BurmaNet News, March 26, 2008

[Editor]

March 26, 2008 Issue # 3430


INSIDE BURMA
AFP: Activists launch underground campaign against Myanmar charter
Irrawaddy: Activist groups accuse UN of letting Burmese people down
Irrawaddy: Regime restricts more NGO activities
Bangkok Post: Factions within junta draw battle lines
Mizzima News: Boat capsizes in central Burma - 23 killed
Narinjara News: Forced labor on rubber plantation
IMNA: Mon villagers flee from abuse to southern Ye Township
The Nation (Thailand): Zoo opens in Burma's military capital
DVB: T-shirt campaign promotes No vote

ON THE BORDER
AP: Soaring rice prices force drastic cuts in food aid to Myanmar refugees
Scoop.co.nz: Thai army raids Burmese KNU group in Mae Sot

BUSINESS / TRADE
Narinjara News: New Delhi eyes a Burmese seaport

ASEAN
Xinhua: Indonesia, Thailand expect ASEAN countries to help settle crisis
in Myanmar

REGIONAL
AFP: Burma looking at democracy

OPINION / OTHER
Far Eastern Economic Review: Silencing the 'Saffron Revolution'
Irrawaddy: Exodus: A refugee reporter’s story of resettlement
Asia Times Online: Crisis looms for Myanmar's riven junta
Refugees International via Relief Web: Burma: Key facts on the working
environment for international agencies

STATEMENT/PRESS RELEASE
Joint Statement Issued by the All Burma Monks’ Alliance and the 88
Generation Students
Amnesty International: Time to release Aung San Suu Kyi
Canada Hosts International Conference on Burma


____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

March 26, Agence-France Press
Activists launch underground campaign against Myanmar charter

Myanmar's pro-democracy leaders have been arrested or forced into hiding,
while their speeches and leaflets have been outlawed, and they have no
access to the media.

But activists say they are defying the pressure and have launched an
underground campaign against a constitution drafted by the nation's
military rulers, who plan to put it to a referendum in May.

The 88 Generation Student Group, which kicked off the mass protests that
shook the regime last year, says it is getting its message out through
secretly distributed fliers and T-shirts, and emails passed clandestinely
at Internet cafes.

Since speeches have been outlawed, the group is making video recordings on
CDs that are copied and passed anonymously through Myanmar's main city of
Yangon.

"In this way, we make our campaign in secret," said Tun Myint Aung, who is
leading the group with a handful of other activists while living in hiding
from the authorities.

"We are asking our people to go to the polling station and vote 'No.' The
authorities have no right to arrest anyone for voting 'No.' Let's show the
enormous power of the people," he told AFP in Bangkok, speaking by
telephone from a secret location inside Myanmar.

"In this way, we reject the military constitution and we reject everything
that was made by the military government," he said.

Tun Myint Aung's group is made up of former student leaders who
spearheaded a pro-democracy uprising in August 1988.

The military crushed the protests by massacring students, with
demonstrations and violent reprisals gripping the nation for five days. At
least 3,000 people were killed, and more than 10,000 students fled into
exile.

Tun Myint Aung, like most of the others who were arrested then, served a
decade in prison but returned to activism upon his release three years
ago.

The freed student leaders, now mostly in their 40s, rebuilt their network
of activists and began new protests in August last year, harnessing public
anger at a surprise hike in fuel prices.

The junta tried to stamp out the movement by arresting the group's most
prominent leaders, Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi.

But Buddhist monks took up the cause, eventually bringing more than
100,000 people into the streets of Yangon in September, until the military
launched a deadly crackdown.

At least 31 people were killed while hundreds remain behind bars,
according to the United Nations. A UN report earlier this month said that
since the crackdown, the regime has actually stepped up unlawful arrests
over the protests.

Tun Myint Aung has managed to evade authorities by living in hiding since
August.

"I'm not afraid of jail, but I'm afraid of not doing my work," he said. "I
always struggle, I always take action to dismiss the military
dictatorship. If I am in jail, I can't," he said.

He said the protests last year showed that the public wanted an end to
military rule.

"There is no need to hold a referendum in May. The September movement was
a real referendum. People don't want military rule. People showed that,"
Tun Myint Aung said.

Voters in Myanmar have not been to the ballot box since 1990, when they
handed Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party a
landslide victory in parliamentary polls.

During that election, the Nobel Peace Prize winner was under house arrest,
as she is now.

The NLD's leadership has not been allowed to meet with her since the junta
last month announced its plans for the referendum and multiparty elections
for 2010.

Without her guidance, the party has not taken a clear position on the
referendum, saying only that the constitution "cannot be accepted by the
people" -- but without calling for a "No" vote or a boycott.

But Tun Myint Aung said youth members of NLD were working with his group
to campaign for voters to turn out in force to reject the charter.

"If they cheat in force to win the referendum, we will keep fighting for
our freedom," he said.

"The military government, they don't want to abandon their throne, not
even to share power with the civilians."

____________________________________

March 26, Irrawaddy
Activist groups accuse UN of letting Burmese people down – Saw Yan Naing

The All Burma Monks’ Alliance and the 88 Generation Students group issued
a joint statement on Wednesday accusing the UN and its special envoy,
Ibrahim Gambari, of letting the Burmese people down in their struggle for
democracy.

The statement, coming six months after the September crackdown on
pro-democracy demonstrations, declared: “With or without the help of the
UN Security Council, we are ready to determine our own future. We are
prepared to confront the worst.”

The two groups accused Gambari of “supporting the one-sided acts of the
military junta and suggesting that democracy forces surrender.”

Their joint statement also complained that the plight of the Burmese
people had actually worsened since Ban Ki-moon took over as UN Secretary
General. The suppression of dissidents hadn’t ceased, the statement
said—on the contrary, the arrests of pro-democracy activists had recently
increased.

The two groups also condemned the governments of China, Russia and South
Africa, accusing them of protecting the Burmese regime in UN votes. They
called for greater pressure on the junta from EU countries.

They also reiterated calls for people to vote “No” in the upcoming
referendum on a new constitution. “We all are determined to vote ‘no’ on
the junta’s sham constitution in the upcoming referendum,” they said. “Our
‘No’ vote is not only to the sham constitution, but also to the junta.”

Pyinya Jota, a leader of the All Burma Monks’ Alliance, urged Burmese
monks to campaign for a free and fair constitutional referendum.

In a telephone interview with The Irrawaddy from his hiding place in
Rangoon, Soe Htun, a member of the 88 Generation Students group, said, “It
is very hard for us to operate in [this] rigid situation. We even have to
disguise ourselves when we go out. We have to be very careful. We could be
arrested at any time.”

Soe Htun said that authorities were employing informers to gather
information about pro-democracy activists. Some informers were posing as
taxi drivers, he said.

About 18 dissidents, including members of an underground activist group,
the Generation Wave, were arrested earlier this month and are still being
held.

Soe Htun said the Burmese people should hold no hope for concessions from
the military regime. “The military regime doesn’t want to have political
dialogue, so we have to prepare for the worst,” he said.  “We have to rely
on ourselves. We have to fight bravely for a system that we want.”

Meanwhile, a boycott of state examinations by many monks, which started on
March 24, is continuing, with only about 300 monks in Rangoon and some 60
in Sittwe reportedly turning up to sit the tests. Monks are also
boycotting the exams in  Mandalay and in Pakokku, central Burma, where
last September’s demonstrations began.

Thousands of monks are remaining in their monasteries rather than attend
the examinations, according to sources.

