no role now for the UN -
the constitutional process has been laid out and will now take its
course," he added.

It's still unclear if the junta's move was goaded on by China, which since
last year has been quietly urging the regime to make concessions to the
international community.

"Behind the scenes, China's leaders have pushed the regime to speed up the
national reconciliation process," says one Yangon-based Asian diplomat.
"China has been particularly worried that their support for [Myanmar]
might adversely affect the Olympic Games in Beijing ... if the junta
continued to defy calls for reform," he added.

International rights groups have called for a boycott of the Summer
Olympics over Beijing's support for Myanmar's rights abusing regime. Yet
while Chinese pressure may have been instrumental in the junta's decision
to announce its new democratic time table, Than Shwe would not have moved
unless he felt it was his best option to preserve his and his family's
power and interests into the future.

"Without genuine dialogue between the key political actors - the military,
the opposition and the ethnic groups - national reconciliation is an empty
shell," said Myanmar analyst Aung Naing Oo. "The junta's announcement
leaves the opposition groups no room in which to maneuver and so makes
heightened tension inevitable," he said.

Larry Jagan previously covered Myanmar politics for the British
Broadcasting Corp. He is currently a freelance journalist based in
Bangkok.

____________________________________

February 11, Xinhua
Myanmar NUP party welcomes referendum, election time table announcement

The National Unity Party (NUP), one of the 10 main political parties in
Myanmar, on Monday welcomed the government's announcements on the time
tables of a nationwide referendum on a new constitution and a multi-party
democracy general election.

U Khin Maung Kyi, Joint General-Secretary of the NUP, told the press on
Monday that the party had participated in the national convention to work
out the detailed basic principles for drafting the new constitution.

He said his party would support the democratic process and help have the
new constitution adopted through the forthcoming referendum.

Maung Kyi also urged the people and all forces in the country to make the
process a success.

The ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) made two
announcements last Saturday, setting May this year as the time to hold a
national referendum on the new constitution draft and the year 2010 for a
multi-party democracy general election to "transform the administration of
Tatmadaw (military) into democratic administration of the people".

The new constitution is being drafted by a government-formed 54-member
State Constitution Drafting Commission since Dec. 3 last year, three
months after the conclusion of years-long national convention to work out
detailed basic principles for the new constitution.

According to the government's roadmap announced in August 2003,the new
constitution draft is to be endorsed through a national referendum, then a
general election will follow to produce parliament representatives and
form a new democratic government.

The NUP, previously the Burma Socialist Program Party, won 3 million of
votes and 12 parliamentary seats in the 1990 general election. The NUP has
a total of over 300 party branches and more than 2 million members,
according to the party sources.

____________________________________

February 11, Irrawaddy
USDA to organize referendum, election – Wai Moe

The Union Solitary and Development Association (USDA) will organize the
Burmese referendum on the constitution in May and the 2010 general
election, including the selection of some candidates across the country,
say USDA sources.

Sources close to the USDA told The Irrawaddy on Monday that USDA members
at the township and district levels will form local commissions to oversee
the referendum voting and general election process.

The USDA will also recruit respected local people to serve on the
referendum and election commissions, said a source who requested
anonymity.

Later, the USDA will play a role in the selection of what appears to be
state-backed candidates in the general election, he said.

“Some people will be selected to serve as commissioners,” said one USDA
member. “Some will be selected to be candidates in the 2010 election.”

“The association is now looking for well-educated, respected, wealthy
people to be candidates in the election,” he said.

According to Khin Maung Gyi, the secretary general of the National Unity
Party (NUP), the pro-junta USDA will transform itself into a political
party in time to contest the 2010 elections.

The NUP secretary general told DPA news agency that he believed the 2010
elections would be free and fair, and could lead to an amnesty and the
release of Aung San Suu Kyi.

Sources said most USDA members were surprised when the junta announced on
Saturday that general dates had been set for the referendum on the
junta-backed constitution and general election.

Htay Aung, a Burmese researcher in Thailand, said the regime originally
created the USDA to serve eventually as a junta-backed political party. In
addition, he said, the USDA has been a source for junta-backed thugs who
were used most recently to suppress the pro-democracy uprising in 2007.

“The military junta will use the USDA as a political tool during the
referendum and the election,” said Htay Aung. “In November 2005, U Htay
Oo, the secretary-general of the USDA, publicly said that if it is
necessary, the association will be turned into a political party.”

Senior USDA members recently met with grassroots members, in what may have
been preparations for the referendum and election, said the researcher.

According to official documents, the USDA, formed in 1993, has 24 million
members or almost half of the population of Burma.

“The military regime is confident it can win the referendum and election,”
said Htay Aung. “The regime thinks votes by USDA members alone can keep
the generals in power.”

According to The New Light of Myanmar, a state-run newspaper, the USDA’s
Htay Oo and Brig-Gen Kyaw Swe, the commander of the armed forces’
southwest command, recently met with local members in Bassein as well as
in Ngapudaw and Labutta in Irrawaddy Division.

Htay Oo also attended a USDA meeting on youth affairs in Naypyidaw on
February 10.

In what is seen as a privileged perk for USDA members, the authorities
recently gave the green light for state-approved cell phone licenses to be
purchased by USDA members. The USDA also has been active in local state
water supply projects and the registration process for identity cards
across the country, work that is seen as enhancing its grassroots image.

USDA members held 633 seats, or 58 percent, at the National Convention
which was convened in 1993 to prepare guidelines for the new constitution.
The guidelines were finally approved in 2007.

Opposition group observers say that most USDA members are civil servants
who were recruited by harassment and intimidation. It also includes
teachers, students, business people and political activists.

Many Burmese view the USDA as principally an instrument of the regime that
carries out violent acts against opposition activists and civilians. The
group has paramilitary members who perform surveillance and search for
dissidents in hiding.

