BurmaNet News, March 15-17, 2008

[Editor]

March 15-17, 2008 Issue # 3423

INSIDE BURMA
Irrawaddy: Burmese Monks condemn crackdown on Tibetan Monks
Irrawaddy: Burmese Censorship Board threatens two Weeklies
Irrawaddy: ‘Vote Yes’ Junta tells civil servants
DVB: Arakan NLD urges action against referendum
DVB: Two ABFSU leaders arrested
Mizzima News: Soldiers surround Rangoon's Kaba Aye Pagoda
Mizzima News: Than Shwe's daughter pleads for furniture at fair
Mizzima News: Kyaing Kyaing's health deteriorates not Than Shwe's

ON THE BORDER
KUNA: Security tightened along India-Myanmar border following rebel attack

BUSINESS / TRADE
Bangkok Post: Exim bank to complete Burma loan
Global Insight: Investment Protection Agreement signed between Thailand
and Myanmar
Irrawaddy: Weekly business roundup

ASEAN
UPI: ASEAN ignores Burma's jailed teachers

REGIONAL
The Nation: Suppression of activists in Burma normal: Samak
AP: Thailand's new PM defends Myanmar

INTERNATIONAL
Reuters: UN Rights Envoy denied Burma visa

OPINION / OTHER
IMNA: Prospects for Burma's New Constitution - Ashley South
Irrawaddy: Samak’s flashback visit to Burma - Aung Zaw
Mizzima News: Bullets cannot kill freedom in the heart - May Ng

____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

March 17, Irrawaddy
Burmese Monks condemn crackdown on Tibetan Monks - Saw Yan Naing

Burmese Buddhist monks have strongly condemned the Chinese government for
their brutal crackdown on Tibet’s monk-led protests in Lhasa, capital of
Tibet, which led to at least 12 deaths and many more injuries.

Speaking with The Irrawaddy on Monday, a leader of the All Burma Monks
Alliance, U Pyinya Zawta, said, “We strongly condemn the Chinese
government for their crackdown on Tibet’s monks. We appeal to the Chinese
government to stop their suppression of monks and initiate peaceful
negotiations.”

The All Burma Monks Alliance is an underground monk’s organization inside
Burma founded by Buddhist monks in September at the time protests broke
out nationwide.

The crackdown on Tibetan monk-led protests by Chinese security forces is
similar to the brutal crackdown on September’s peaceful demonstrators in
Burma when at least 31 protesters, including monks, were killed, said U
Pyinya Zawta.

According to the Chinese state-run Xinhua news agency, at least 13 people
were killed in Lhasa, while several security guards were injured in the
violence on Friday. Some houses and shops were also burnt down, added the
report. The exiled Tibetan government in Dharmsala, northern India, put
the death toll at up to 80 on Sunday.

The protests started up on March 10, on the annual commemoration of a
failed 1959 uprising against Chinese rule. Following the Chinese
suppression of the 1959 uprising, the Tibetan religious leader, the Dalai
Lama, fled to India.

Meanwhile, a statement released on Sunday by the International Burmese
Monks Organization criticized the Chinese government for insulting Tibet’s
Buddhist monks and urged dialogue between the Chinese government and the
Tibetan leadership.

In their statement, the monks said, “We strongly urge the Chinese
authorities to stop the violent crackdown and to initiate as soon as
possible a dialogue which can give rise to the fulfillment of the true
wishes of the Tibetans.”

The events have paralleled those of the “Saffron Revolution” in Burma,
which occurred in August and September 2007, when Burmese Buddhist monks
reciting the “Metta Sutta” (Buddhist chant for compassion) on the streets
were beaten, shot at and detained by the authorities.

The International Burmese Monks Organization said they commiserated with
their fellow Tibetan monks and are deeply concerned about the future of
Sasana, meaning the “dispensation of Buddha.”

However, despite the condemnations, no report covering the Chinese
crackdown appeared in state-run newspapers in Burma.

Observers in Rangoon suggested that the Tibetan and Burmese monks have
strong links. “The Saffron Revolution and the news images in September
inspired the Tibetan monks,” said a journalist in Rangoon.

Meanwhile, the Dalai Lama called for the international community to launch
an investigation into the crackdown on the demonstrators in Lhasa. He
accused the Chinese government of committing ''cultural genocide.'' The
Dalai Lama once visited Thailand in 1993 to lobby for the release of
detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

In November, the Dalai Lama said, "When I saw pictures of people beating
monks I was immediately reminded of inside Tibet, in our own case, where
just a few days ago monks were beaten by Chinese forces."

"I am fully committed and I fully support and sympathize with the
demonstrators," the Tibetan spiritual leader told reporters Sunday at the
Elijah Interfaith Summit of world religious leaders in the northern Indian
city of Amritsar.

The Dalai Lama urged the military junta in Burma—a staunchly Buddhist
country—to heed the Buddha's teachings. "They should be Buddhists. Please
act according to Buddha's message of compassion," he said.

His comments mirrored the passions among ethnic Tibetans overseas who view
the riots in Lhasa as the biggest uprising since the late 1980s.

Lhasa is currently under an extended police presence ahead of a midnight
deadline for demonstrators to surrender to the Chinese authorities.

After dozens of video clips depicting the recent violence in Lhasa
appeared on the Internet, the Chinese authorities started to block access
to sites such as YouTube.com on Sunday, according to an Agence-France
Presse report.

____________________________________

March 17, Irrawaddy
Burmese Censorship Board threatens two Weeklies

Burma’s military-controlled censorship board has suspended one weekly
magazine for publishing news about a murder case near the home of
pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and warned another about its
coverage of the same incident, according to sources in Rangoon.

An official with the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD) who
spoke on condition of anonymity told The Irrawaddy on Monday that Maj Tint
Swe, head of the PSRD, summoned editors from two weeklies, Seven Day News
and The Voice, to warn them about “crossing the line” with their reporting
on the incident, which occurred two weeks ago. According to the official,
Seven Day Journal was subsequently ordered to suspend publication for one
week.