____________________________________

March 26, Irrawaddy
Regime restricts more NGO activities – Violet Cho

Burma’s military regime has imposed further restrictions on international
non-government organizations (NGOs) working in Burma, voicing concerns
over their activities at grassroots levels in the run-up to the
constitutional referendum in May.

According to one NGO source, earlier this month the authorities called a
meeting with international organizations working in Burma and ordered
every group to cease all activities at grassroots level in health
education and counseling for HIV/AIDS patients, especially in rural areas.

Among the organizations that have been warned by authorities are Save the
Children Fund, Population Services International (PSI), Marie Stopes
International (MSI), Care International in Myanmar (Care-Myanmar) and
World Vision.

According to an international NGO worker who asked not to be named for
security reasons, NGOs can only carry out their projects if they allow
staff from the official health department to oversee their activities.

“They [the authorities] allowed us to open our office, but now all the
activities have to stop,” he said. “They also asked us to report every
single thing we do in the field. It is very difficult to implement our
project because we can only work when there is government staff with us.”

During the meeting between Burma’s Ministry of Health and UN special envoy
Ibrahim Gambari on March 9, the minister of health, Dr Kyaw Myint,
reportedly informed Gambari that the government was aware that some
international NGOs were providing financial support to Burma’s main
opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), who, in turn,
was distributing it at a grassroots level.

The NLD’s youth group, led by HIV/AIDS activist Phu Phu Thin, is known to
provide health care, counseling and HIV/AIDS education in Rangoon.

In mid-January, Dr San Shwe Win, the deputy director general of the Public
Health Department, called a meeting with international NGOs in Burma’s new
capital, Naypyidaw. During the meeting, he informed the NGO heads that
they had to report on all their activities and that they could only
continue their work if they receive permission from the Public Health
Department. Reportedly, the military authorities also strongly warned NGOs
against fact-finding missions or research projects in the country.

There are more than 34 organizations that deal with HIV/AIDS issues in
Burma. All of these health groups are registered with Burma’s Ministry of
Health.

Just recently, a clinic known as the Drop-in Centre, which works on
HIV/AIDS issues and provides counseling to patients, was ordered by
authorities to halt their activities, according to a Burmese doctor close
to international organizations in Rangoon.

Mandalay Health Department issued a letter earlier this month ordering the
Drop-in Center to stop all their programs with grassroots people without
giving any reason.

____________________________________

March 26, Bangkok Post
Factions within junta draw battle lines – Larry Jagan

Tomorrow is Army Day in Burma – the moment the country's military leaders
show a united front in a pompous ceremony in the new capital, Naypyidaw,
that is held every year. The junta chief, Senior General Than Shwe, has
imported another new Mercedes Benz to stand in as he leads the parade. He
brought a new one in last year for the same occasion.

But underneath this show of unity is the start of a new battle for Burma's
future. This time it is not between the monks and the military, as it was
last year, but between two factions in the army.

In the past few months a major rift has emerged within Burma's military
government over the country's political future. At the centre of the
conflict is who should control the roadmap – Burma 's plans for political
change.

The confrontation is now beginning to take shape _ between those who are
currently in control of Burma's government and the country's economic
wealth, and those who see themselves as the nation's guardians and wish to
protect the country from unscrupulous officials.

The junta is no longer cohesive and united, as two major camps have
clearly emerged. On one side there are the ministers and members of the
State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) who have major business
interests and are associated with Gen Than Shwe's brainchild, the mass
community-based Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA).

On the other side are the top ranking generals _ loosely grouped around
the second in command, General Maung Aye _ who want a professional army
and see its main role as protector of the people.

They have become increasingly dismayed at the corruption within government
and understand that it is undermining the army's future role in the
country.

As the war between these two groups begins to escalate, Gen Than Shwe's
rapidly deteriorating health has effectively left the country without a
real leader. The result is total inertia in government administration and
a growing fear that one of the contesting factions may launch a ''soft
coup'' in the near future, according to Burmese military sources.

But the ''real'' army, as these officers under Gen Maung Aye view
themselves, is going to have to act quickly if it is to remain a force to
be reckoned with.

The planned referendum for May and the election in two years' time will
radically change the country's political landscape.

The USDA, which is organising both the referendum and the elections, will
significantly increase its power and control over the country's new
emerging political process.

Senior members of the army are increasingly resentful of the growing
dominance of the USDA and the likely curtailment of the army's authority
after the May referendum. ''It will bring an abrupt end to the army's
absolute power,'' said a Burmese government official.

At the centre of this emerging battle for supremacy is the growing
division within the army between those who graduated from the Officers
Training School (OTS) like Gen Than Shwe, and those who went to the
Defence Services Academy (DSA) like Gen Maung Aye.

Many cabinet ministers associated with the USDA are from the OTS, as are
several hardliners within the ruling SPDC, though some no longer have
operational commands. These leaders are known to have the ear of Gen Than
Shwe and have convinced him to take an uncompromising stand against
detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National
League for Democracy (NLD).

These key ministers, including Industry Minister Aung Thaung, Fisheries
Minister Maung Maung Thein (who is also head of the powerful Myanmar
Investment Commission), Construction Minister Saw Htun and Agriculture
Minister Htay Oo (who is also a key leader of the USDA), are notorious
hardliners and amongst the most corrupt members of the government.

They have all amassed huge personal fortunes from smuggling and kickbacks.
''These fellows are out of control and racking up the money from bribery
and fraud _ not even Maung Aye, who despises excessive corruption, can
touch them,'' a Burmese military source told the Bangkok Post on condition
of anonymity.

Everyone seems powerless to stop them at present, according to Burmese
government sources. ''They are known as 'the Nazis' within the top ranks
of the army,'' according to a Burmese businessman with close links to the
military hierarchy. ''They have the money and they have their own
militia.''

Many in the army now fear that this group _ with some senior officers in
the SPDC, current or former heads of the Bureau of Special Operations
(BSO) _ are planning a grab for power using the USDA as a front. ''They
are the real enemies of the people,'' said the Burmese businessman.

There are growing numbers within the army that are viewing these
developments with increasing concern. There is mounting resentment and
frustration amongst the junior officers in Naypyidaw. Many of the junior
officers are divisional commanders, aged between 47 and 55. These are the
army's ''young Turks'', who are alarmed at the way in which the USDA is
growing in influence at the expense of the army.

''They are watching their unscrupulous colleagues, hiding behind the
uniform, building up massive fortunes from corruption in government and
they are worried that this tarnishes the image of the army,'' said a
source in Naypyidaw.

''It's time to get rid of the OTS bastards,'' an officer recently told a
visiting businessman. But so far there are no signs of a palace coup. Many
officers may feel aggrieved, but there is no open discussion as yet about
doing anything in practice. ''The climate of fear that pervades the whole
country is also prevalent in the military,'' according to a Thai military
intelligence officer.

This resentment is going to continue to simmer. They know that after the
referendum in May their position will become increasingly less
significant, as ministers and selected military generals move into the
USDA and take up civilian roles in the future. At the same time they fear
that widespread corruption will also destroy the country and its political
stability.

''The 'real' army is the only institution that can bring genuine democracy
to the country in the future,'' a military man told the Bangkok Post.
''The new generation of officers represent the real hope for the
country.'' They would be open to a political dialogue with Aung San Suu
Kyi, he insisted, as they see themselves as the real guardians of the
country.

____________________________________

March 26, Mizzima News
Boat capsizes in central Burma - 23 killed

At least 23 people are reported dead after a boat capsized on Friday near
Shwe Sar Yan Pagoda in Mandalay in central Burma.

