BurmaNet News, March 28, 2008

[Editor]

March 28, 2008 Issue # 3432


INSIDE BURMA
Narinjara News: Military trains for referendum
Irrawaddy: USDA holds referendum “information” sessions
Irrawaddy: Human rights activist attacked in Rangoon
Irrawaddy: Burmese junta supports China’s crackdown in Tibet
Mizzima News: NLD spokesman Myint Thein dies
Mizzima News: Junta likens itself to 19th century royal court
DVB: Prome police seize weapons and explosives
DVB: NLD marks Anti-Fascist Revolution Day

ON THE BORDER
The Times of India: Security post at Manipur-Myanmar border attacked by
insurgents
Narinjara News: 70 Burmese nationals arrested in Bangladesh
Kaladan Press Network: Arbitrary arrests and extortion continue in Maungdaw

BUSINESS / TRADE
The Hindu: Funds allocated for alternative route to Myanmar

ASEAN
Marinews: Myanmar’s path towards Democracy

REGIONAL
Narinjara News: Burmese start long march in Bangladesh to protest referendum

INTERNATIONAL
Reuters: U.N. rights body condemns Myanmar for abuses
The Financial Times: Holding the line: Burma’s junta subdues its people
and the world

OPINION / OTHER
Globe and Mail: Right thinking must lead to action on Burma
Edmonton Sun: Don’t use athletes as pawns

PRESS RELEASE
CSW: Burma – UK government backs universal arms embargo

SPEECH
The New Light Of Myanmar (English): Headline: Senior General Than Shwe
addresses 63rd Anniversary Armed Forces Day Parade


____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

March 28, Narinjara News
Military trains for referendum

Local Burmese military authorities in Arakan State have been conducting
military training for its thugs, including members of the USDA, Fire
Service, Swan Arr Shin, and people's militias, with the intent of using
the forces to aid their victory in the referendum, said one villager who
participated in the training but refused to be named.

He said, "I was attending the military training in the remote jungle along
with 30 other people near Kyauk Nga Nwar Village in Mraybon Township last
month, and the training was by the Burmese army."

Mraybon Township is located in Kyauk Pru District in central Arakan State
and many village tracts in the township are being held by the military.

"We have to learn how to use small arms in battle and army trainers taught
us how to set up and how to set off the arms. But the army trainers did
not tell us why we were summoned to attend the military training. They
told us that people are to be united to wipe out the foes of the union of
Burma," he said.

Village chairmen in respective villages in Mraybon Township have mobilized
the military training with some villagers who are members of the USDA,
Fire Service, Swan Arr Shin and people's militias, on the order of the
high authority.

In Arakan State, there was no military training of these organizations in
the past. Because of this, people in Arakan State believe the military
training is related to the upcoming referendum.

The villager said, "I am sure the training is for the referendum. The
forces will be used to mobilize people to cast "yes" votes for the
constitution. It is confirmed that the trainings are to be held closer to
the time of the referendum."

An analyst in Sittwe said, "I heard there are two major particulars for
the military training by the authority of Arakan State. First is to show
the strength of government supporters to the people, and second is to
threaten people to vote "yes" in the referendum."

"The military government received an excellent lesson about elections in
1990, so they are preparing to avoid failure in the referendum this time,"
the analyst added.

The Mraybon Township authority is still conducting the military trainings
in many village tracts in the township, including Kyar Inn Daung, Yaw
Salin, Yoke Koon, Chaung Gri, Ka Bai Chaung and May Lawn, said the
villager

____________________________________

March 28, Irrawaddy
USDA holds referendum “information” sessions – Min Lwin

Special commissions, including members of the government-backed Union
Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), are touring Burma informing
local residents about the upcoming constitutional referendum, according to
sources close to local authorities in upper Burma.

The mechanics of the referendum are being explained, often to villagers
who show no interest in the procedure, a resident of Myinmu Township,
Sagaing division, told The Irrawaddy on Friday. Many country people have
no idea why the referendum is taking place, other residents said.

Local people are being told one polling station will be set up for every
1,000 voters. Voting will be by secret ballot. Special rubber stamps will
be used, one bearing a tick mark to indicate approval of the draft
constitution and one with a cross to be used to register a “No” vote.

A source close to the USDA said referendum sub-commissions would be in
charge of taking ballot boxes to their offices and counting the ballots.

A Sagaing resident said local authority officials and USDA members had
organized an information session for local residents last week at a
religious hall where pilgrims normally gather for Buddhist rites. Apart
from members of the USDA and other government-backed organizations, few
people had turned up, however, the resident said.

The USDA is, meanwhile, undertaking a recruitment drive, offering
financial incentives to join the organization. A resident of Chaung Oo,
Sagaing division, said: “The organizers said the divisional level of USDA
will advance newly registered members a loan of 50,000 kyat (US $38).”