USDA members played a key role in the bloody crackdowns during the 2007
uprising and in a deadly attack on Aung San Suu Kyi’s motorcade in 2003,
in which about 100 people were killed.

____________________________________

February 11, Democratic Voice of Burma
USDA member found beheaded

The body of a Union Solidarity and Development Association was found
beheaded in Htantabin township, Rangoon division, on 4 February, local
residents said.

The USDA member, whose name was not given, was from Thone Thate ward in
Hlaing Tharyar township, Rangoon division.

A resident of Hlaing Tharyar said that the USDA member had been
decapitated and his skin partially removed.

“All the nerves on his body were exposed and his head was stuck up on a
bamboo pole,” the resident said.

The USDA member was reportedly known for treating people in the township
badly when he was alive.

Other USDA members in the area were said to be shaken by news of the
circumstances of the killing.

“It seems other that USDA members who have heard about this murder are so
scared they might face the same fate that they have been much quieter
recently and have not been harassing local people,” the resident said.

Residents have not heard of any arrests made so far in connection with the
case.

Htantabin township police station was unavailable for comment.

____________________________________

February 11, Mizzima News
Censor board warns journalists - Nem Davies

The Press Scrutiny Board has called periodical and journal editors to
their offices and warned them not to post uncensored articles and news on
their websites.

The Director General of the Press Scrutiny Board, Major Tin Swe,
separately called editors and publishers of 15 periodicals – including
Tharaphu (Crown) Magazine, Flowers Journal, Seven Days, Weekly Eleven,
Fashion Image and People Magazine – to their offices last week and
cautioned them not to print uncensored material.

"The Censor Board warned us not to post uncensored articles and news on
our websites, saying they would take action against those who violated the
rules and this warning," a Rangoon-based reporter told Mizzima.

The directive and warning targets uncensored news, photos and forums
posted on some journal and magazine websites, he added.

"There must be something behind this warning and directive. I think they
gave us this warning because some blogs and bloggers are giving them some
problems. We don't need to worry about this warning as we are posting only
censored and authorized articles, photos and news on our website," an
editor of a weekly journal told Mizzima.

The Press Scrutiny Board falls under the jurisdiction of Burma's Ministry
of Information.

____________________________________

February 11, Christian Science Monitor
Report on fossil finds? Burmese censors say no. - Danna Harman

Over at the headquarters one of Burma's (Myanmar's) most popular weeklies,
the editors have just received their mockup paper for the coming week from
the country's censorship board.

Twenty out of 80 stories are completely rejected, crossed out in thick
blue marker, and dozens more require significant changes. Within two days,
the staff now needs to redo the layout, fill in the blanks, and dash to
re-report and rewrite.

A brief on the opening of a new technological college has been nixed (it
has not yet appeared in the official news), as has a wire story about a
new fossil found in France (President Nicolas Sarkozy, and any good news
about France, were banned after Sarkozy called on businesses to freeze
investment in Burma.)

A cartoon depicting a crow standing at a blackboard, used to illustrate a
story about rural education, is also crossed out. The editor and publisher
scratch their heads - it's unclear what's wrong with it. "Sometimes, they
just don't understand something, so they get nervous and censor," shrugs a
third man, whose sole job is to maintain the paper's relationship with the
censorship board.

Angering the censors is not recommended. Nor is getting in the middle of
an interministerial miscommunication by mistake. Last month, Myanmar Times
ran a report of minister of information Brig. Gen. Kyaw Hsan official
announcement of an upcoming huge increase in satellite TV fees. The
censors passed it but were soon berated by - the minister himself. Myanmar
Times found itself shuttered, and senior correspondent Win Kyaw Oo was
fired.

It was not the first time Mr. Kyaw Oo had run into problems. Last year, he
was suspended after asking the minister of information, at a press
conference, to compare Burma's and Vietnam's economies.

It's not the first time Myanmar Times has been shut in recent months. In
July, it ran an advertisement placed by a Danish satirical art group
posing as "The Board of Icelandic Travel Agencies Ewhsnahtrellik." When
read backward, the Danish-looking word "Ewhsnahtrellik" spelt out "Killer
Than Shwe" (Burma's senior general).

In October, a sister paper's coverage of a new outbreak of bird flu
precipitated another shutdown, even though the outbreak was announced by
the government agency responsible for dealing with it.

But brief suspensions, even getting fired, are far from the worst
punishment being meted out by the junta.

Zin Linn, a former editor of a weekly here, spent from 1991 to 1998 in
Burma's infamous Insein Prison for penning and running a series of
articles on human rights. His wife was fired from her job at the museum,
his daughter forced to leave medical school. Today, he lives in exile in
Thailand, working for the National Coalition Government of the Union of
Burma.

"They arrested me at midnight, and I was convicted by a military court,
without any lawyer by my side," says Linn. "Then, for seven years I was in
solitary confinement. No sunshine. No one to talk to. All my hairs fell
out. And for what?"

According to Reporters Without Borders, at least 15 journalists have been
arrested since September, several on charges that they merely spoke with
foreign media.

A Burmese rapper was thrown in jail last month, accused of paying tribute
to the monks at a concert, as was a popular blogger, whose whereabouts
remain unknown. One journalist, Win Tin, has been held since July 1989.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

February 11, Bangkok Post
All-Burma resistance: 'Never happen' - Subin Kheunkaew

Mae Hong Son - Efforts to bring together at least seven ethnic minority
groups to mount resistance against the State Peace and Development Council
in a struggle for autonomy may not be achievable any time soon.

The plan to unite Burmese minority rebel groups so they can pressure the
junta for autonomy remains a pipe dream, admitted Shan State Army (SSA)
leader Yod Serk in a recent interview.

His statement came just days before the junta made the surprise
announcement of a referendum on a constitution, scheduled for May, and a
general election in 2010.