The boat, which was crossing the Duhthahwaddy River from Shwe Sar Yan
Pagoda to Nagayone Pagoda when the it capsized on Friday, occurred on the
full moon day of the Burmese month of Tapaung, an important religious day
on the Burmese calendar.

The government, as well as state-owned newspapers, did not announce the
accident, after which sources said authorities banned all engine boats
from crossing the river.

While it is still unclear why the boat capsized, a journalist in Mandalay
said the boat, which was carrying at least 50 people between worshipping
at the pagodas, capsized when caught in a whirlpool near the
Kywenaphataung port.

Though it is still unclear of the exact number of deaths, the journalist
said that so far 23 bodies have been recovered from the river.

____________________________________

March 26, Narinjara News
Forced labor on rubber plantation

Authorities from Maungdaw Township have been forcing people to work at a
government rubber plantation since 21 March, with promises of distributing
land to them, said one villager.
"We have to work on the plantation without any wage, but the authority
told us they will allocate some land from the rubber plantation for those
who are working, for after the work is completed," the villager said.

Villagers from Vasali model village located on the outskirts of Maungdaw
are now being summoned by the local village council every day, on the
orders of District Chairman U Hla Win, to work on the rubber plantation.

The villager said, "Usually we have to work to clear land and we are also
cutting bushes on the land. About 50 people from our village have to work
every day on the work site."

The rubber plantation project is being implemented by the local authority
and it is part of a nationwide project by the military government. The
junta has plans to cultivate 10,000 acres of rubber plants in the Mayu
Range, which spans the townships of Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and Rathidaung
in northern Arakan State.

The plantation is near golf links and Kandaw Gyi Lake of Maungdaw, and the
villagers go to the area to work every day, bringing with them their own
food.

A female villager said, "We do not want to work there because we have not
received any wages from them. The authority will allocate the land for us
in the future, not now, but we just need food for survival."

Most villagers are day laborers and are now facing difficulties
maintaining their daily survival because they are unable to take other
opportunities to work for pay in other locations.

It has also been learned that local authorities have previously forced
people to work on government projects with such promises for the future,
but it is difficult to get such promises fulfilled by the authorities
after the work is done.

____________________________________

March 26, Independent Mons News Agency
Mon villagers flee from abuse to southern Ye Township – Mon Son

Widespread human rights violations, namely arbitrary arrests, torture and
forced labour of adults and minors, are forcing Mon villagers to flee to
more secure areas.

About 15 households in Toe Thet Ywar Thit Village of Kaw-Zar Sub Township
have shifted to Hangan village in Ye Township, said sources in Toe Thet
Ywar Thit.

The villagers were beaten and tortured almost every day by soldiers of the
Burmese Army's Infantry Battalion No. 31, said a villager. Unable to live
with the abuses, they moved to Hangan village and other places where they
believe they will be more secure, added the villager.

The villagers do not have time to run their business ventures as they are
forced to work in the military camp. They are made to collect timber and
work in construction sites.

Many more people want to relocate, believing that bigger villages will
offer better security and less abuse. Uncertainties about their survival
in a new village prevent low income households from moving.

The vast majority of villagers depend on their plantations and farms in
Kaw-Zar sub township.

Despite over 13 years of the ceasefire agreement between the New Mon State
Party and the Burmese military junta, Human Rights violations continue in
Mon State, especially in southern Ye Township.

____________________________________

March 26, The Nation (Thailand)
Zoo opens in Burma's military capital

A new zoo was opened Wednesday in Naypyitaw, Burma's 's military
headquarters and the country's new capital, boasting more than 200 animals
taken from Zoo in the former capital and at least two penguins donated by
Thailand.

The official opening ceremony of the Zoological Garden of Naypyitaw was
presided over by First Secretary of Burma's ruling junta,
Lieutenant-General Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo, a handful of ministers
and dozens of visiting diplomats who were in Naypyitaw, 350 kilometres
north of Yangon, to attend Armed Forces Day celebrations on Thursday.

The zoo launch was also attended by thousands of people, eager to catch a
glimpse of one of the few recreational attractions in Burma's new military
capital, where thousands of civil servants were forced to relocate to from
Rangoon in late 2004 and early 2005.

The 240-hectare zoo boasts 243 animals indigenous to Burma and numerous
imported animals such as penguins, kangaroos and white tigers. Zoo
documents showed that the penguins had been donated by Thailand.

Nearly all of the animals were taken from Burma's century-old Rangoon Zoo,
which is now sadly depleted of animals and visitors.

Burma's secretive military leaders shocked their Asian neighbours in
November, 2004, when they announced their sudden decision to shift the
country's capital from Yangon to Naypyitaw, near Pyinmana in cental Burma.

The main reason given for the shift was that the new site was more
centrally located, unlike Yangon (formerly Rangoon), a port city founded
by the British colonialists.

Since shifting the capital to Naypyitaw, where a city is slowly emerging
from the wilderness, Rangoon's infrastructure and economy has been largely
ignored, given rise to discontent that finally broke out in August and
September of last year when a dramatic fuel price increase sparked
protests in the streets of Rangoon.

The demonstrations, led by Buddhist monks, were crushed on September 25 to
27, leaving at least 31 people dead.

____________________________________

March 26, Democratic Voice of Burma
T-shirt campaign promotes No vote – Maung Too

People in Burma's cities have started wearing t-shirts bearing the word
“NO” as part of a campaign against the government national referendum,
according to local sources.

Residents of Rangoon, Mandalay and other big cities told DVB there had
been a noticeable number of people wearing NO t-shirts when they go out to
express their disagreement with the referendum.

In addition to people wearing NO t-shirts, a Mandalay resident said monks
have been writing NO graffiti on their monastery walls to remind civilians
to vote No in the constitutional referendum, due to be held in May.

"Monasteries outside and inside Mandalay have the word 'No' written on
their walls," he said.

The All-Burmese Monks Alliance recently called on the people of Burma to
vote No in the referendum, adding their voice to similar calls from the 88
Generation Students group and the National Council of the Union of Burma.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

March 26, Associated Press
Soaring rice prices force drastic cuts in food aid to Myanmar refugees

Soaring rice prices on world markets and a battered U.S. dollar are
forcing cuts in already meager food aid to more than 140,000 refugees who
have fled military-ruled Myanmar into Thailand, aid agency officials said
Wednesday.

"This rice price is just killing us," said Jack Dunford, head of a
consortium providing food, shelter and other aid to ethnic minority
refugees along the Thai-Myanmar border.

Most have fled from a brutal, decades-long campaign by the Myanmar
military against Karen and other ethnic minority rebels. They are housed
in a string of camps along the frontier.

Part of a surge in worldwide food prices, rice has increased by 50 percent
in the past two months and some experts predict further hikes of up to 40
percent. Meanwhile, the U.S. dollar continues to slide against the Thai
baht currency.

Dunford, executive director of the Thailand Burma Border Consortium, said
he would need to make up a budgetary shortfall of US$5.8 million (€3.7
million) to keep up the already inadequate level of food rations. Together
with distributions of building supplies, soap and mosquito nets, those
rations were cut earlier after a drop in donor funding.

Today in Asia - Pacific
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Afghanistan
 If the gap is not filled, refugees could be issued with just 12 kilograms
of rice (26 pounds) a month and no other food items — less than half of
their daily protein and calorie needs, he said. Nursery school feeding
and health projects would have to be slashed or terminated.

"This is a very vulnerable group of people under threat," Dunford said.