____________________________________

March 28, Irrawaddy
Human rights activist attacked in Rangoon – Wai Moe

A leading human rights activist has been attacked by two unidentified men
in Rangoon, according to dissident sources.

Myint Aye, 54, the founder of the Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
(HRDP) was attacked and beaten in Sanchaung Township, Rangoon on Thursday
evening. He was admitted to Rangoon General Hospital.

Myint Aye told The Irrawaddy by phone on Friday that two men had attacked
him and beat him about the head with batons at about 9 p.m. On Thursday
evening while he was walking home.  “I don’t know who did it, because I
couldn’t see,” he said. “I don’t have any personal problem with anyone. I
just promote and defend human rights in my country.”

“If I was attacked because I believe deeply in human rights, I would like
to say to my attackers that I will not give up my stand,” he added.

Myint Aye reported the assault to the township court in Sanchaung.

In an incident last year, two other members of HRDP, Myint Naing and Maung
Maung Lay, were brutally attacked by members of the junta-backed Union
Solidarity and Development Association. The two activists were seriously
injured and hospitalized at the Rangoon General Hospital in critical
condition. Myint Naing was later sentenced to eight years imprisonment for
reporting the crime under the State Emergency Act.

Than Lwin, an elected representative in the 1990 election and member of
the National League for Democracy (NLD), was also attacked by pro-junta
thugs wearing steel knuckledusters in June 2007 as he returned home from a
pagoda in Madaya Township, where he had been praying for the release of
NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

Than Lwin and some of his family members were later imprisoned because
they complained to the authorities about the attack. Than Lwin is
currently in Mandalay prison. One of his eyes has been damaged by an
infection resulting from the attack, according to one of his family
members.

“The latest attack on a human rights activist, U Myint Aye, shows there is
not real law enforcement in the country,” said Bo Kyi, joint secretary of
the Assistant Association for Political Prisoners-Burma, a Burmese human
rights group in exile.

“Not only U Myint Aye, but other human rights and democracy activists have
been attacked previously,” he said.” These kinds of situations are
unacceptable.”

____________________________________

March 28, Irrawaddy
Burmese junta supports China’s crackdown in Tibet – Wai Moe

The Burmese military junta supports the Chinese government and is opposed
to the Tibetan movement, according to a statement in state-run-newspaper
The New Light of Myanmar on Thursday.

The newspaper also reported that the junta rejects any link of the ongoing
crisis in Tibet with the Summer Olympic Games in Beijing.

According to the government statement: “ The Union of Myanmar [Burma] and
the People’s Republic of China have traditionally maintained close and
cordial relations based on the pauk-phaw kinship, mutual understanding and
good neighborliness throughout the long history.”

The statement also explained that the “pauk-phaw” relationship is based on
the five principles of peaceful co-existence, including the cardinal
principle of non-interference in “each other’s affairs.”

The state-owned newspaper said the military authorities view the recent
incidents in the Tibetan region as purely the internal affairs of China.
The report added that the junta is confident the Chinese regime will
overcome “the challenges successfully” and maintain “domestic peace and
stability.”

The statement concluded that the Burmese regime also joined the
international community in voicing its opposition to any move to link the
incidents in Tibet with the Beijing Olympic Games which will be held in
August.

Meanwhile, China beefed up security along its borders in the search for
Tibetan dissidents wanted for participating in the recent uprising,
sources at the Sino-Burmese border told The Irrawaddy on Friday.

Since the beginning of the uprising earlier this month, the Chinese
security forces have arrested more than 600 Tibetan activists, while more
than 200 have surrendered to the authorities. However, there are still
about 1,800 dissidents on the wanted list.

Rumors have been circulating in the border region that the Burmese
authorities have apprehended some Tibetans in the border town of Mu-se.

“The Chinese authorities suspected some of the Tibetan activists may have
escaped to India via the Sino-Burmese border. So residents along the
border are now seeing tighter security by the Chinese government,” said a
source at the Sino-Burma border.

“The Chinese troops are now placed near the bridge and checkpoints. This
has never happened before.”

The anti-Chinese protests began in Lhasa on March 10 and quickly developed
into violent rioting. China says 19 people have been killed by rioters
incited by Tibetan separatists. The Tibetan government-in-exile says about
140 people were killed in the crackdown on protesters by Chinese security
forces.

According to a White House press secretary statement, US President George
W Bush called his Chinese counterpart, President Hu Jintao, on March 26.
Bush reportedly raised concerns about the situation in Tibet and
encouraged the Chinese government to engage in substantive dialogue with
the Tibetan dissident leader, the Dalai Lama, and to allow access to Tibet
to journalists and diplomats.