In its March 10 issue, The Voice ran a story on the killing of five
members of the richest family of the parliamentary era, prior to the
military takeover in 1962. The article, “The Sein Lae Kan Thar Street
Murder Case,” provided background information on the family, while a
report in the March 13 issue of Seven Day News carried photographs of the
funeral. Both publications were in violation of censorship laws, said PSRD
officials.

The PSRD head also reportedly threatened the journals without an outright
ban. “Maj Tint Swe told them that the censorship board has the authority
to ban journals. He also said that journals should not break the rules
after they have signed,” said a journalist in Rangoon, referring to the
procedure for dealing with violations of censorship laws, which requires
that offenders sign a written statement promising not to repeat the
infraction.

A newsagent in Bahan Township, Rangoon said that all copies of the two
weeklies, which provided more complete coverage of the sensational murder
than other publications, had sold out this week, even after distributors
doubled the price to 800 kyat (around US $0.80).

A veteran journalist who spoke on condition of anonymity said that sales
of the two weeklies were strong because they contained factual
information. He added that other magazines should follow suit if they want
to increase demand in the news-starved society, where there are severe
restrictions on press freedom.

The killing of members of Burma’s wealthy elite has fuelled fears among
rich residents of the former capital and other urban centers, prompting
many to hire private security guards, according to business sources in
Rangoon, Mandalay and Myitkyina.

Police have made no arrests in the murders. Rumors are rife that the crime
was committed by a family member or a business rival.

____________________________________

March 17, Irrawaddy
‘Vote Yes’ Junta tells civil servants - Min Lwin

The Burmese junta are systematically preparing for the referendum in May,
threatening civil servants into supporting the draft Constitution,
according to observers in Rangoon and Mandalay.

State-run New Light of Myanmar has confirmed that the Burmese authorities
have been holding meetings at state and division sub-commission levels to
bolster support for approval of the regime’s draft constitution.

A civil servant form Sagaing Township, upper Burma, told The Irrawaddy on
Monday that township level authorities had instructed government servants
to vote “Yes” at the national referendum in May.

She added that citizens must have the right to learn the draft of the
Constitution in advance of the referendum, but she complained that she
cannot read a copy of the draft Constitution anywhere.

Residents from Kyaukpadaung in Mandalay Division said that local
authorities and the Township Department of Immigration and Population have
been compiling a list of voters—over 18 years old—who are able to vote in
the draft Constitutional referendum.

“Civil servants from immigration departments and quarter level authorities
have issued temporary resident cards in quarters and villages,” a resident
from Insein Township in the outskirts of Rangoon said.

“The green-colored card, known as a temporary resident card, can be used
for six months,” she added.

According to well-informed sources, the commission for the referendum has
formed sub-committees at divisional, district and township level, each
with 15 members, including 10 members from the civil service and five
civilians.

However, it is not clear how much involvement the pro-junta Union
Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) has in the committee
selection.

Rangoon residents suspect that if the authorities fail to hold a free and
fair referendum, there will be another uprising in Burma, just as in
September.

“We need international agencies to monitor the referendum,” a Rangoon
resident, who spoke on condition of anonymity, told The Irrawaddy on
Monday. “If the agencies are not in Burma for the referendum, the junta’s
puppet commission will try to perpetuate army control.”

Burma’s military government recently rejected UN special envoy Ibrahim
Gambari’s proposal to have international monitoring at the national
referendum in May.

____________________________________

March 17, Democratic Voice of Burma
Arakan NLD urges action against referendum

National League for Democracy members in Arakan state and Magwe division
have said they are ready to oppose the constitutional referendum the
government plans to hold in May.

Arakan state NLD members vowed to sabotage the upcoming referendum and
said they hoped other NLD branches would do the same.

U Than Hlaing, secretary of the Arakan NLD organising committee, said a
meeting of committee members and 1990 elected people’s parliament
representatives had agreed it would call on people within the state and in
other regional NLD branches to join them in their activities to oppose the
national referendum.

“We are going get in touch and cooperate with NLD organising committees
from other regions of Burma,” said Than Hlaing.

“At this time, they already know what should be done and we are all going
to do it together.”

In a statement released by the Arakan NLD representatives and organising
committee members, the group said it firmly opposed the SPDC’s draft
constitution.

“We are making a very clear statement here of our strong denouncement of
the SPDC government’s unbalanced constitution, written without the full
involvement of true ethnic leaders and parliament members elected by the
people, and of the upcoming referendum where votes will be collected to
approve it,” the statement said.

“We stand firm on our policy of not giving the SPDC a chance to hold the
referendum successfully and bring all the people of Burma under the
military dictatorship, and we will organise effective campaigns and
encourage people to work with us.”

In Yay Nan Chaung township, Magwe division, the local NLD denounced the
planned referendum in their monthly meeting, which was held on Thursday at
the house of chairperson U Khin Win.

U Than Aung, a member of the Yay Nan Chaung NLD communication committee
said the group would follow any instructions from NLD headquarters on how
to work against the referendum.

“This national referendum is illegitimate and we cannot accept it in any
way,” Than Aung said.

“But we are ready and standing by to deal with it according to whatever
guidelines the headquarters gives us.”

____________________________________

March 17, Democratic Voice of Burma
Two ABFSU leaders arrested

Two key leaders of the All-Burmese Federation of Student Unions, Ko Kyaw
Ko Ko and Ko Nyan Linn Aung, were arrested by authorities on Sunday, group
members said.

ABSFU spokesperson Ko Linn Htet Naing told DVB that Kyaw Ko Ko and Nyan
Linn Aung were arrested last night by government officials but would not
give the location of the arrest.

"ABSFU leaders Ko Kyaw Ko Ko and Ko Nyan Linn Aung were arrested last
night," said Linn Htet Naing.

"Arresting people like this will not bring democracy to anyone."

Ko Kyaw Kyaw, leader of youth activist group Generation Wave, was also
arrested by authorities on 13 March, Linn Htet Naing said.