The consortium, which has been assisting the refugees for nearly 24 years,
is made up of 11 Christian and other aid organizations and is funded
mainly by the U.S. and European governments.

Dunford said he was appealing to his funders as well as the Thai
government, which has refused to allow the refugees to seek meaningful
employment outside the camps.

Some donors, Dunford said, have shown reluctance to continue funding a
refugee population that has little prospect of sustaining itself or
returning home. Following the pro-democracy uprising in Myanmar late last
year, others have focused on increasing humanitarian aid inside the
country rather than along the frontier.

In a related development, the U.S.-based group Refugees International
urged the international community Wednesday "to address the humanitarian
needs of Burma's 55 million people in the absence of political progress."

A report by the private group criticized the U.S. government for
maintaining restrictions on humanitarian assistance in the belief that any
aid props up the ruling junta.

European governments, it said, have over the past year changed a similar
policy to one of greater humanitarian aid together with sanctions
specifically targeted against the regime's economic activities.

It also urged more help to agencies working with refugees in Thailand and
providing cross-border assistance to tens of thousands of people displaced
from their villages by the conflict.
____________________________________

March 26, Scoop.co.nz
Thai army raids Burmese KNU group in Mae Sot – Terry Evans

Thai soldiers, in the northern Thai city of Mae Sot, raided the homes of
three top Karen National Union (KNU) leaders yesterday. The Thai troops
entered the homes of KNU leaders Padoh Myat Maung, an administrator;
Lt-Col Paw Doh; and KNU Commander in Chief Mu Tu.

General Mu Tu is believed to be on a hit list following the assassination
in February of Mahn Sha, the KNU general secretary.

The Karen National Union maintains the largest and most effective army
amongst the ethnic groups in Burma, staunchly refusing to enter into a
cease-fire agreement with the Burmese generals.

The Thai raid occurred after a recent visit to Burma by Thai premier Samak
Sundaravej, to meet with the Burmese junta leader General Than Shwe.
Burmese opposition groups leaders now fear Thailand is renewing a
cooperation policy with the Burmese generals, that had been pursued by
former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

March 26, Narinjara News
New Delhi eyes a Burmese seaport

Come April 4 and New Delhi will unfold the red carpet for the 'second man
in command' of the Burmese junta, Maung Aye, who supposes to arrive in
India for finalizing many business deals, primarily the Kaladan project.

The project includes the development of Sittwe port in the Bay of Bengal
and then connects it with the landlocked Northeast India through the
Kaladan river and road transport. The connected Indian state will be
Mizoram, which is adjacent to Chin province of Burma (also known as
Myanmar).

Vice Senior General Maung Aye, the deputy commander-in-chief of Defence
Services, is expected to arrive in New Delhi for signing the much
discussed Kaladan Multi-Model Project. It will be an important visit of a
Burmese high profile leader to New Delhi after Senior General Than Shwe,
the head of the State Peace and Development Council (as the present brand
of Generals is known) paid a visit four years back. The project includes
the up-gradation of the seaport in Sittwe, widening and deepening of the
Kaladan river and development of a road to connect Aizwal.

"The Kaladan project will include shipping, riverine and road transport,"
said Jairam Ramesh, the Minister of State for Commerce. Talking to media
persons during one of his recent visits to the Northeast, Mr Ramesh also
added, "New Delhi wants to connect the Northeast with the commercial sea
routes. Moreover, with the development of Sittwe port and the Kaladan
river as a navigation efficient, the region is expected to have another
viable access to the South East Asian counties."

India has decided to spend nearly $ 100 million for the project. The
junta, though assured free land for the project, had shown reluctance to
invest money in the project, which finally compels New Delhi to extend a
soft loan of $ 10 million to the SPDC leaders. The Kaladan project is
anticipated to be completed within four years and the project will be
executed by the public sector Rail India Technical Economic Services
organization.

New Delhi's move to invest in a Burmese port assumes significance in view
of Bangladesh's reluctance to give India access to Chittagong port, which
is nearer to the Northeast. Chittagong port in Bangladesh is less than 200
km from Agartala, where as Sittwe is around 400 km away from Aizwal. Mr
Ramesh clarified the issue, "It is unfortunate that we have not been able
to develop our relationship with Bangladesh to the level of making it our
gateway to Southeast Asia." But he pointed out that New Delhi was
constantly working on enhancing ties with Bangladesh.

But the signing of the deal will not be out of repercussion, as the
international communities have been raising voices against the military
junta for its continued repressive policies on the pro-democracy activists
including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and of course poor human rights record in
Burma. The public memory remained fresh for the political observers
worldwide, where thousands of agitating monks in the streets of Rangoon,
the former capital of Burma, were subjected to torture during last
September. The junta controlled the movement with strong hands killing
nearly hundreds.

The Burmese exiles irrespective of their organizations have come out
heavily against New Delhi for initiating for a business deal. The
supporters of pro-democracy movement in Burma have raised a single point
that India should not invest money at this moment in Burma as the money
will not reach the common people, but the pockets of the Generals. They
unanimously point out that it is not the suitable time to invest in Burma,
even if one does not endorse the pro-democracy movement led by the Nobel
laureate Suu Kyi.

"This is not a right time to build long-term relationship with the Burmese
rulers," argued M. Kim, the coordinator of Shwe Gas Pipeline Campaign
Committee (India). Talking to this correspondent, Kim added, "India must
not bury alive its extraordinary democratic values and inspiration of
promotion of peace and human rights by dealing business and building
relation with this barbaric Burmese military junta which recently not only
kill, torture and imprison its own innocent people and monks but also
violated religious rights by sealing off monasteries and restricting basic
rights of prayers at pagodas."

Even a public meeting at Aizwal during January resolved to appeal New
Delhi to snap all ties with the military junta as 'the economic
cooperation with them would never benefit the people unless democracy was
restored in Burma'. Organized jointly by the Mizoram Committee for
Democracy in Burma and the Campaign for Democratic Movement in Burma, the
meeting also resolved that New Delhi should work with the UN to find
amicable solution to the Burmese imbroglio. Dr Tint Swe, a leader of
National League for Democracy led by Suu Kyi, who is living in exile in
India, was also present at the meeting and argued that dealing with Burma
'would only have a meaning after restoration of democracy' there.

Tayza Thuria, a Burmese exile based in London debates that 'India's doing
business with Burma and engaging with Burma's de-facto military government
is not wrong in itself'. But the Indian government needs to be careful to
maintain a balanced and ethical approach towards Burma; i.e., while
engaging with Burmese government in business and security affairs, New
Delhi must also try to persuade, advice and guide the junta to make the
systematic democratic reforms in due course of time.

Kyaw Than, the leader of All Burma Students' League (ABSL), a
conglomeration of Burmese students' organizations in exile, asserted that
it is not the suitable time to do business with Burma. He rather claimed,
"It is high time for the international communities, more precisely India
and China, to come clean on Burma policies. Otherwise, they will be
criticized in future that both New Delhi and Beijing had continued
business for good reasons but sadly with wrong people."

____________________________________
ASEAN

March 26, Xinhua
Indonesia, Thailand expect ASEAN countries to help settle crisis in Myanmar

    Indonesia and Thailand on Wednesday said that ASEAN member countries
were the best to play peaceful roles to help settle the crisis in
Myanmar, the leaders of the two countries said here.

    Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Thai Prime Minister
Samak Sundravej told a joint press conference after a meeting at the
State Palace that both countries support the Myanmar road map to
democracy.

    The agreement came after the failure of the United Nations special
envoy Ibrahim Gambari to settle the crisis in Myanmar recently.