French President Nicolas Sarkozy also hinted on March 25 that that a
boycott of the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics was a possibility.
He was the first world leader to raise the prospect of punishing China
over its crackdown in Tibet.

“Our Chinese friends must understand the worldwide concern that there is
about the question of Tibet, and I will adapt my response to the
evolutions in the situation that will come, I hope, as rapidly as
possible,” he said. Asked whether he supported a boycott, President
Sarkozy said he could “not close the door to any possibility.”

____________________________________

March 28, Mizzima News
NLD spokesman Myint Thein dies

Myint Thein, spokesman of Burma's largest opposition party – the National
League for Democracy – died this afternoon at a hospital in Singapore,
party members said.

Myint Thein, who was suffering from acute gastritis was being treated in
Singapore, party member Aung Thein said.

"His illness worsened after he was detained following the September
protests," Aung Thein said.

Myint Thein's family could not be reached for further information.

Myint Thein, was also reportedly suffering from gall bladder problems, and
had acute gastritis after he was detained for more than two months
following the Saffron revolution led by Buddhist monks.

Myint Thein, who took a vocal stand against the ruling junta during the
September protests, was arrested on September 27 and was released on
November 30, 2007.

____________________________________

March 28, Mizzima News
Junta likens itself to 19th century royal court

In an address to military personnel and dignitaries, Senior General Than
Shwe linked today's Burmese armed forces with the battles of Burma's dead
kings in a war against imperialism and regressive policies.

Speaking yesterday on the occasion of the 63rd anniversary of Armed Forces
Day, Burma's Head of State delivered a national address harkening back to
a golden era of monarchial reign interrupted by an "unbearable situation
of over a hundred long years."

"Blind to progress of other nations, lack of defensive alertness resulted
in losing of independence and sovereignty," Than Shwe told those in
attendance at Naypyitaw's parade ground.

The Tatmadaw, the Burmese army, is alluded to as dutifully picking up the
pieces left from the 19th century and heroically finishing the work of
Burma's kings in the 21st.

Yet Britain overthrew the last Burmese king in 1885 and ceded independence
to modern Burma in 1947, a period of only 62 years. How then to account
for Than Shwe's over one-hundred years of "unbearable" conditions?

The Senior General defines 1866 as the year when Burma's path to
modernization was felled, spelling an end to Burma's honorable regency and
opening the door to colonialism. In that year the modernizing, reforming
vision of Prince Kanaung, who was the heir apparent to the throne of then
King Mindon, was killed by jealous, regressive rivals.

However, in his diatribe, Than Shwe also referenced the necessity for the
army assuming power and responsibility in the country in 1988: "Because of
the violent disturbances of 1988 the Tatmadaw, to protect the life,
property and security of the people and to preserve and protect the
sovereignty and independence of the nation, had to take over all the
responsibilities of the country."

Of course the armed forces assumed absolute political power fully 26 years
earlier in 1962.

Was Burma's top brass then attempting to further distance the present
regime from that of General Ne Win and his Burma Socialist Programme
Party, which maintained a firm grip on power from 1962 till the late
1980s?

Than Shwe also, interestingly, specifically spoke of the insulting
obligation on Burmese citizens to refer to their colonial administrators
as thakins, or masters. Yet in the 1930s there arose the thakin movement,
which saw the Burmese population endowing worthy Burmese leaders with the
same title, in a dual indication of objection to British policies and
respect for their own leaders. Burmese thakins came to include future
politicians and military men such as U Nu, Aung San and Burma's would be
dictator Ne Win.

The only solution to the puzzle of "over a hundred long years" must be
that the current regime views itself as the continuation of the
modernizing, progressive influences of Burma's doomed royal court, which
are said to have come to an end in 1866 and were only revitalized with the
actions of the army and state policy after 1988. This would then account
for over 120 years of regressive polices.

Fittingly, the speech took place under the watchful gaze of a monument to
three former Burmese kings in the new capital of Naypyitaw, meaning "Royal
City." And the legacies of these three kings, held in high esteem by the
military, serve to further argue for the perceived legitimacy of
monarchial-military rule dating back a thousand years.

The three kings depicted are Anawrahta, an 11th century ruler credited
with first unifying Burma, Bayinnaung, a 16th century monarch who arguably
stretched Burmese rule to its outermost limits, and Alaungpaya, who in the
18th century is credited with christening Burma's port city of Dagon with
its new moniker of Yangon.

____________________________________

March 28, Democratic Voice Burma
Prome police seize weapons and explosives – Naw Say Phaw

Prome township police seized firearms and explosives on Tuesday afternoon
in a raid on the home of a bamboo shop owner in Koe Thaung ward, locals
said.

Ko Aye Htun Zaw and his wife own the Mya Sein Yaung bamboo shop in the
ward and a small private hostel on their property where they provide
accommodation for university students.