____________________________________

March 17, Mizzima News
Soldiers surround Rangoon's Kaba Aye Pagoda

Soldiers and riot police have surrounded Kaba Aye monastery in Rangoon and
have increased their presence at other monasteries as well, local
eyewitnesses say.

"Soldiers have surrounded Kaba Aye monastery. We don't know why but they
have closed the gates and do not allow anyone to enter. In front of the
gate there are several soldiers and four trucks," an eyewitness told
Mizzima.

Authorities in Rangoon have placed heavy security in the vicinity of
several Buddhist monasteries in addition to encircling the famous Kaba Aye
Buddhist monastery in Rangoon.

The eyewitness calculated, from the four trucks present at Kaba Aye, that
the number of soldiers must exceed one hundred.

While the reason for the latest security measures remain unclear, it is
likely to be connected to the rumor that the Buddhist clergy is gearing up
for another round of activities in defiance of military rule, which has
governed the country since 1962.

Another local eyewitness commented that soldiers are also positioning
themselves in and around Bo Tathaung Pagoda, along the Rangoon River.

____________________________________

March 17, Mizzima News
Than Shwe's daughter pleads for furniture at fair

Rangoon – In an acute display of lack of self respect, Khin Thandar Shwe,
daughter of Burmese military junta supremo Snr. Gen. Than Shwe, visited
the Myanmar Furniture Fair, pleaded and took away furniture worth
approximately USD 10,000 without payment, sources said.

She visited 'Myanmar Furniture Fair 2008' held at the Armed Forces Hall
(Envoy Hall) in U Wisara Road, Rangoon on March 8. She took away a
truckload of woodcrafts and furniture in a 'CANTER' truck. Most of the
stuff was from 'Golden Pollen Myanmar'.

"She took away all she wanted without making any payment. The furniture
companies did not dare ask for payment from her because most of these
companies are running on import-export licenses issued by Myanmar Timber
Corporation," a source in the industry said.

A staff member from another company said they gave the furniture to her
free of cost.

The biennial furniture fair was scheduled to be held from March 3 to 7 but
was extended for another two days.

Thandar Shwe, daughter of Snr. Gen. Than Shwe and Kyaing Kyaing, was
married in July 2006. In the videotape of the wedding ceremony, she was
seen wearing a lot of diamonds.

The lavish wedding ceremony where USD 50 million was rumored to have been
spent in one of the poorest countries in the world became infamous. The
physical possession of the video disc and video tape of the wedding
ceremony carries a prison term and it was strictly banned in Burma.

____________________________________

March 17, Mizzima News
Kyaing Kyaing's health deteriorates not Than Shwe's

Even as rumors spread that Burma's military strongman Snr. Gen. Than Shwe
is seriously ill, reliable sources in Rangoon, Burma's former capital,
said it is his wife Kyaing Kyaing who is ailing.

The source, speaking to Mizzima on condition of anonymity, said while Than
Shwe is in perfect health, his wife, Kyaing Kyaing's health is
deteriorating.

However, the source did not mention what Kyaing Kyaing is suffering from.

While the information could not be independently verified a Burmese
official in the Ministry of Information said, Than Shwe is in fine health
but declined to comment on Kyaing Kyaing's health.

Rumors that Burma's military supremo Than Shwe is seriously ill has spread
in Rangoon since last week.

A few internet blogs, operated by Burmese inside and outside the country,
says, "Than Shwe is dead."

An expatriate in Rangoon, who is following the news of Than Shwe's health,
told Mizzima on Friday that, "a team of Singaporean doctors landed this
morning [Friday] and headed for Nay Pyi Taw."

But the source said, "I was told by a reliable source that it is not the
old man whose health is deteriorating but it is the old woman," referring
to both Than Shwe and Kyaing Kyaing as old man and old woman, as most
people in Burma refer to them.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

March 17, Kuwait News Agency
Security tightened along India-Myanmar border following rebel attack

India Monday tightened vigil along its border with Myanmar in Northeastern
state of Manipur, following an insurgent attack last Saturday.

Security posts in Manipur's border town of Moreh have been put on high
alert after last Saturday's ambush by insurgents on a camp of Indian
paramilitary personnel, news agency Press Trust of India reported, quoting
a local police official. Security patrolling has been intensified to
detect the movement of insurgents of Manipur People's Army, armed wing of
banned rebel group United National Liberation Front , which had attacked
the camp, the official said. The MPA cadres have fled following
retaliation by the security personnel.

Several MPA cadres were believed to be presently located along the
international border and could carry out another attack, the official
said. Manipur, is home to 20 big or small insurgent groups, whose demands
range from separatism to secessionism. However, many of these groups have
been weakened following Indian Armys sustained operations. Some of these
groups from Manipur, have also established their bases within Myanmar and
both the countries are cooperating to flush out the rebels.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

March 16, Bangkok Post
Exim bank to complete Burma loan

The Export-Import Bank of Thailand is cleared to hand Burma any remaining
funds from a four-billion-baht soft loan to the junta that had been
suspended due to alleged irregularities, Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama
said yesterday.

Thailand will also push ahead with construction of the Tasang hydropower
dam and other infrastructure projects in Burma, he added.

The fresh move came as Thailand tried to foster closer economic ties with
Burma following the first official visit to the country on Friday by Prime
Minister Samak Sundaravej since he took office last month.

The issue of outstanding money from the loan was not tabled for discussion
when Mr Samak and other Thai officials met with Burma's junta leaders
including Sen Gen Than Shwe on Friday in the country's new capital of
Naypyidaw.

Asked in Bangkok about the future of the loan meant to help improve
Burma's infrastructure facilities, Mr Noppadon said the government will
not allow political wrangles in Thailand to obstruct attempts to
strengthen relations with Burma and other neighbours. Thailand's internal
problems ''have no effect on the right of Burma to get the money,'' he
told a press conference.

It remains unclear how much of the four-billion-baht loan has yet to be
handed to the ruling junta in Burma.

Mr Noppadon said yesterday that only one billion baht had been given to
Burma so far; however, the bank said in a statement released in September
last year that all but 341 million baht of the loan had already been
handed over.