Col Yod Serk said the ethnic groups faced internal strife and lacked
strong leadership and understanding about a consolidated movement. He said
the minority groups should join forces and set up a representative
government if they wished to pressure the junta to come to the negotiating
table.

"No conditions should be set for the talks until all sides agree to a
dialogue.

"The goal is to get everyone on board, shake hands or clink glasses. That
would be a hopeful beginning," the colonel said.

The SSA would let politics lead the fight against the Burmese government,
said Col Yod Serk, saying the military approach in pressing for
independence was outdated.

So far, he said, only the Karen National Union and the Karenni National
Progressive Party appear to be most ready to embrace the non-military
initiative.

The SSA also wanted to ally with the powerful United Wa State Army, but
the UWSA had to resolve its internal problems first, Col Yod Serk said.

The UWSA has been accused of producing illicit drugs under the command of
drugs kingpin Wei Sia Kang.

However, Col Yod Serk, who made a pledge to help curb drug trafficking
along the Thai-Burmese border, said many key figures of the UWSA have
agreed to abandon the illegal business and join him in a fight for
independence.

"We're getting old," said Col Yod Serk, 48. "We don't have much time. We
have to join hands," he said.

Relations between the UWSA and the SSA soured after UWSA troops attempted
to invade Doi Tai Laeng, the military base of the SSA opposite Mae Hong
Son's Pang Ma Pha district, in 2005.

The failed Wa offensive was reportedly supported by the Burmese junta.

The SSA currently has a force of more than 4,500 fighters, using weapons
mostly produced in China.

Col Yod Serk believes if China helps mediate the rift between the SSA and
UWSA, the groups would set aside their differences and come to some kind
of understanding.

China could also play a major role in creating peace in Burma because the
junta respects the Chinese government, he said.

International pressure on the junta to release opposition leader Aung San
Suu Kyi from house arrest may not be enough to create momentum for change
in Burma, he said.

"All ethnic groups should join hands to make their voices heard and push
for recognition of their identities and rights.

"We know the Burmese government would fear us if we were able to unite, as
it would then give us more negotiating power," he said.

____________________________________

February 11, Reuters
Dissidents line up to fight Myanmar constitution - Ed Cropley

A referendum on an army-made constitution in Myanmar will be a "major
battlefield" between the junta and a people wanting to be rid of military
rule, the country's biggest dissident group said on Monday.

In a statement given to Reuters in the Myanmar-Thai border town of Mae
Sot, the "88 Generation Students" -- named after a brutally suppressed
1988 uprising -- called on the former Burma's 53 million people to reject
the charter in the May vote.

"The regime is attempting to legalize the military dictatorship with a
sham constitution," said the group, whose leaders were jailed in last
year's protests.

"This is a declaration of war by the military regime against the people of
Burma."

The army, which has run Myanmar under various guises since 1962, announced
the referendum on Saturday, saying it would be followed by "multi-party,
democratic elections" two years later.

The elections would be the first since 1990, when opposition leader Aung
San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a huge landslide
only to see the generals ignore the result. Suu Kyi has spent most of the
interim under house arrest.

The NLD has called the junta's proposal -- part of a seven-step "roadmap
to democracy" unveiled in 2003 -- "erratic" and highlighted the irony of
announcing an election even before the result of the referendum.

Bo Kyi, a former political prisoner now living in Thailand, said that
having been denied any chance of contributing to its creation, the NLD
would be forced to reject a charter that appears to yield little ground to
civilian rule.

Although not yet completed -- let alone published -- snippets in
state-controlled media suggest the army commander-in-chief will be the
most powerful figure in the country, able to appoint key ministers and
assume power "in times of emergency".

Bo Kyi said the 88 Generation and, in all probability, the NLD would
campaign for a no vote to tell the generals they could not get away with
introducing reform on their terms only, to the exclusion of all other
points of view.

"The main thing we want is to work together to solve the problems. We need
dialogue. We want dialogue," he said. "We can conduct a campaign very
easily. People who want change will help us."

UNDERGROUND "NO" CAMPAIGN

The timing of the announcement is particularly ironic given the generals'
unrelenting crackdown on dissent in the wake of September's monk-led
pro-democracy demonstrations which evolved from small protests against
massive fuel price increases.

"If they are truly committed to democratic change, then they should create
a democratic environment -- allow freedom of the press, freedom of
assembly and freedom for all political prisoners," Bo Kyi said.

Given the constraints of campaigning in one of the world's most repressive
states, most of the work will be done by word of mouth, distribution of
leaflets and CDs, and dissident radio and television, he added.

According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (Burma),
nearly 700 people are still in detention as a result of the crackdown, in
which the United Nations says at least 31 people were killed.

The whereabouts of around 300 prisoners are known, Bo Kyi said, but the
others have simply disappeared into the Myanmar gulag. Rumors abound of
internment camps on remote tropical islands in the Andaman Sea or the
swamps of the Irrawaddy delta.

"If they are in prison, at least we know where they are. If they are in a
secret place, they could be being tortured or even killed," Bo Kyi said.

(Editing by Michael Battye and Alex Richardson)

____________________________________

February 11, Democratic Voice of Burma
Karen refugee camps warned of attack rumours

Karen refugee camps on the Thai-Burma border have been placed on high
alert amid rumours of a possible attack by government troops and a Karen
National Union breakaway group.

A coordinator from the Karen Refugee Committee said that security has been
tightened in response to rumours that State Peace and Development Council
troops are planning an attack along with the KNU Peace Council, a group
led by former KNU brigade 7 commander Saw Htay Maung.

The coordinator said that they had taken precautions against a possible
attack.

"We have tightened security in the refugee camps and imposed restrictions
on people going out after 9pm,” he said.

“We have to put these measures in place in case these rumours are true."

General Saw Htay Maung’s son-in-law was killed by a bomb on 30 January in
what was believed to have been a targeted assassination.