    "On our fellow (Myanmar), both of us agree that the countries in the
ASEAN region are in the best position to understand and have dialogue
with the Myanmar government," Thai Prime Minister Sundravej said.

    During the meeting with President Susilo, Sundrajev said they
discussed how Thailand, which will become the chairman of the ASEAN in
July this year, and Indonesia work closely together with other ASEAN
countries to develop and materialize an effective and strong ASEAN in
order to settle the crisis in Myanmar.

    "We also discussed how the ASEAN could play a positive role in working
with Myanmar to help it face the challenges it is facing," he said.

    On his turn, President Susilo said that Indonesia and Thailand insist
to contribute for the crisis settlement in Myanmar.

    "The cooperation of Thailand and Indonesia is aimed at contributing to
the crisis settlement in Myanmar," he said.

    The president reaffirmed Indonesia's support on the road map to
democracy in Myanmar.

    "We will give assistance to maintain the stability and integrity (of
Myanmar) in its way to reach the road map," said Susilo.

    Newly-elected Sundravej is on his two-day visit to Indonesia. He will
leave for Thailand on Thursday.

    Indonesia, which has supported the Myanmar government plan to hold a
referendum in May and a general election in 2010, has asked for the
transparency of the election process.

    The member countries of the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN) include Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Brunei
Darussalam, the Philippines, Cambodia, Lao, Myanmar and Vietnam.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

March 26, Agence France Press
Burma looking at democracy

MILITARY-RULED Burma is looking at the Indonesian model for its planned
transition to civilian rule, UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari said in
remarks published today.

"I can reveal to you that the junta has been looking for a model closer to
Indonesia where there was a transition from military to civilian rule and
ultimately to democracy," Dr Gambari said in an interview with Singapore's
Straits Times newspaper.

Dr Gambari, who visited Burma earlier this month, said the country's
military rulers were also studying the experience of Thailand, which had
previously come under army rule, the report said.

The Indonesian model of transition to civilian rule was engineered by then
president Suharto, an army general who seized power in 1966 in the violent
aftermath of a botched coup blamed on the Indonesian communist party.

Suharto, who assumed the presidency in 1968, later retired from the
military but ensured that the armed forces would continue to play a key
role in the country's politics. Under his rule, the military was
guaranteed seats in parliament and officers held key posts as
administrators.

Suharto also consolidated various political parties under a single party
during his 30-year rule that ended following massive street demonstrations
in 1998.

Burma's ruling military has embarked on a "roadmap" to democracy, which
includes the recently finished drafting of a new constitution. The charter
will be put to a referendum in May and followed by elections in 2010.

The Straits Times said Dr Gambari spoke at length on the proposed Burma
constitution, which bars detained democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi from
running in the elections and is dismissed by critics as another means for
the junta to remain in power.

Dr Gambari said the charter's text includes clauses that would keep the
military's dominant role in politics.

About 25 per cent of the parliamentary seats would go to the junta, which
would have the power to appoint personnel to key ministries such as
defence, home affairs and border affairs, the report quoted Dr Gambari as
saying.

While the proposed constitution calls for a multiparty democracy with
regular elections, it gives extensive powers with the president, who can
appoint or dismiss legislative and judicial officials, the report added.

The interview with Dr Gambari in New York came after the envoy's latest
visit to Burma from March 6-9 which he said was disappointing.

During his trip, the junta refused his proposal to amend the constitution
and rejected an offer of UN technical assistance and foreign observers
during the referendum.

While Dr Gambari held two meetings with Aung San Suu Kyi, he was unable to
see junta leader General Tan Shwe.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

March 26, Far Eastern Economic Review
Silencing the 'Saffron Revolution' – Min Zin

On Feb. 15, the military stormed the offices of the Myanmar Nation and
took my brother, the weekly journal's editor in chief, to jail. His crime?
Possession of a United Nation’s report on the ruling junta’s brutal
crackdown on last September’s demonstrations by monks and democracy
activists—the so-called Saffron Revolution.

My brother's name is Thet Zin, and he is one of hundreds of Burmese
citizens who struggle to tell the truth about what is happening in their
country—whether through traditional forms of journalism or through the
Internet—under threat of arrest or worse by the military regime.

Indeed, even as the Burmese military promises the United Nations it will
implement its "Roadmap to Democracy," the generals are stepping up their
crackdown on the media. News of my brother's arrest was painful, but I
should have been prepared for it. This kind of brutal repression and
disregard for freedom of speech is the defining phenomenon of daily life
in Burma.

The irony here is that my brother, who was a political prisoner in 1988,
has not been involved in clandestine political activities or activist
groups since he began working as a reporter and editor for several legally
published weekly journals in the early 2000s. He founded Myanmar Nation
Weekly, where he worked as editor in chief until his arrest, in 2006.

When the military raided the offices of Myanmar Nation, they discovered
video footage of last September's Buddhist monk-led protests, a copy of
the aforementioned report by U.N. Special Rapporteur Paulo Sergio
Pinheiro, and a book about federalism written by a veteran Shan ethnic
leader. Along with my brother, his office manager, Sein Win Maung, was
also arrested. The authorities confiscated mobile phones and computer
hard-drives during the raid.

In early March, both were charged under section 17/20 of the Printers and
Publishers Registration Law. The court cited the U.N. report as evidence
of possessing "illegal material" in order to set up a case against my
brother. If found guilty, they could serve up to seven years'
imprisonment. The publication of Myanmar Nation has also been suspended
since their arrest.

Sadly, my brother's case is not uncommon. In the wake of last September's
protests, the military has stepped up its crackdown on the media and
severely curtailed freedom of expression. At least 20 journalists have
been arrested in the past six months, although many were released after
severe interrogations. According to Reporters Without Borders, 11
journalists are known to be imprisoned in Burma, including 78-year-old U
Win Tin, who has been in jail since July 1989.

The exile-based Burmese Media Association (BMA), however, places the
number of imprisoned writers—including journalists, poets, fiction
writers, etc.—at 30. These journalists, writers and poets, who exercise
their free speech as a birthright, add to the more than 1,800 political
prisoners who, according to Human Rights Watch, are still behind bars.

Since the Buddhist monk-led protests of September last year, about a dozen
publications in Burma have been banned or suspended for allegedly failing
to follow the directives of the regime’s censorship board.

Burma, which enjoyed perhaps the liveliest free press in Southeast Asia
until the 1962 military coup, is now facing some of the severest media
repression in the nation’s history. The Burmese military launched a "fight
media with media" campaign in 2005 in order to "rebuff the unfair and
baseless news produced by the Western media." The junta's notorious
censorship board has imposed ever more stringent restrictions on private
publications. Journalists are pressured to write articles in line with the
regime's views and policies. Journals and magazines are forced to print an
increasing number of "planted" pro-junta articles.

"The situation is now getting worse and very rigid," says Zaw Thet Htwe, a
well-known journalist inside Burma, who himself received the death penalty
in 2003 for sending reports to the outside world, a sentence which was
later reduced to three years imprisonment due to international pressure.
"The news journals are increasingly facing a hard time due to the
whimsical regulations. The atmosphere of fear and pressure for
self-censorship has been growing."

Thankfully, the Burmese people's main sources of information remain free
from the military's abuses. They are the daily Burmese language radio
broadcasts from abroad by the BBC (Burmese Service), Voice of America
(Burmese Service), Radio Free Asia, and the Democratic Voice of Burma
(DVB).