The loan was signed between the Export-Import Bank of Thailand and the
Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank in June 2004, when then premier Thaksin
Shinawatra was in power.

However, the military-appointed Assets Scrutiny Committee (ASC), set up by
the coup makers after ousting Thaksin's government from power in 2006,
agreed in August last year to press criminal charges against the former
premier for alleged abuse of his position in ordering a one-billion-baht
increase in the amount of the loan, allegedly for the benefit of his
family's satellite and broadband businesses.

The additional money was approved for the Burmese government to develop
telecommunications facilities, including buying goods and services from
the satellite broadband and fibre-optic firm Shin Satellite Co, according
to the ASC.

The panel has not yet forwarded the charges on the loan to prosecutors.

The Burmese junta also raised the issue of the 7,110-megawatt Tasang dam,
which Thailand won a concession to build 10 years ago. There has been
little progress since then however.

Mr Noppadon said the government would urge the private sector to go ahead
with the project, which would boost energy security for the kingdom.

The Tasang dam is the largest of the proposed hydroelectric projects on
the Salween River in Burma's Shan State, about 130 kilometres from the
Thai-Burmese border.

The 228-metre-high dam is slated to be the tallest dam in all of Southeast
Asia. The reservoir will flood hundreds of square kilometres of land,
according to Salween Watch, a coalition of NGOs based in Chiang Mai which
monitors the issue.

Thai firm MDX signed an agreement with the Burmese junta in 2002 to
develop the project. However, the planned dam has met with stiff
opposition from environmentalists and other activists because it could
force several thousand people to leave their homes and land and move
elsewhere.

Thailand has also pledged to develop the Tavoy deep-sea port in Burma to
open trade and investment links with western Thailand, Mr Noppadon said.

Thailand is one of Burma's biggest investors and trading partners,
spending billions of dollars annually to tap into the country's natural
gas and hydropower resources.

The kingdom is at odds with the West over ways to deal with Burma's
military regime, which sparked global outrage following its deadly
crackdown on peaceful protests in September 2007. The United States and
the European Union tightened sanctions against Burma's ruling generals
after the suppression.

____________________________________

March 17, Global Insight
Investment Protection Agreement signed between Thailand and Myanmar -
Chietigj Bajpaee

Thailand and Myanmar signed an investment protection agreement during the
one-day visit of Thai Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej to Myanmar last
week. The agreement was signed following a meeting between Samak, his
counterpart, Prime Minister Thein Sein, and other senior officials of
Myanmar's State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) government in the
capital, Naypyidaw. Both sides also discussed the construction of a
deep-sea port in Tavoy in south-east Myanmar. Samak's visit to Myanmar was
the first since his People Power Party (PPP)-led government took office on
7 February.

Significance: The investment accord intends to protect Thai investors
operating in Myanmar while increasing foreign investment in the country.
Myanmar is facing increasing international isolation following the
military junta's crackdown on pro-democracy protestors last
August-September, the lack of genuine reform in its seven-step "roadmap to
democracy", and the continued detention of pro-democracy leaders,
including Aung San Suu Kyi.

Nonetheless, the military regime continues to receive crucial support from
neighbouring countries, notably China, India and nations in South-East
Asia. Thailand has continued its conciliatory approach toward Myanmar
under Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej. Aside from being Myanmar's largest
buyer of natural gas, Thailand is also the second-largest buyer of
Myanmar's precious stones after China. Notably, Myanmar began a 12-day
auction to sell an estimated $153US-million worth of gems yesterday.
Despite a boycott on buying gems produced in Myanmar by major jewellers,
including Tiffany, Cartier and Bulgari--a move backed by the European
Union and United States--20 countries are represented at this week's
auction. An estimated 90% of the world's rubies are from Myanmar; these
are often sold internationally via a loophole that allows the sale of
Myanmar gem stones cut in Thailand.

____________________________________

March 15, Irrawaddy
Weekly business roundup - William Boot

Junta rejects Bangladesh request for gas

Bangladesh has been told by the Burmese energy ministry that its
application to buy gas is being turned down for the time being because
China and India have priority.

Analysts say this is a curious response given the fact that Thailand is
Burma’s biggest gas customer.

“The junta’s Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise sells practically no gas to
either India or China at present,” said Bangkok-based independent industry
analyst Collin Reynolds.

“India was very upset to have its bid for the big Shwe offshore gas
refused, and although China is supposed to get the Shwe gas it is still
prevaricating over a pipeline through Burma into its Yunnan province. Only
last week Xinhua agency said the Beijing authorities were still
considering pipeline proposals,” Reynolds added.

Bangladesh requested Burmese gas supplies during a top-level
government-to-government meeting last month as relations between the two
neighbors appear to be warming.

It was disclosed recently that Burmese businesses were exporting about
400,000 tonnes of rice to Bangladesh via a back-door payments system which
avoids US banking sanctions.

Bangladesh is facing a gas shortage of around 200 million cubic feet a day
to fuel its power plants, according to the state energy company
Petrobangla.

South Korea to help the Junta’s Nutty Biofuel plan

All the nut-bearing jatropha bushes sprouting across Burma on command of
the country’s junta may finally be put to some use.

A South Korean energy company is reportedly moving into Burma to work with
the Myanmar Industrial Crops Enterprise to build a processing plant to
convert the jatropha nuts into ethanol—a vital ingredient of biofuels,
especially biodiesel.

As well as commandeering large swathes of agricultural land, the junta has
been ordering anyone with a garden to cultivate jatropha. The plant is
noted for producing an oily fruit—also known as physic nut—which is said
to be ideal for ethanol production.

Various reports have claimed that between 1 million and 3 million hectares
of land have been commandeered to grow jatropha, and some of Burma’s
biggest business names have gotten involved.

There is just one major problem with this grand plan, aimed at reducing
Burma’s dependence on diesel imports—the country has no refining
capability to convert the jatropha to ethanol, or to produce biodiesel.