It has not yet been established who carried out the attack.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

February 11, Kachin News Group
Burmese military start gold mining operations in upper Putao

Led by Putao based Burma's ruling junta's military strategic command
commander Col. Khaing Soe, businessmen from the Lisu tribe have started
gold mining operations in Naw Mung (Nomong), where the Rawang tribe mostly
live. It is located in the upper reaches of Putao in Kachin State,
northern Burma.

"There were no gold mining operations in Naw Mung area before. It was
restricted to Putao and now it has come to our area. The commander Col.
Khaing Soe is doing this without the knowledge of the Burmese military
junta Northern Commander Maj-Gen Ohn Myint", said a resident in Naw Mung.

The gold mining operations were started in Kasang Hka (Kasang River),
which is between Gumleng village and Kasang Dam village, five miles from
Naw Mung. For the gold mining operations, the commander has sold six
machine boats to the Lisu businessmen costing Kyats 150,000 (about US $
122) per boat, the resident added.

The residents of Naw Mung are now worried about their environment because
of the gold mining. There are 60 households in Gumleng village and 30
households in Kasang Dam village.

According to a local people, the Putao military strategic command
commander Col. Khaing Soe has started gold mining operations in upper
parts of Putao after he operated in the areas around Machyangbaw town.

The Putao District Forestry Department had done business by taking cane
from the upper reaches of Naw Mung for two years.  Later when the Northern
Commander Ohn Myint found out it was closed.

In 2007, the Kachin Development Networking Group (KDNG) in a report
"Valley of Darkness" – said that after the ceasefire in 1994 between the
Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the junta, gold mining sites
increased to 31 in 2006 in Hugawng Valley.
On the other hand, there are gold mining operations in the area of the
Mali-Nmai Hka confluence (Mayli Kha-May Kha Rivers), Myitsone, around the
Danai (Tanai) Township and others areas as well in Kachin State, northern
Burma.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

February 11, Khonumthung News
Local youth assault Chin asylum seeker in New Delhi

Local youth on February 9 at night attacked and injured an asylum seeker
from Chin state, Burma in New Delhi , capital of India .

The incident occurred in Jeevan Park, Uttamnagar, west New Delhi.

A local youth called Ashu on Saturday at around 11 pm reportedly snatched
Maung Kung (28), a Chin from Burma, from Pankha Road in Jeevan Park and
forcibly took him to a dark corner.

After a few minutes another local youth was said to have joined Ashu and
together they assaulted Maung Kung for almost an hour. They also demanded
Rs. 10,000 from him.

"When I did not give them anything they took my temporary UN card and Rs.
860 from my pocket," Maung Kung with his lower lip swollen said.

Fortunately, some Chin Refugee Committee and Chin community leaders rushed
to the place where the incident took place and rescued Maung Kung after
another Chin refugee who was passing by saw the incident and informed
them.

The CRC and community leaders tried to stop the local youth who claimed
that Maung Kung owed them money. Maung Kung denied ever having met them.

"How could I owe them money as I don't even know who they are," Maung Kung
said.

CRC leaders lodged a complaint at the Uttam Nagar police station as the
local youth kept on trying to attack Maung Kung.

The police arrived at the spot and took Maung Kung to a nearby hospital as
his mouth and nose were bleeding.

The police arrested Ashu and his friend but later released them as they
reportedly confessed to the police that they mistook Maung Kung for
another person, according to CRC.

The police suggested that the victim register a case at the police station.

"The police told us that only after the case has been registered, can they
book the accused," Mr. Jeremiah, president of the CRC said.

The victim, Maung Kung, is still not clear under which section, he should
register a complaint.

"It was a sort of attempt to murder him," Mr. Jeremiah was quoted as saying.

Meanwhile a leader from the Chin community also accused Ashu and his
friend of kidnapping him.

Maung Kung is from Hakha, the capital of Chin state in Burma. He fled to
India in 2005.

He applied for refugee status to the United Nation High Commissioner for
Refugees office in New Delhi. His application has been pending with the
UNHCR office.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

February 11, Irrawaddy
Burmese exile leader calls for referendum boycott - Lalit K Jha

The leader of Burma’s US-based government in exile has called for a
boycott of the junta-announced referendum on a draft constitution and of
elections planned for 2010.

Sein Win, prime minister of the National Coalition Government of Union of
Burma (NCGUB), told The Irrawaddy neither a referendum nor an election
would solve Burma’s problems and would only legitimize authoritarian
military rule.

Sein Win said the announcement of a referendum, to be followed by an
election in 2010, could not be accepted while opposition leader Aung San
Suu Kyi remained under house arrest. The regime hadn’t even started talks
with opposition leaders and ethnic groups, he said.

By unilaterally announcing the planned referendum and election, Sein Win
said, the junta had sent a message that it was moving ahead with its seven
point road map. “This means that they do not want to take the opposition
into confidence, and they are totally ignoring the 1990 elections. As such
we are not confident of the next election,” he said.

The Washington-based NCGUB was constituted and endorsed by representatives
elected in the 1990 elections in Burma. Sein Win, a cousin of Suu Kyi, has
led it since 1990.

Sein Win said the NCGUB also opposed the regime’s plan for a referendum
and election “because of the present situation when there is no freedom of
media, and no rule of law. Under these circumstances, people should not
take part in any of those processes.”

The regime should hold talks with Suu Kyi and her party, the National
League for Democracy, and with ethnic leaders, Sein Win said. Then, he
added, “we will have our solution.”

Sein Win said it was also time for the UN Security Council to give a
stronger mandate to the UN Secretary-General’s Office and the UN Envoy to
Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, allowing them to play an effective mediatory role
in bringing about an equitable solution to the political deadlock in
Burma.

Some observers have speculated that Saturday’s announcement may have been
the result of pressure from China, concerned about a small but vocal
movement to boycott the Beijing Olympics in August.