At the height of the protests last year, large numbers of people
(including military personnel) relied on these broadcasts for information.
The regime’s anger was apparent in state-controlled newspapers and TV
announcements that described the radio broadcasters as "killers on the
airwaves" and "saboteurs" who were "airing a sky full of lies." In
addition to radio, DVB launched a new Burmese language TV broadcast in May
2005 that can be received via satellite in Burma. The TV broadcast was a
main source of news during the September protests.

Now, a new generation of Burmese has found another means of defying the
junta's thought police: the Internet. Although less than 1% of the total
population has access to the Internet in Burma, that 1% generally has
access to cell phones, digital cameras and memory sticks and can
disseminate information widely. During last September's protests, these
"cyber dissidents"—citizen reporters and bloggers—posted hundreds of
images and eyewitness accounts of the Saffron Revolution and the regime's
brutality on the Internet.

Unlike the 1988 pro-democracy uprising—when the killing of at least 3,000
unarmed demonstrators received little international attention—images of
violence against last fall's protestors, including the killing of Japanese
journalist Kenji Nagai, spread fast throughout the world and helped ignite
international outrage.

The regime, of course, responded by hunting down and arresting those who
posted the images, and by further limiting access to the Internet.
Internet café owners are now reportedly forced to install spy software
provided by military intelligence officials that take automatic screen
shots of user activity every five minutes. The monitoring results then
have to be delivered to the military for surveillance.

Meanwhile, the military promises the outside world that it is marching
toward "democracy" with its constitutional referendum in May and new
elections in 2010. But nearly all observers agree that the military’s
constitution won't lead to legitimate political freedom or national
reconciliation. Violations of human rights are expected to continue, as
are repression and censorship of the media.

"Though the military promises reform by holding a constitutional
referendum in May," says Maung Maung Myint, chairman of the Burmese Media
Association, “the arrest of journalists and constraints on the free flow
of information clearly demonstrate that the regime discourages any
informed public debate on their draft constitution."

Clearly, my brother and other recently detained journalists are being held
by the junta in an effort to spread fear among Burma’s defiant media in
the run-up to the constitutional referendum. Without outside pressure, the
sad fact is these tactics will likely succeed—and the Burmese people will
continue to suffer under a repressive military dictatorship, and those
brave journalists and writers willing to challenge Burma's censors will be
silenced.

Min Zin is a Burmese journalist.

____________________________________

March 26, Irrawaddy
Exodus: A refugee reporter’s story of resettlement

As soon as I picked up the phone, my father said, “Don’t be sad
”

I prepared myself for bad news. Then he told me that our family was soon
to be resettled to Australia.

I knew this news would come one day, but still it hit me hard. I was not
mentally prepared to leave my home, my country and the colleagues who I
worked with for five years at The Irrawaddy.

Some years ago, my family had applied for resettlement in Australia. In
the meantime, I got the opportunity to join The Irrawaddy as a reporter.

Before that, I had worked for the Karen Women’s Organization for two years
in Mae Sot.

After joining The Irrawaddy, I spent most of my time in Chiang Mai and the
border areas, reporting on all aspects of the Burmese situation—ethnic,
social, economic and political issues.

Five years working with The Irrawaddy gave me a great opportunity to
experience independent journalism. I learned how to gather news from
different sources and places where I could not travel by myself, to talk
to people in depth who I had never met and to report the news accurately.

I also learned a lot about fact-checking and verifying news with reliable
sources inside and outside Burma. I now have a long list of contacts on a
variety of issues around the world.

Working with a professional editorial team was a great opportunity to get
to know other people and other journalists, as we had reporters from
Rangoon and various different regions of Burma—Karen, Mon, Shan and Kachin
states.

I am a Karen. However, I did not focus exclusively on Karen affairs; I
covered a range of issues, such as political prisoners, Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi and the NLD, and of course, the Karen National Union.

I believe I have learned a lot and my eyes have been opened from those
five years at The Irrawaddy. I also gained a healthy self-confidence.

But it is not easy being a Karen reporter.

I encountered many verbal and abusive attacks from many quarters.
Sometimes surprisingly strong criticism came from people that I knew
personally—within the Karen community.

Strong criticism and threats were always expected, especially when I was
reporting on the conflict within the Karen groups.

Reporting and writing about the split within the KNU doesn't mean that I
don't love the Karen people. As a reporter, it was my duty to tell the
true story to our readers.

We at The Irrawaddy have been trying to cover what happens both inside and
outside the country—and to report from both the military government’s side
and from the opposition’s side with honest and objective reporting.

On several occasions, Karen officials ordered me to stop reporting news
about them, despite the fact my father used to be a member of the KNU. I
remember someone called me and threatened me on the phone on account of my
reporting on internal problems within the KNU leadership.

Many officials won’t talk to me any more. They say I am not patriotic.
However, I always accepted criticism—though not abuse. It helped me become
a better reporter.

As journalists we cannot simply criticize the military junta. We also have
a responsibility to report the other side of the coin. By doing that
successfully for 15 years, The Irrawaddy is today one of the leading and
most respected Burmese news agencies in exile.

Without understanding the complexity of the ethnic groups, the
pro-democracy movement and the role of media, the Burmese military
government clings to power. In the meantime, Burmans, Karen and other
ethnic people will continue fleeing their home country.

Of course, we cannot forget what happened in the past and what the Burmese
army has done. However, I for one harbor no hatred against Burman people.

We hope the next generation won't suffer like us—they will have to grow to
understand and forgive. Otherwise, the future of Burma will never be
bright.

We also have to develop an understanding with the many foreigners and
international NGOs that are working along the border. Many of them have
good hearts, although they often have their own agendas.

Otherwise, how many more years can the Karen in refugee camps keep living
on donations of fish paste, rice and medicine?

I will always dream of going home to our little farm in Karen State. In
the meantime, I am waiting to be resettled to a foreign land with a
strange culture.

Since the resettlement process started for Karen refugees, many people
have said that those Karen who are sent to Western countries are very
lucky.

But my humble understanding is this: many of the Karen people who applied
for resettlement or who are now living in Western countries don't feel
lucky. A life in exile can be very difficult and the children, invariably,
lose their culture, their language and their roots.

But with only the option of a Western country or a lifetime in a refugee
camp, it is no wonder so many refugees decide to apply for resettlement.

How would you feel if you had to abandon your community or your country?
How would you feel if you had to leave your career behind? How would you
feel if you had to leave everyone that you love and move to a new place
where you knew no one?
This is, and will continue to be, an enormous challenge for those of us
who have chosen resettlement.

Accepting resettlement was the most difficult decision of my life.
However, I know I must not let it interfere with my goal—to continue as a
journalist and to face the challenges of the future whatever they may be.

In 2003, Shah Paung joined The Irrawaddy as journalist after attending
journalism training organized by The Irrawaddy. We are proud of helping
her become a young, committed independent Karen reporter.

____________________________________

March 26, Asia Times Online
Crisis looms for Myanmar's riven junta – Larry Jagan

As the health of Myanmar's senior general, Than Shwe, deteriorates, two
major factions, one loosely allied to the ailing junta leader, and one
loyal to the junta number two, General Maung Aye, are aggressively
jockeying for position in anticipation of a new era of Myanmar politics -
though not necessarily a more democratic era, as billed.

Reports received by Asia Times Online that certain top junta members are
now under secret investigation for corruption, similar to the probes in
the leadup to the purge of former intelligence chief and prime minister
General Khin Nyunt and his faction in 2004, indicate that another "soft
coup" could be in the cards, this time against ambitious military officers
who would gain the most from a planned democratic transition.