But according to the official Chinese news agency Xinhua, a South Korean
company called Hae Johyub Bio Energy Corp will team up with Burmese state
agricultural agencies to develop a pilot biodiesel processing plant on the
outskirts of Rangoon, using jatropha. Hae Johyub is not listed on the
Internet.

This might be the blessing Yoma Strategic Holdings has been waiting for.
About one year ago, the company, run by pro-junta property tycoon Serge
Pun Pun, acquired 40,000 hectares of land along the banks of the Irrawaddy
River to plant up to 100 million jatropha plants as feedstock to produce
biodiesel.

Japan Aid continues despite Tokyo anger over army killing

The Japan External Trade Organization (JETRO) is to provide technical
assistance to Burmese chemical companies to help them prevent
environmental pollution.

JETRO has disclosed that an environmental expert from Japan visited Burma
in February to consult with the Chemical Industrial Group of Myanmar
Industrial Association.

JETRO says it will seek to help raise awareness about the danger to the
local environment, even though Burma has relatively few chemical companies
in operation.

A priority will be to help prevent or reduce ground water pollution, says
JETRO, which provides similar technical help to the Philippines, Indonesia
and Vietnam.

Observers note that Tokyo supposedly suspended all but the most urgent
humanitarian aid to Burma after the killing of a Japanese journalist who
was covering a crackdown on demonstrators last September.

Only recently JETRO said the public unrest and the junta’s harsh response
had had a “negative impact on Japanese firms.”

Looming Asia Gas shortage may benefit Burma—Total

The French oil company Total, which operates in Burma, says East Asia is
facing a gas shortage within the next ten years.

Company vice president Yves Cerf-Mayer told a Bangkok industry trade fair
that the region could experience an annual shortfall of 43 million tonnes
of liquid natural gas (LNG) by 2015.

LNG is fast becoming a favored method of transporting gas from production
sites to consumers, although Burma currently lacks facilities to convert
its abundant supplies of natural gas.

“If such a shortage does come about it can only help Burma because of
recent finds and potential, such as Thailand PTT’s M9 discoveries in the
Gulf of Martaban,” said analyst Sar Watana.

____________________________________
ASEAN

March 17, United Press International
ASEAN ignores Burma's jailed teachers - Awzar Thi

Hong Kong, China, In most countries teachers with talent and commitment
are valued; in Burma some are jailed.

U Aung Pe is one. Last month he walked out of the central prison, and kept
going all the way back to his town 17 miles away. After three years he
needed fresh air, he told a journalist by phone.

Aung Pe's crime was to have taught underprivileged children without a
license. In fact he had had one, but couldn't get it renewed as he didn't
get along with the local education board. He says that its officials had
kept asking for extra payments, which he refused, pointing out that he had
rented a room at his own expense and was tutoring orphans and poor
students for free.

He was arrested in February 2005, and charged under a 1984 law on tuition,
which stipulates prison terms for offences such obtaining a permit
improperly, unauthorized advertising, and holding private lessons inside
school premises. He was convicted in August.

But the court's verdict betrays the real reason that Aung Pe was put
behind bars; a reason not covered by the tuition law at all.

On a national holiday, Aung Pe had lectured his students on Aung San, and
led them in paying respects to the independence martyr. What is more, he
had "hung a t-shirt bearing the image of Aung San Suu Kyi" in his
classroom, the judge stated in finding him guilty.

Aung Pe's lawyer appealed to the Supreme Court. He pointed out that
lessons on the national hero are a normal part of the school curriculum,
and that the portrait of his Nobel Prize-winning daughter is not
prohibited from public display, but to no avail. His client spent his 50th
birthday locked up.

Before Aung Pe's time was over, another dedicated and popular tutor was
given the same treatment.

Min Min, a 30-year-old living in the central town of Pyay, had previously
taught at a room alongside his house, but had closed up and gone to
instruct at a center nearby.

In July 2007, he made the mistake of having a private talk on human rights
in his old classroom. The police accused him of reopening lessons there
without approval.

Hundreds of students and residents came to lend support at the trial and
testify on his behalf. But the judge said that his evidence was not "firm"
enough to prove his innocence, and away he went too.

Ironically, Min Min was jailed on the same day that his government was
putting its name to a new charter of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations. The charter includes an article to establish a regional human
rights body ostensibly to protect those very things that Min Min had been
talking about with friends.

Lawyer Thongbai Thongpao in his Bangkok Post column said that the body was
good news. A regional rights agency would have more independence and
courage than its national equivalents and would suffer less interference
from governments, he said, pointing to the European human rights court as
an example.

The stories of Aung Pe and Min Min suggest otherwise. Their cases speak to
the vast difference between the human rights setting in Europe and that in
Southeast Asia. The difference is not just in the scale and nature of
abuse; it is in the structural barriers to redress.

Europe's human rights body works not because of any regional formula but
because domestic institutions also work. Nowhere are courts, parliaments
and government departments perfect, but in Europe they perform their roles
more or less as described. This means that where its regional bodies
decide on something, domestic agencies are beholden to comply. Where they
do not, they risk pressure from citizens and sanctions from neighbors.

None of this holds true for ASEAN nations, and least of all for Burma. In
Southeast Asia, courts, parliaments and government departments do not
function as described. In some countries they perform diametrically
opposite roles to those of their European counterparts. Thus Burma's
justice system is more aptly labeled an injustice system, and its law
enforcers, merely enforcers.

Where no means exist to protect human rights nationally, talk about
regional mechanisms is pointless. If the courts in Burma have the express
purpose of putting people like Min Min and Aung Pe in jail, ASEAN isn't
going to break them out. Its rights body won't open any doors, just toe
official lines.

Aung Pe was released because his time was up. But he can't tutor anymore.
The last date for renewal of his permit passed a few days before he was
freed. He will either have to work again illegally or the orphans will
have to make do without him.

Min Min has over two years left to serve. A human rights group has
specially raised his case with the ASEAN secretary-general. It has not yet
received any reply.