In a broadcast interview at the weekend, US first lady Laura Bush said
China had not brought enough pressure to bear on the Burmese junta.

“They [China] have not pressed them enough to—for the regime to show any
sort of movement,” Bush told PBS.

“And, of course, they have continued to support Burma financially by
buying natural resources,” said Bush, who has taken a personal interest in
the pro-democracy movement in Burma, especially since the September
demonstrations.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

February 11, Irrawaddy
One-sided change is not enough [Editorial]

Burma's state-run media has announced that the junta will hold a
referendum on a new constitution in May, to be followed by elections in
2010. "The time has now come to change from military rule to democratic
civilian rule," the state media reported.

The junta's unexpected announcement follows a proposal by the country's
celebrated democracy icon and Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi for
unconditional talks “at the highest level” within a specific time frame.

Last month, we heard clearly the frustration felt by Suu Kyi about the way
her talks are going with the regime’s mediator, Aung Kyi.  Her party’s
spokesman, Nyan Win, quoted her as saying: "Let’s hope for the best and
prepare for the worst."

It’s clear to the entire world how best to solve Burma's long political
deadlock after the massive abuses committed by the regime in its crackdown
on peaceful demonstrations in September.

Now the junta comes up with an incomplete announcement that it’s pursuing
its self-styled "road map to democracy," including a constitutional
convention that concluded its work last year.

The announcement—made on Saturday, February 9, a number signifying good
fortune for the generals—is insufficient to satisfy either Burma’s
democratic opposition or the international community, despite the fact
that it marked the first time that the military government has committed
itself to a date for the referendum and elections.

Leading pro-democracy activists in the country, notably the 88 Generation
Students group and the Alliance of All Burmese Buddhist Monks, have warned
that the junta could face a new wave of protests during the planned
constitutional referendum, urging voters to reject the regime's charter.

Foreign governments, including those of the UK, Australia, Japan and
Singapore, have called on the junta to ensure that the transition process
is "inclusive" and intended to lead to peaceful national reconciliation.

If the regime has the will to consider a genuine transition to the
handover of power to a civilian government, the political preconditions
must be created by allowing the public to peacefully participate in the
process and by releasing all political prisoners, including Suu Kyi and
detained ethnic leaders.  Such steps would definitely help build trust,
not only between the junta and the opposition, but also within the
international community.

It should not be forgotten, however, that the junta has never kept the
numerous promises it has made over the years to engage in reconciliation
with its opponents. The memory is still vivid of the 1990 election, when
the regime ignored the landslide victory scored by the National League for
Democracy led by Suu Kyi, who received long terms of house arrest rather
than the victor’s laurels due to her.

The international community, led by the UN Security Council, must work
with the Burmese people at this time. China, India and Asean have an
active role to play in Burma’s future, and their diplomatic efforts to
arrange talks between opposition and regime and to monitor every step of
the reconciliation process must be welcomed.

The ruling generals, for their part, must show the world they truly wish
to move towards a legitimate government and gain the world’s recognition
as leaders who guided Burma to genuine national reconciliation. By so
doing, the generals could do much to repair the image they have created as
unenlightened villains with their people’s blood on their hands.

The hope to build a new democratic and stable Burma is still strong among
the Burmese people, despite the brutal repression of the past 20 years.
They want to participate in a process of political, economic and social
change. Transition should not be one-sided.

____________________________________

February 10, Mizzima News
The Saffron Revolution; a catalyst for freedom - May Ng

Ne Win, who was trained in fascism in WWII, warned in 1988 that 'when the
army shoots it shoots to hit' those who dare to protest. And thousands of
young protesters were killed in military firing during the 1988 uprising.

And again during the Saffron Revolution last September, Burmese soldiers
shot and killed unarmed citizens including monks.

Mary P.Callahan, an expert on Myanmar military, wrote that, "after
independence from Britain, the World War II practices of politics in Burma
have made 'violence' 'the currency of power.'

Burma's post colonial operational failure, that included army mutiny,
ethnic rebellion, communist insurgency, warlordism, and economic chaos,
paved the way for the Myanmar Tatmadaw (Burmese army) which was modeled
after the 1950s Yugoslav and Israeli armies. Callahan said that the
Myanmar Tatmadaw came to use 'violence' 'the once despised coercive tools
of colonials' not only to pacify but also to mould citizens into
dependable defenders of the army state.

In 1956, the Directorate of Psychological Warfare presented the first
draft of what became "the official ideology" of the post-1962 socialist
government and the present day military regime.

Entitled "Some Reflections on Our Constitution," the paper recommended the
review of constitutional flaws and adoption of a draconian
"Anti-Subversion Ordinance," to give the government the tools necessary to
crack down on its opponents, and allows any and all critics of the
government and army to be treated as enemies of the state.

In September 1958 the army's Directorate of Education and Psychological
Warfare circulated a critique of the fundamental tenets of the Union's
Constitution. And by 1958 the Constitution was no longer sacred. With
this, the Burmese Tatmadaw has created a choke hold on political power
unrivaled in the world. And in this solution, citizens became barriers to
the army's consolidation of political power and national sovereignty,
concluded Mary Callahan.

An onerous British law, the Public Order Preservation Act, Section Five,
was also resurrected to arrest as many as four hundred government critics,
including Aung San's brother, U Aung Than. During 1958, the Press
Registration Act of 1876 was amended and the 'Psywar' Directorate shut
down five or six newspapers and imprisoned numerous editors, publishers.
Today, the same scene is eerily repeated again in Burma.

Now, after over 45 years of army rule Burmese political power remains in
the hands of 'the specialists in violence,' including members of the
Tatmadaw, antigovernment armed forces, criminal gangs and paramilitaries,
wrote Callahan.

And she continued that even "more menacing than the records of murderous
militaries in Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, Indonesia, and the Philippines,
is the comparative 'durability' of the Tatmadaw's command relationship
with its society."