Tensions between two major factions within the military government are
increasingly on the boil, according to military insiders. At the core of
the conflict is Than Shwe's mass organization, the Union Solidarity and
Development Association (USDA), which has been given authority to manage
the recently announced constitutional referendum set for May and follow-up
multi-party elections scheduled for 2010.

If successfully staged, despite barring the opposition National League for
Democracy (NLD) from participating, the process would fundamentally change
the country's political landscape and see the rise of one set of military
officers who trade in their khakis for business suits and take top
positions in a democratic government over those who remain in the
barracks.

With that writing on the wall, several senior army members are becoming
increasingly resentful of the USDA's growing prominence and apprehensive
about the curtailment of their authority after the referendum is held in
May. "It will bring an abrupt end to the army's absolute power," said one
Myanmar government official.

Intra-junta rivalry is believed to be breaking down on institutional lines
as much as on personalities, pitting those who graduated from the Officers
Training School (OTS), like Than Shwe, against those who attended the
Defense Services Academy (DSA), where Maung Aye is an alumni. Several
current cabinet ministers associated with the USDA hail from the OTS, as
are several hardliners on the ruling State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC), who once but no longer hold operational commands.

Key OTS-affiliated ministers, including Industry Minister Aung Thaung,
Fisheries Minister Maung Maung Thein, who is also head of the influential
Myanmar Investment Commission, Construction Minister Saw Htun and
Agriculture Minister Htay Oo, who is also a key leader of the USDA, are
all extreme hardliners and stand accused by rivals and critics of being
among the government's most corrupt officials.

The group has now been in government for over eight years and enjoys an
extravagant lifestyle in the impoverished country. The members are also
among the military generals who are expected to move into the USDA and
take up prominent roles in a new civilian-led government.

Many in the army now fear that this group - along with certain other
senior SPDC officers, who are currently or were formerly heads of the
Bureau of Special Operations (BSO) - may be plotting a more immediate
power grab, using the USDA and its mass following as its front.

Those concerns apparently run strongest among officers in the Ministry of
Defense, many of them divisional commanders in their late 40s or early 50s
and widely known as the "Young Turks". "They see no definite future and
are just sitting around in the office with nothing to do," said a
well-placed source in the capital, Naypyidaw. "They are watching their
colleagues hiding behind their uniforms and building up massive fortunes
from corruption in government," he said.

So far, apart from governmental inertia, there are no overt signs of a
palace coup. "There is no doubt that many in the army are extremely
unhappy with they way things are going, and are concerned about what will
happen to them after the referendum and the elections," said a Thai
military intelligence official. "Nothing can be ruled out at this stage as
resentment and anger is growing among the junior officers and the
rank-and-file soldiers," said Win Min, an independent analyst based at
Chiang Mai University in northern Thailand.

The OTS-affiliated ministers, some insiders believe, may in fact be
planning a pre-emptive strike to protect their positions. The Fisheries
minister, Maung Maung Thein, and BSO officials Maung Bo and Ye Myint, are
all currently under secret investigation by the Bureau of Special
Investigations on allegations of bribery, kickbacks and illegal smuggling,
a well-placed source inside the regime told Asia Times Online on condition
of anonymity. Several other ministers and members of the SPDC, and their
families, are also under investigation, according to the same source.

That's apparently one main reason why the ruling council has not held its
regular quarterly meeting for more than nine months. Military insiders say
Than Shwe wants to avoid the meeting because he knows Maung Aye will,
based on the evidence of the investigations, demand the resignations of at
least four BSO-affiliated officers - including Maung Bo and Ye Myint. The
council meeting held last year reportedly ended when Maung Aye refused to
accept Than Shwe's recommendation that Maung Bo be promoted to a full
general, according to Myanmar military sources.

"The top generals have not met [for the quarterly meeting] for months,
since before the August and September protests, so during that time, apart
from the appointment of three regional commanders, there have been no
promotions," said the academic Win Min. "The impact of this will certainly
add to the growing frustration amongst some of the commanders who should
have already been promoted," he said.

For over a year there has been near total inertia in Myanmar's new capital
as the ailing Than Shwe becomes more withdrawn and reclusive and tries to
chart a course that will protect his family's interests after he passes
from the scene. Some military observers believe that the junta leader's
well-worn divide-and-rule tactics may eventually backfire, as a growing
number of top generals immediately below him view his plans to move
towards "discipline democracy" as a threat to their future positions and
power.

"We cannot rule out the possibility of a mutiny or purges within the
army," said independent analyst Aung Naing Oo. "Than Shwe is standing in
the way of change, but so far no one has had the guts to tell him that he
is the main obstacle."

As news of the investigations and concerns about the planned democratic
transition become more widespread, the potential for purges and coups will
only grow.

Larry Jagan previously covered Myanmar politics for the British
Broadcasting Corp. He is currently a freelance journalist based in
Bangkok.

____________________________________

March 26, Refugees International via Relief Web
Burma: Key facts on the working environment for international agencies

The U.S. government should re-evaluate policies that prohibit humanitarian
assistance to Burma, and join the U.K. and Europe in increasing support
for independent work inside the country. In calling for increased
assistance, it is important to recognize the difficult working environment
facing United Nations agencies and international non-governmental
organizations. Burmese leadership is suspicious of foreign involvement in
the country, especially from liberal democratic countries. Nonetheless,
patient work has resulted in expanded access by international
organizations.

- The geographic scope of international aid organizations in Burma has
increased significantly in recent years. There are now internationally
supported activities in 300 of Burma's 325 townships. Areas with
continuous presence by international organizations include such sensitive
locations as Northern Rakhine, Kachin, Kayin, Kayah and Mon States.

- The scale of the programs of individual organizations is impressive.
Population Services International (PSI), working through the private
sector, markets condoms and conducts AIDS awareness activities throughout
the country. PSI also treats 10,000 tuberculosis patients and 40,000
children with pneumonia. Save the Children has 37 offices, 500 local
staff, and supports pre-schools in 200 communities. Médecins Sans
Frontières-Holland provides anti-retroviral treatment to 10,000 HIV/AIDS
sufferers.

- Access to areas affected by conflict remains problematic, especially in
southeastern townships bordering Thailand. A proposed joint UN assessment
of conditions in Kayin and Mon States is presently on hold. The
International Committee of the Red Cross has reduced its staff from 55
expatriates to five since December 2005 due to restrictions on its ability
to work independently in conflict areas and to conduct prison visits.

- The Burmese government's policy towards international organizations is
restrictive on paper, and slightly less so in practice. The government
issued Burmese and English versions of operating guidelines in 2006, with
the former being more restrictive. When Burmese staff of international
organizations were convoked to Naypidaw in January 2008 the government
presented them with guidelines that proved to be a Burmese translation of
the less restrictive English version – a significant victory for
operational agencies. International organizations have also succeeded in
getting the government to withdraw proposals to hire local staff from
government rosters and to have project funds go through government
accounts.

- Requirements for program work include signed Memorandum of Understanding
(MOU) between the organization and the relevant technical ministry; review
and oversight by inter-governmental committees from national to state to
township levels; advance travel permission for international staff and
travel accompanied by government officials. In practice, agencies
routinely continue working without signed MOUs, and reach local agreements
to assure independent access and oversight of projects. Contrary to
reports that circulated abroad after the January 2008 meeting in Naypidaw,
the government has not carried out proposals to restrict the travel of
local staff of international organizations.