(Awzar Thi is the pen name of a member of the Asian Human Rights
Commission with over 15 years of experience as an advocate of human rights
and the rule of law in Thailand and Burma. His Rule of Lords blog can be
read at http://ratchasima.net.)

____________________________________
REGIONAL

March 16, The Nation
Suppression of activists in Burma normal: Samak

Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej Sunday described Burmese leader Senior
General Than Shwe as being religious person and killings and suppressions
in the neighbouring country were "normal' things.

Speaking during his Samak's Talk programe broadcast live on Channel 11,
Samak said Burma is a Buddhist country.

"Killings and suppressions are normal there but we have to know the fact,"
Samak said.

"And Senior Than Shwe practices meditation. He said he prays in the
morning 
 and the country has been in peace and order."

____________________________________

March 16, Associated Press
Thailand's new PM defends Myanmar

Bangkok, Thailand -- Thailand's new prime minister said Sunday Westerners
were overly critical of Myanmar and that he had a newfound respect for the
nation's military leaders after learning they meditate like good
Buddhists.

"Westerners have a saying, 'Look at both sides of the coin,' but
Westerners only look at one side," Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej said in
his weekly television talk show, two days after an official visit to
Myanmar.

"Myanmar is a Buddhist country. Myanmar's leaders meditate. They say the
country lives in peace," Samak said, noting that he has studied Myanmar
for decades but just learned that members of the junta meditate. Both
countries are predominantly Buddhist.

Myanmar's junta has come under global criticism for its deadly crackdown
on pro-democracy protesters last year and its detention of pro-democracy
leader Aung San Suu Kyi, but Samak said he preferred to talk about
bilateral trade not democracy during talks with junta chief, Senior Gen.
Than Shwe.

Many Western nations, including the United States and members of the
European Union, maintain economic and political sanctions against the
regime for its poor human rights record and failure to hand over power to
a democratically elected government.

But Thailand and most other Southeast Asian nations are less critical and
encourage companies to do business there.

Samak said he discussed investment opportunities for Thai companies in
Myanmar, especially in the production and exploitation of natural gas and
hydropower projects.

"We want to do something about dams. Than Shwe told me, 'You can do it
here and here and here. Find the investors and do it," said Samak, whose
coalition government took office last month. "Myanmar only uses a small
amount of electricity. Thailand needs electricity."

Thai state-owned energy companies are the largest purchasers of gas from
Myanmar, contributing almost $2 billion a year to the military regime.

"They found new gas resources. I negotiated with them so we can sign
contracts," Samak said, adding that the junta wants to build a pipeline to
its largest city, Yangon. "Myanmar doesn't have money to build the
pipeline. Thai companies will do that for them."

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

March 15, Reuters
UN Rights Envoy denied Burma visa - Robert Evans

Burma denied a visa to investigator for human rights Paulo Sergio
Pinheiro, whose report to the UN Human Rights Council on Thursday cited
growing repression following the crushing of monk-led protests in the
country last September, the United Nations said.

The UN rights envoy said on Friday he could believe in “gnomes, trolls and
elves” as readily as he could credit the Burmese military’s democratic
reforms.

“If you believe in gnomes, trolls and elves, you can believe in this
democratic process in Myanmar [Burma],” Pinheiro told a Friday news
briefing at the UN’s European headquarters in Geneva.

Pinheiro told that briefing he had been granted a visa to enter Burma
after two months’ delay, calling the development auspicious. But the
Brazilian jurist had apparently erred.

“He had received the information that his passport was ready to be picked
up,” a subsequent UN statement said. “Later in the afternoon, he learned
no visa had been issued.”

Pinheiro’s report said that while the government had announced it would
hold a referendum in May on a constitution setting the nation on a path to
democracy with elections in 2010, this was difficult to reconcile with
wide restrictions on free speech.

The secretive regime in Burma has barred outdoor meetings of more than
five people, has continued targeting opponents, and is holding some 1,850
political prisoners.

Burma’s ambassador to the UN in Geneva, Wunna Maung Lwin, told the
47-member Human Rights Council on Thursday that Pinheiro’s report
“completely lacks
objectivity and impartiality.”

In December, the Council told Burma it should prosecute those responsible
for the September crackdown, end the house arrest of Nobel Peace Laureate
Aung San Suu Kyi and free all political detainees.

Pinheiro said on Friday that the military junta—which insists all human
rights are observed in the country and that all those jailed have violated
laws—had ignored resolutions by the Council and the UN General Assembly.

“The trouble with this country is that it makes no concessions,” he said.

“No referendum or elections can be fair, no transition to democracy can be
effective, without the release of political prisoners, the authorization
for all political parties to operate, and the protection of the basic
civil and political freedoms, all non-existent in Myanmar.”

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

March 17, Independent Mon News Agency
Prospects for Burma's New Constitution - Ashley South

In February the SPDC military government announced that a referendum will
be held this May, to endorse a new constitution. Following the referendum
(presumably, if the regime is successful in engineering a 'yes' vote)
elections are scheduled for 2010.

The government-controlled constitution-drafting process of 1993-2007 did
not involve significant participation from elected representatives (the
NLD, and 67 ethnic nationality MPs-elect, including five from the MNDF).
Although several ceasefire groups (especially the NMSP and KIO) attempted
to include federal principles in the constitution, their efforts were
frustrated by the government. Under the new charter - which has not yet
been made public - the Burma Army would control 25% of the seats in
parliament, as well as the key portfolios of defence, home affairs and
border affairs. The military would also retain institutional autonomy, and
control the police and paramilitary organizations. Therefore the new
constitution is widely perceived as deeply flawed.
The basic territorial division of the country into seven ethnic States and
seven predominantly (but not exclusively) Burman-populated Divisions would
be retained in the new constitution, with the creation of new
semi-autonomous, sub-provincial administrations for six ethnic nationality
groups (five in Shan State). The new constitutional arrangements would
provide for legislatures, with very limited powers, at the state level,
while at the central level there would be a lower ‘house of the people’
(Pyithu Hluttaw) elected by popular vote, and an upper house (Amyotha
Hluttaw), containing equal numbers of representatives from each of the
Divisions and States.