Since the 1962 military coup, the Tatmadaw came to dominate all levels of
government, civil administration and commerce in Burma. The Defense
Services Institute, DSI, was established in 1951 with the military
officers in all key positions and began to run the most powerful business
organization in the nation. By 1960, it included banks, shipping lines and
the largest import-export operation in the country.

Again, in 1990, the military junta established the Union of Myanmar
Economic Holdings Limited, or UMEH, which has grown into the largest
indigenous firm, jointly owned by the government and retired and active
duty defense services personnel. UMEH and a second military firm, the
Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), hold interests in banking, gems,
tourism, trade, real estate, transportation, power, iron and steel
factories, and foodstuffs.

After the 1988 uprising China became a major economic and military
supporter for the army junta. According to a Burma expert, Andrew Selth,
one school of thought believes that small poverty stricken Burma will
inevitably succumb to the pressures of its much larger neighbour, and
effectively become a pawn in China's bid to achieve world power status.

It is also believed that China's position on the UN Security Council is
seen by the Rangoon regime as an ultimate guarantee against action by the
UN.

But Selth said that Burma has always been suspicious of China, and it may
not be Beijing but the Myanmar generals that have the whip hand. Neither
China nor anyone else can predict or manage the behaviour of the Myanmar
generals. In addition, violence and coercion as a universal solution to
all challenges to power has been encoded into the mind and the manual of
Myanmar Tatmadaw long before.

In this approach, a massive military machine is believed to be necessary
in Burma to protect foreign investments especially the planned gas
pipelines into China, and also to encourage economic growth in Burma.
Accordingly, China and Tatmadaw army both consider Burma's internal
stability as vital to the survival of Burma's independence and the Myanmar
military's sovereignty.

The Central Statistical Organization of Myanmar Economic Ministry reported
that Burma's foreign direct investment totaled more than $750 million
during the fiscal year that ended March 31, 2007. Out of which China,
South Korea, Russia, Singapore and Britain invested in projects worth
$752.7 million, mainly in the oil and gas sector.

While the monks and nuns are still in prisons and labour camps, businesses
from China, India, ASEAN countries and the west are already lobbying for
return to 'business as usual' with the military; often citing the half
hearted western sanctions as failures. The NY Times recently commented
that, only in a short time after the Saffron Revolution many countries
appear to have lost enthusiasm for challenging the junta, either because
they are more eager for contracts with Myanmar involving resources like
oil and gems, or they fear creating instability in the region. It also
said that China, India and the Southeast Asian nations are key, but Europe
and America also have commercial interests there.

After some modest growth in the mid 1990s, Burma once again faces serious
economic problems. The early onrush of foreign investment in tourism and
small manufacturing industries has practically dried up as a result of
poor economic management by the regime and the Asian financial crisis in
1997. Corruption has reached unprecedented levels and according to the
Transparency International's 2007 Index, Myanmar ranks the lowest score of
1.4 out of 10, along with Somalia. And the world's energy crisis will
worsen the economic burden of the poor and it will continue to threaten
Burma with the possibility of another major uprising.

The decline of the Tatmadaw is also visible inside the army. Jane's
Defense Weekly reported in 2007, that the Myanmar army battalions are
poorly managed, resourced, and plagued by desertion, and suffer from false
reporting, haphazard inspections, and poor record keeping; and that morale
among enlisted ranks is low. High desertion rates and illness such as HIV
or Hepatitis B too is taking their toll.

All of these factors have translated into erosion of discipline and
lessening of personal commitment to the Tatmadaw's professionalism. To
address these problems the regime has further isolated the armed forces
from the rest of the population by creating a state within a state where
the members of the Tatmadaw, their relatives and supporters became a
privileged caste within the Burmese society. But this also increases the
possibility of armed opposition from the alienated population while the
dissatisfaction and active dissent within the army still remains.

According to Callahan, Myanmar armed forces are not the omnipotent, fully
unified organization that contemporary political debate implies; and that
the weaknesses probably account for the regime's unyielding behaviour, as
much. But breaking the political deadlock between the opposition and the
SPDC will only be the first tiny step in the direction of demilitarizing
this polity. And Callahan warned that the removal of the handful of top
generals and colonels from the government, and their replacement with
elected officials, will not transform overnight the century old command
relationship between state and society.

While policy disagreements and personal differences clearly exist in the
highest circles of the Tatmadaw and favors are doubtless dispensed with
some return in mind, according to Andrew Selth, the generals are unlikely
to do anything to seriously threaten armed forces unity. The October 2007
Janes's Intelligence concluded that an emerging younger generation of
military officers assuming control in the medium term will likely follow
the same policies that have preserved the Myanmar Tatmadaw's sovereignty.

But since last September, anti-junta sentiment inside Burma and around the
world has reached a new high especially because of the lawlessness of
Myanmar Army, inside Burma. In January, the International Burmese Monks
Organization declared that the horrifying crimes committed against the
monks in particular have laid bare the false piety of the junta and the
atrocities will have far reaching consequences.

Aung San Suu Kyi has recently warned that, Burma will now have to prepare
for the worst while hoping for the best. In this climate, extreme violence
may become the last and only resort left with which to resist the
government's aggression. There has already been an incidence where a
ruthless local official was beheaded and his head was mounted on a bamboo
pole as warning to other cruel agents of the junta. If the majority of the
people begin to take on a "do or die" attitude and start a violent revolt,
not only the ruling dictators but also the entire military machinery will
crumble and the future of Myanmar military will no longer be assured.

As long as Aung San Suu Kyi and the 1990 elected representatives are
continued to be persecuted, the announcement of the 2010 elections will
not help lessen the people's anger. In the aftermath of bloody Saffron
Revolution, the generals may have lost the last opportunity to address
their lack of legitimacy. Unlike Cuba, North Korea and Iran, the Myanmar
regime did not come into power with a popular support from the people; and
the crisis of legitimacy will continue to haunt the military junta.