- The Burmese senior leadership responded to the September 2007 protests
with a tightening of control over the international community based in
Rangoon. The government suspended the granting of visas for international
staff, especially from Western countries, and only within the past two
months has the process begun to move again. As of the end of February
about 50 staff from the UN and international non-governmental
organizations were waiting for visa extensions. No visa extensions have
been denied to date, however. Further, the government has made it clear to
UN organizations that it would prefer that their representatives be from
Asia rather than from Europe or the United States; with the UN Resident
Coordinator and UNHCR representative positions presently vacant, this
policy, if enforced, will pose new challenges to the international
leadership in the country.

____________________________________
STATEMENT/PRESS RELEASE

March 26, Joint Statement Issued by the All Burma Monks’ Alliance and the
88 Generation Students

The United Nations Has Failed to Take Responsibility to Protect the People
of Burma, Who Are Prepared for the Worst

(1) We paid serious attention to the briefing by the UN Special Envoy Mr.
Ibrahim Gambari to the United Nations Security Council on March 18, 2008
on Burma. Since his recommendations to the Burmese military junta have
been flatly rejected on this and every one of his previous trips, we
believed Mr. Gambari would report this failure truly. We hoped he would
ask the Council to strengthen the mandate of the Secretary-General in
pressuring the junta for an all party-inclusive, transparent and
democratic process of national reconciliation in our country. However, to
our surprise and sadness, he misled the Council. From the perspective of
the people of Burma, he altered his mission from “pressuring or persuading
the military junta in Burma to create a credible process of constitution
writing and engage in a meaningful and time-bound dialogue with our leader
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”. Instead, it now appears he is “supporting the
one-sided acts of the military junta and suggesting that democracy forces
surrender”. We have been 100% supportive of the UN efforts on Burma, but
we object Mr. Gambari for misleading the world body in favor of the
Burmese military junta.

(2) We are also disappointed that the UN Security Council has failed to
take an effective action on Burma. Under the misguidance of Mr. Gambari
and due to objections by the governments of China, Russia and South
Africa, the UN Security Council is paralyzed and has failed to undertake
its major responsibility to protect the citizens of Burma, who continue to
be severely oppressed by their own government, as has been the case for
decades. We denounce the governments of China, Russia and South Africa for
their strong protection of the most brutal military junta, ruling our
country against the will of our people.

(3) We are also disappointed with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his
reluctance to ask for the UN Security Council to strengthen his good
offices role in Burma by a binding resolution. Over the past 18 years,
various UN Special Envoys and Rapporteurs have visited Burma 35 times to
try to persuade the military junta to fully cooperate with the democracy
forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and representatives of Burma’s ethnic
nationalities, without success. The UN Charter, Article 99 authorizes the
Secretary-General to bring the attention of the Security Council any
matter which in his opinion may threaten the maintenance of international
peace and security .  Despite the fact that the situation in Burma has
spilled out over the region and become a threat to peace and stability in
the region and in the world, Ban Ki-moon has failed to call for the
Security Council to take effective action on Burma. From the perspective
of the Burmese people, he has made zero impact on the situation in our
country. On the contrary, the situation in Burma has grown even worse on
his watch.

(4) However, we are encouraged by the continued and persistent support by
the United States, United Kingdom, France, Canada, Australia, European
Union, Switzerland, Mongolia, Costa Rica, Argentina, Ghana, The Czech
Republic, Norway and other supportive countries. We appreciate these
governments for standing together with us in our darkest time, sharing our
feelings and lending much-needed assistance. We request these countries to
continue to support us and continue to apply maximum pressure on the
military junta, especially including the implementation of finance and
banking sanctions against the generals, their family members and crony
businessmen. We also request these governments not to recognize the
military junta’s constitution and urge the UN Security Council to do the
same.

(5) Nonetheless, the people of Burma will stand on their own feet and
confront the injustices and oppression of the military junta by peaceful
means. We all are determined to “VOTE NO” on the junta’s sham constitution
in the upcoming referendum. As the military junta is aggressively and
desperately pressuring the people to vote in favor of the constitution,
our challenge to reject it will surely be met with a bloody response by
the junta.  Our vote “No” is not only to the sham constitution, but also
to the junta. With or without the help of the UN Security Council, we are
ready to determine our own future. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi recently told us
to “hope for the best, prepare for the worst”. This call echoes the
message of her father our National Independence Hero U Aung San. We are
prepared to confront the worst. We are working for truth and justice, and
we will prevail.


On behalf of the All Burma Monks’ Alliance:

Ashin Aww Ba Tha, Ashin Tay Za, Ashin Pyannya Vamsa


On behalf of the 88 Generation Students:

Tun Myint Aung, Nilar Thein, Soe Tun

____________________________________

March 26, Amnesty International
Time to release Aung San Suu Kyi

Call for the immediate and unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi and
all prisoners of conscience in Myanmar.

There are more than 1,850 known political prisoners and prisoners of
conscience in Myanmar (formerly Burma). Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the
best-known.

The co-founder of Myanmar's main opposition party, the National League for
Democracy (NLD), Aung San Suu Kyi is also one of the country's best-known
political figures and campaigners for human rights.

Aung San Suu Kyi has endured unofficial detention, house arrest and
restrictions on her movement since 1989, all aimed at preventing her from
becoming the national leader of Myanmar. She has been under house arrest
since July 2003 and her most recent detention will be up for review on 27
May 2008.

Aung San Suu Kyi is also a member the global Elders but, because she is
under strict house arrest, she cannot join them in their international
work celebrating and promoting the 60th anniversary of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. Her continued absence is a powerful reminder
of the unrelenting repression in Myanmar and what must be done to make
human rights a reality.

____________________________________

March 26, Canada Hosts International Conference on Burma

The Leader of the Government in the House of Commons and Minister for
Democratic Reform, the Honourable Peter Van Loan, will lead an
international conference, “How the International Community can support UN
efforts in Burma/Myanmar,” on March 27, 2008, in Québec City. The
conference is organized by Laval University in cooperation with Foreign
Affairs and International Trade Canada.

“I am very pleased that this conference is taking place. Six months have
passed since the violent crackdown on the peaceful protests in Burma, and
it is essential that the international community maintain the pressure for
democratic reform in that country,” said the Honourable Maxime Bernier,
Minister of Foreign Affairs. “Canada is doing its part in this effort.
Last December, under our government, Canada imposed the strongest economic
sanctions in the world against Burma in order to respond to the gravity of
the situation in that country.”

The Prime Minister, Stephen Harper, introduced a motion in the House of
Commons on October 17, 2007, to confer the title “honorary Canadian
citizen” on Burmese Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

Minister Bernier has been working with Minister Van Loan to bring this
conference to fruition. An opportunity to generate new ideas, the
conference will bring together some of the world’s foremost experts to
explore additional ways of supporting the United Nations’ efforts in that
country. Dr. Ibrahim Gambari, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Adviser
on Myanmar, who has recently returned from Burma, will participate in the
conference.

“I am pleased to represent the Government of Canada at this important
conference,” said Minister Van Loan. “It is an excellent opportunity to
generate new ideas about how Canada can work with others to help bring
freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law to Burma.”

The conference is funded by the Glyn Berry Program for Peace and Security
of Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada. The Glyn Berry Program,
named after the Canadian diplomat killed in Afghanistan in 2006, supports
the development of Canadian and international policies, laws and
institutions that embed core human security objectives of freedom,
democracy, human rights and the rule of law into international peace and
security efforts.

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For further information, media representatives may contact:

Foreign Affairs Media Relations Office
Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada
613-995-1874
www.international.gc.ca/index.aspx