It is worth asking whether this new structure, despite its obvious faults,
might allow for a slightly more open expression of political views. For
example, it may be that the new legislative assemblies will find some
freedom to debate important issues. The creation of ethnic State
legislatures may allow for the participation of local political and civil
society organizations, in at least some sectors of public life, as well as
providing a forum to argue for greater allocation of resources to ethnic
nationality-populated areas.

According to this view, any constitution is better than continued direct
rule by the military. Although the space available to ethnic nationality
and other parties under the new constitution is likely to be very limited,
it will at least allow them to participate in above-ground politics, from
‘within the legal fold’.

Regarding the referendum - calls to boycott the process, or vote 'No', are
understandable. However, the referendum seems to represents a 'win-win'
situation for the military government: if the constitution is rejected,
presumably this will mean many more years of military rule, while the
generals take their time before presenting new proposals.

Regarding any future election - whatever its deficiencies, this will
probably confer at least a degree of legitimacy upon those elected. Ethnic
nationality politicians and communities are therefore likely to be faced
with a dilemma, regarding whether and how to participate in elections
organized by the SPDC.

It will be interesting to observe whether - given the choice - ethnic
nationality communities will choose to support all-Burma parties (such as
the NLD), or to endorse specifically ethno-nationalist groups.
Historically, elites representing some ethnic groups, such as the Mon,
have successfully competed in elections in Burma (e.g. in the 1950s and in
1990), while others, such as the Karen, have not. Will the ceasefire
groups be prepared to risk testing their electoral popularity? Despite
several positive developments since the ceasefires (such as the
re-emergence of civil society networks, which I have written about in
detail elsewhere), the continuation of human and civil-political rights
abuses have led many to criticise these agreements. Such complaints have
weakened the standing of most ceasefire groups, at least in some sectors
of the community. This is a common phenomenon in post-conflict situations:
leaders and organisations which are prepared to make political compromises
often find their position undermined by 'hard-line' critics.

One of the most important and interesting questions, thirteen years after
the ceasefire, is what the future holds for the NMSP. The party still
retains most of the characteristics, and opposition-oriented political
culture, of an insurgent organization. Will the NMSP be able to re-invent
itself as a dynamic political party (and rival to the partly-dormant MNDF)
- or will it continue to guard the frontiers of the ceasefire zone, while
exercising a declining influence over the wider Mon population?

While it may be argued that Burma's armed ethnic groups have little to
gain from participating in future elections, something is perhaps better
than nothing. A continuation of the present armed stand-off mostly
benefits the military government, at a time when the regime is undergoing
a generational change, and seems to be establishing the ground rules for
politics in Burma over the coming decade.

Ashley South is an independent writer and consultant on humanitarian and
political issues in Burma and South-East Asia. This article is derived
from his forthcoming book, 'Ethnic Politics in Burma: States of Conflict'
(Routledge 2008).

____________________________________

March 17, Irrawaddy
Samak’s flashback visit to Burma - Aung Zaw

Thailand’s “neighborly engagement” policy with the Burmese junta seemed
fully vindicated last week, after Thai Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej
returned from an official visit to Naypyidaw with a basket full of sweet
deals.

The Thai premier came away from his trip to Burma not just a richer, but
also a wiser man. During his stay in the regime’s remote capital, Samak
got the lowdown on the country’s “road map to democracy” straight from the
horse’s mouth—Snr-Gen Than Shwe himself.

Not only did Samak learn everything he ever wanted to know about Burma’s
political future; he also discovered something he apparently didn’t
realize about his hosts.  “Burma’s leaders meditate,” he said upon his
return to Bangkok. “They say the country lives in peace.”

In the same week that Burma’s mercurial ruler snubbed UN envoy Ibrahim
Gambari, he laid out the red carpet for his Thai visitors. This included
Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama, who reiterated his government’s
position that “Thailand disagrees with sanctions.”

“If Myanmar [Burma] wants assistance [with its referendum] from Thailand,
we are ready to offer help as a friendly country,” the former lawyer of
ousted PM Thaksin Shinawatra added.

Noppadon also offered to explain the “road map” to a skeptical
international community, but was careful to add that he was not taking on
the role of the Burmese junta’s spokesman.

But the visit was not all about exchanging courtesies. The main order of
business was the signing of an investment pact, which will enhance
Thailand’s status as Burma’s third-largest trading partner. Among other
things, Thailand is the largest importer of Burma’s natural gas, and a
major investor in a controversial hydropower dam on the Salween River.

The recent visit to Naypidaw is reminiscent of a trip to Burma by
then-Thai army chief Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh in 1988.

Gen Chavalit paid several visits to Burma even before the upheaval in
1988, and was known to be a close friend of the regime’s leaders. He
called Snr-Gen Saw Maung, a coup maker in 1988, “Akogyi”—“big brother” in
Burmese—during one of his dinner receptions in Rangoon.

In return, Saw Maung declared Thailand to be a “true friend” of Burma.

In 1988, Chavalit helped break Burma’s international isolation after the
bloody crackdown in September by leading an official delegation to
Rangoon. In return, Bangkok received lucrative logging contracts, fishing
rights and deals in the hotel business.

Chavalit, who visited Burma on December 14, 1988, agreed to repatriate
student activists who fled to Thailand after the crackdown. At the time,
the Burmese regime offered a reward of 5,000 baht to anyone who helped to
send a fugitive student back to Burma.

Writing in the Far Eastern Economic Review on December 29, 1988, Thai
journalist Paisal Sricharatchanya wrote that while Bangkok was quietly
critical of Burma’s brutal suppression of a nationwide popular uprising,
the Thai leadership had come to accept that it must learn to coexist with
the powers that be in Burma.

He wrote, “Chavalit’s trip broke an international boycott mounted against
Saw Maung’s government by Japan and Western countries. Foreign reaction,
however, was surprisingly muted, perhaps because Western countries
appreciate Bangkok’s need to maintain a dialogue with its neighbor.”