Historian Niall Ferguson wrote in "Empire" that; the moral transformation
that turned Britain from the world leading enslaver to the world leading
emancipator of the African slaves began in a holy Trinity Church in
England, with activists armed only with pens, paper and moral indignation.
And at the end, the abominable slave trade was abolished in spite of the
fierce oppositions from powerful vested interests.

Niall pointed out that "like all such great changes it had small beginnings."

The breathtaking Saffron Revolution of 2007 has united many Burmese
people. If a small beginning can change three hundred years old slavery in
the face of powerful interests, the monks' spectacular September uprising
may yet be the most important 'catalyst for change' that has come to
Burma.

(May Ng is from the Southern Shan State of Burma and the NY Regional
Director for Justice for Human Rights in Burma.

____________________________________
STATEMENT

The 88 Generation Students: Calling for the people of Burma and the Ethnic
Cease-fire groups to reject the Military-sponsored constitution, designed
to legalize the military dictatorship in Burma, in the upcoming referendum

Calling for the UN Security Council to Intervene in Burma Immediately with
an Effective Resolution

Ban Ki-moon’s Visit to Burma Suggested, Targeted Financial and Banking
Sanctions against Burmese Generals, Family Members and Crony Businessmen
Required, Chinese Government’s Pressure Requested

“Prepare for the worst”, said Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, through her party
leaders recently, as she was unhappy with the lack of political will of
the Burmese military junta to engage in a meaningful and time-bound
dialogue with democracy forces, requested by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, her
party National League for Democracy (NLD) and ethnic representatives, and
supported by the international community, including the UN General
Assembly with its successive resolutions and the UN Security Council with
its Presidential Statement dated 11 October 2007 . We have given her
message serious consideration; she used the famous quote of her father,
our independence hero U Aung San, who had warned the people of Burma to be
ready to face the challenges before he left for London to demand an
independence from the British in late 1940s.

On 9 February 2008, the military regime announced that it will hold a
constitutional referendum in May this year and a general election in 2010.
 The military regime is once again trying to abolish the 1990 elections
results and the election winning party status held by the NLD. The regime
is attempting to legalize the military dictatorship with a
sham-constitution. We believe that the military regime will use its
security forces and its militias, USDA and Swan Arr Shin, to force the
people to vote for its constitution and will also use any means possible,
including force, to make its constitution approved in the referendum.

This is the declaration of war by the military regime against the people
of Burma, who want to uphold the 1990 elections results and honor the will
of the people. The upcoming constitutional referendum will be a major
battle field between the military regime, who wants to rule the country
forever, and the people of Burma, who want to be free from the military
rule. We are ready to stand up to intimidation. We are ready to confront
the Burmese military junta and its violence and brutality.

(1) We urge the people of Burma to reject the military junta’s sponsored
constitution in the upcoming referendum. With rejection of its
constitution, we should tell the military junta to stop taking one-sided
action and start talking with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, election winning party
NLD, MPs-elect from the 1990 general elections and ethnic representatives.

(2) We also urge al ethnic political parties and organizations to oppose
the military-sponsored constitution, which does not meet the expectations
of the ethnic nationalities, who have been working for the equal rights
and opportunities among all ethnic nationalities.

(3) We also urge the UN Security Council to intervene in Burma effectively
without further delay, with a binding resolution, which will instruct the
Burmese military junta to engage in a meaningful and time-bound dialogue
with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, election winning party NLD and ethnic
representatives immediately, with intention to reach a negotiated
political settlement. Measures such as an arms embargo and travel ban
against the Burmese military leaders will be necessary to make the
resolution stronger.

(4) We also urge the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to visit Burma as
soon as possible. He needs to meet with Gen. Than Shwe. The Secretary
General stated “the return to the status quo ante is not acceptable and
politically unsustainable” , he needs to deliver this message to the
military regime in Burma in person.

(5) We also urge the United States, Canada, Australia and European Union
to impose and extend targeted financial and banking sanctions against
Burmese military leaders, their family members and crony businesspersons
effectively, widely and in a coordinated manner.

(6) Finally, we urge the Government of China to play a more active role in
pressuring the Burmese military junta to cooperate fully with democracy
forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the United Nations, by terminating
its one-sided action and starting to engage in a meaningful and time-bound
dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, NLD and ethnic representatives. We
hope that the Chinese Government will include the people of Burma in their
“One World, One Dream”, which is their proud slogan of the 2008 Beijing
Olympic.


Tun Myint Aung
Nilar Thein
Soe Htun
The 88 Generation Students
Yangon (Rangoon), Myanmar (Burma)
Announcement 2/2008 (88)
Date: 11 February 2008
88gstudent at gmail.com

____________________________________
PRESS RELEASE

February 10, Burma Campaign UK
Burma regime defies UN with sham referendum and election

The Burma Campaign UK today called on the United Nations Security Council
to hold an emergency session to discuss the Burmese regime's defiance of
Security Council and General Assembly demands.

On Saturday 9 February the junta announced that it would hold a referendum
on a new constitution in May, and general elections in 2010. However, the
constitution enshrines military rule, giving 25 percent of the seats to
the military, and also gives the military effective veto power over
decisions made by Parliament.

“This is a move away from democracy, not towards it,” said Mark Farmaner,
Director of the Burma Campaign UK. “It is public relations spin because
they are afraid of stronger sanctions being imposed. They are defying the
Security Council by going ahead with this sham process and refusing to
hold genuine talks with Aung San Suu Kyi and leaders of ethnic groups.
There needs to be a strong international response to say that this will
not be accepted.”