This attitude appears to be as true today as it was nearly twenty years
ago. Samak’s recent visit and his business deals have received little
criticism from Western powers which have imposed sanctions on the regime.
Washington, Thailand’s ally and a staunch advocate of harsh sanctions on
the regime, has also been quiet.

After Chavalit’s controversial trip in December 1988, Thailand’s
then-deputy foreign minister, Prapas Limpabandu, visited Burma in April
1989.

Thai reporter Yindee Lertcharoenchok, who accompanied the Thai delegation,
wrote in The Nation, a Bangkok-based English-language daily, on April 13,
1989 that Saw Maung told his visitors that he appreciated Bangkok’s
“correct and appropriate attitude” toward Burma.

“Saw Maung added that that’s the reason Thailand is being given
preferential treatment in economic and trade cooperation,” Yindee wrote.
“During the crisis, we came to know who our true friends are,” Saw Maung
was quoted as saying to Prapas.

This was two years before Burma held a free and fair election in 1990. It
seemed Saw Maung and other Burmese leaders used Thai channels to convey
their message to the world.

Saw Maung reaffirmed, according to Yindee’s report filed from Rangoon,
that the election would be held as scheduled and that the regime would
turn over power to the post-election government. Interestingly, Saw Maung
predicted that no single political party would win a majority in the 1990
election.

Kobsak Chutikul, then-deputy director general of the Thai Foreign
Ministry’s political department, said to The Nation: “He [Saw Maung] said
it is very likely that there would be a coalition government after the
elections.”

During the visit, Prapas also met Ba Htay, chairman of Burma’s Elections
Commission. The Thai minister told the Burmese official that Bangkok was
ready to share its experiences in holding elections and offered to send a
senior official of the Interior Ministry to help facilitate the election.
Saw Maung replied that Burmese did not allow foreign observers.

In fact, anti-Burmese regime sentiment was so strong among the Thai public
at the time that Prapas was forced to postpone a scheduled visit in
November 1988. Critics called on him to refrain from using his planned
visit to ask for business deals.

But the Burmese leaders could read the true wishes of their Thai
counterparts.

Burma’s then-Commerce Minister Col David Abel was heard jokingly telling
Prapas that he was instructed to hold on to the best deals until the Thai
official could finally make his visit, Yindee reported in The Nation.

The Thai reporter criticized Thailand’s policy of exploiting neighbor’s
natural resources. In an article carried in The Nation on the April 16,
1989, she wrote, “It is indisputable that Thais have left a bad impression
on the Burmese people. They could only perceive Thailand’s aim to be the
economic exploitation of Burma.”

The Thai journalist added, “There have been rumors that the Thai
concessions and contracts made with the present Rangoon regime would
immediately be revoked once opposition parties got into government.”

Vilasinee Mokchaorenpong, then-Secretary General of the Thai Students
Federation, was quoted in the Bangkok newspaper almost twenty years ago:
“It is a shame that the elected Thai government has chosen to support a
regime that has blood on its hands and is detested worldwide.”

Fast forward two decades to Samak’s visit to Naypyidaw, and you would be
forgiven for thinking that no friendship could be more enduring than one
founded on a firm basis of opportunism.

____________________________________

March 17, Mizzima News
Bullets cannot kill freedom in the heart - May Ng

"The way is not in the sky. The way is in the heart," teaches Buddha.

Until the Saffron Revolution, images over the Internet were not expected
to have much impact in Burma, since most people in the isolated country
lack access to the Internet. But when, following widely available images
of the opulent wedding of General Than Shwe's daughter, August's fuel
price hike left poor Burmese on the verge of starvation, the people's
anger was aroused.

During September's Saffron Revolution, the Burmese military was at a loss
as to how the closely guarded country leaked pictures and information
about the bloody protests to the worldwide media. And after killing,
imprisoning and driving political protesters underground, the Burmese army
and its supporter, China, confidently announced to the world that peace
and order were restored in Burma.

Since then the Burmese junta has been playing a cat and mouse game with
web-surfers, deliberately slowing down the Internet connection. China
reportedly employs thirty thousand cyber hackers to infiltrate individuals
and governments across the globe. Last year Russia shut down a neighboring
governments' Internet access during a period of heightened conflict.

In response to cyber censorship throughout the world, Reporters Without
Borders launched the first Online Free Expression Day on March 12. They
remarked, "We are giving all Internet users the opportunity to demonstrate
in places where protests are not normally possible. We hope many will come
and protest in virtual versions of Beijing's Tiananmen Square, Cuba's
Revolution Square, or on the streets of Rangoon in Burma. At least 62
cyber-dissidents are currently imprisoned worldwide, while more than 2,600
websites; blogs or discussions forums were closed or made inaccessible in
2007".

The Burmese military is being trained in Russia in computer technology and
China gives enormous support, including Internet technology, to the
Burmese army. Burma related news and information network sites are under
constant attack by cyber assailants in support of the Burmese junta.

Similar to events during the Saffron Revolution in Burma, the latest
information from Tibet is now being delayed and distorted as the
autonomous region is witnessing widespread unrest to Chinese rule. While
Beijing told the world a few days ago that the outbreak of protests in
Tibet has been under control and inconsequential, the situation has
escalated, involving death and destruction. Instead of taking
responsibility, China points the finger at exiled Tibetan spiritual
leader, the Dalai Lama, and accuses him of plotting the violence as part
of "separatist sabotage."

As fires burn in the Tibetan capital of Lhasa, neither has the iron grip
of Beijing prevented Tibetan news from reaching the world, nor have the
iron rods beaten the desire for freedom from the hearts of Tibetans.

For six decades China has conquered the Tibetans' sky but not their
hearts. To do so China must begin with truth and tolerance, which takes a
lot more courage and determination than the challenges of the Olympics.

For now, China and its partner, the Burmese junta, are clearly not up to
the task of facing truth or tolerance. Until they do, the Beijing Olympics
will be a mockery of the ultimate human aspiration for peace and freedom.

May Ng is a Burmese member of Justice for Human Rights in Burma.