By going ahead with the next steps of its so-called 7 stage road map to
democracy, the regime is sending a strong message that it is not genuine
about engaging with the United Nations in a real process of national
reconciliation and reform. The regime has yet to enter into genuine
dialogue with the National League for Democracy and Aung San Suu Kyi. It
has, in effect, banned UN Envoy Ibrahim Gambari from entering the country.
A visit scheduled for December was delayed until January, and then pushed
back to April. This prompted the UN Security Council to issue its second
Presidential statement on Burma, calling for Gambari to be allowed into
the country.

It is no coincidence that the announcement comes at a time when the regime
is facing increasing economic sanctions following its brutal crackdown on
pro-democracy demonstrations in September last year. The USA, EU,
Australia, and Canada have all announced new economic sanctions. Last week
the USA introduced new sanctions targeting business cronies of the regime,
and further sanctions are being considered by Congress. The EU is also
considering strengthening sanctions when it renews the EU Common Position
in April.

The regime's claims that it is committed to moving towards democracy run
completely at odds with the facts on the ground. Since the September
uprising they have continued to arrest activists. There are now more than
1,800 political prisoners, an increase of more than 700 from the year
before. The regime is also stepping up its campaign of ethnic cleansing in
Eastern Burma. The UN has condemned the regime for breaking the Geneva
Convention by deliberately targeting civilians in Eastern Burma. More than
half a million people are internally displaced after being forced to flee
their homes.

The Burma Campaign UK is also warning that the regime will do everything
it can to fix the outcome of the referendum and elections. There are
serious questions about its ability to hold a referendum in which all
people can participate. There are no proper lists of potential voters in
the country. The junta’s definition of a referendum could include forcing
people to attend mass public rallies, and then to claim that as a mandate.
In addition, political parties such as the National League for Democracy
are not allowed to operate freely. It is also illegal to criticise the
draft constitution, and to do so is punishable by up to 20 years in jail.

“The regime lost the election in 1990, so just ignored the result,” said
Mark Farmaner. “This time we can be sure every stage will be rigged to
ensure military victory.”

The Burma Campaign UK is concerned not only about the fact that the
process is designed to keep the generals in power, but also about the
impact on ethnic people in Burma, and on ceasefire agreements with armed
ethnic groups. Their aspirations are for a federal state that would
provide a degree of autonomy from central government, and protect their
culture and rights. There are no provisions for this in the constitution.
This is not only a threat to ethnic people, but also threatens the
stability of the country. There appears to be a real possibility that some
ceasefire organisations could return to arms, or split, with factions once
again taking up their guns. If this were to happen on a large scale, it
would not only completely change the current political situation within
the country, but also threaten a new human rights and humanitarian crisis,
as the regime ruthlessly targets civilians in conflict areas.

“What the regime has announced has nothing to do with democracy,” said
Mark Farmaner. “It is about preserving military rule and avoiding economic
sanctions. The international community must not be fooled again. The
United Nations Security Council must take action. In addition, the UK and
EU must impose further targeted sanctions to help force the regime to the
negotiating table.”

For more information, contact Mark Farmaner on 020 7324 4713.

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February 11, U S   C A M P A I G N   F O R   B U R M A
Leading US Campaign Group calls Burma referendum "A Charade"

A leading campaign group in the United States working for human rights and
democracy in the Southeast Asian country of Burma today criticized an
announcement by Burma's military regime that it plans to hold a referendum
to legalize a new constitution in May of this year.

"The promised vote continues the military regime's process of
consolidating its grip on power. It is not a real referendum, it is a
charade," said Aung Din, executive director of the US Campaign for Burma.

The announcement by the regime comes one week after the leader of Burma's
democracy movement, imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu
Kyi, said that democracy activists should "prepare for the worst."  The
regime's move also comes four months after a massive crackdown on Buddhist
monks, student activists, and members of Aung San Suu Kyi's political
party, the National League for Democracy.

"How can the regime hold a vote when the entire opposition is locked up
behind bars?" added Aung Din, who was imprisoned for four years as a
political activist in Burma.

Burma’s regime also announced it would hold a multi-party election in 2010
to follow this year's planned referendum.  The new constitution would
grant supreme power to the commander in chief of the Burmese military,
effectively forestalling any progress toward democracy.  The underground
coalition of Buddhist monks and students that organized nationwide
demonstrations in September 2007 have already criticized the plan, calling
it an effort to legalize military rule and sideline the legitimately
elected leaders of Aung 
San Suu Kyi's National League for
Democracy.  The NLD won 82% of the seats in parliament in Burma's last
election, a landslide victory that the regime has blocked from governing. 
Human rights activists see the upcoming votes as a way for the regime to
erase the NLD's electoral victory while cementing its own grip on power.

The referendum process stands in stark contrast to a call by the United
Nations Security Council on October 11th, 2007 for the regime to
participate in meaningful negotiations with Aung San Suu Kyi, the NLD and
the ethnic representatives. Additionally, 29 consecutive resolutions by
the United Nations General Assembly, Commission on Human Rights, and Human
Rights Council have called for "tri-partite" talks between the regime,
NLD, and Burma's ethnic minorities.  Instead of heeding the UN, the regime
appears to be taking a one-sided approach and refusing to participate in
genuine talks.

Observers expect the military will mobilize the "Union Solidarity and
Development Association" and "Swan Arr Shin" to force the people to vote
for its constitution.  The two organizations have led brutal attacks on
Aung San Suu Kyi, members of the NLD, and Buddhist monks that have left
hundreds of activists dead and thousands imprisoned.

Burma’s regime is among the worlds most brutal.  The regime has locked up
over 2,000 political prisoners including hundreds of students, Buddhist
monks, and the world's only imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung
San Suu Kyi.  The regime has also recruited up to 70,000 child soldiers,
more than any other country in the world, and destroyed 3,200 villages in
eastern Burma, forcing 1.5 million people to flee their homes as refugees.

The United Nations has remained paralyzed on Burma due to the veto power
of China.  As the Olympics approach, human rights campaigners are planning
a wave of protests to focus on how China keeps Burma's military regime
entrenched in power.