Police from Prome township, Bago division, raided Aye Htun Zaw’s house at
around 3pm on 25 March after a tip-off, according to a local resident.

The resident said the police arrested Aye Htun Zaw and his wife, as well
as seven students living in the hostel.

“The police and intelligence officers raided the house after they heard
information that weapons, explosives and communications devices were
hidden on the property beneath a pile of bamboo,” he said.

“The house has now been cordoned off and is under police guard.”

Six of the students arrested with the couple were arrested yesterday
morning, but the house remains under police restrictions.

Prome township Peace and Development Council office and police station-1
were unavailable for comment.

Aye Htun Zaw is the son-in-law of a late British colonial-era politician,
and is also a former member of the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front,
according to locals.

____________________________________

March 28, Democratic Voice of Burma
NLD marks Anti-Fascist Revolution Day – Naw Say Phaw

National League for Democracy members and veteran politicians held
celebrations in Rangoon, Mandalay and Magwe yesterday to mark the 63rd
anniversary of Anti-Fascist Revolution Day.

About 500 people attended the NLD’s celebration at the party headquarters
in Bahan township in Rangoon yesterday, sources said.

NLD spokesperson U Nyan Win told DVB the celebration was attended by
veteran politicians, ethnic leaders and diplomats from the US and European
embassies.

Anti-Fascist Revolution Day commemorates the Burmese revolution against
invading Japanese forces in 1945.

NLD chairman U Aung Shwe stressed in his speech at the event the
importance of equal participation in a true federal system.

“Under a true democratic system, all the states and divisions should have
equal rights,” he said.

“It is impossible to structure a strong and developed federal nation
without the participation of the ethnic people.”

Earlier in the day, about 200 people, including veteran politicians, NLD
members and four Central Executive Committee members, attended a gathering
at veteran politician Thakin Thein Pe’s house at around 8am, according to
veteran politician U Min Lwin.

Celebrations were also held by the NLD in Aung Lan, Magwe division, and in
Mandalay, where authorities kept a close watch over the gathering.

The event was allowed to take place, but Mandalay NLD coordinators were
questioned by authorities later in the evening.


____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

March 28, The Times of India
Security post at Manipur-Myanmar border attacked by insurgents

A security post at Manipur-Myanmar border was attacked by insurgents but
no casualty was reported, official reports said on Friday.

Well-armed insurgents sprayed bullets and exploded bombs at a post of
Assam Rifles 9th battalion at border village of Behiang, about 150 kms
south of here, on Thursday in Churachandpur district.

The security personnel returned the fire and the shootout lasted for more
than half an hour, the reports said adding that there was no casualty on
the side of the security personnel.

The insurgents escaped to nearby hilly jungles after the attack.

Their identities were not known immediately though several major
organisations were active in the area.

____________________________________

March 28, Narinjara News
70 Burmese nationals arrested in Bangladesh – Khaing Pray Htun and Ko Chin

70 Burmese nationals were detained on Tuesday by a Bangladesh Rifles force
on the border in Teknaf of southern Bangladesh as they were attempting to
enter Bangladesh territory for refuge, reports a local newspaper from
Cox's Bazar.
The report said the detained Burmese are Muslims from Shin Kali Village in
southern Maungdaw Township in Arakan State. Among the 70 are 25 adult men,
20 adult women, and 25 children.

The arrest was conducted by Bangladesh Rifles battalion 42 stationed on
the Teknaf border at 12 pm on the day in question, after they received
information that Burmese nationals were entering the Bangladesh mainland
from the island of Shapuri by machine boats.

The battalion commander was reported as saying they had to arrest the
Burmese nationals for entering Bangladesh illegally. The authorities are
now questioning the detained individuals.

The Bangladesh government has been using a new strategy for dealing with
undocumented migrants, particularly Burmese Muslims, pushing them back
across the border when they attempt to enter instead of arresting them.
There is no information regarding whether this particular group will be
pushed back to Burma or tried in Bangladeshi courts

____________________________________

March 28, Kaladan Press Network
Arbitrary arrests and extortion continue in Maungdaw

Maungdaw, Arakan state: Police in Bawli Bazaar camp in Maungdaw Township
arrested villagers on false charges and extorted money without batting an
eye lid and lack of fear of higher authorities.

On March 26, the police arrested Idris (21), hailing from Krat Chaung
village Loun Don village tract alleging that he went to Bangladesh, a
close relative of the victim said.

Two police, at about 8:30 a.m. went to his house arrested and brought him
to their camp. He has a shop at the station of Krat Chaung village. He is
still in police custody although he denied going to Bangladesh. He was
tortured severely in the police camp.

Similarly, on March 23, at about 11 a.m. Abdu Salam (25) of Zaydi Pyin
village, Loun Don village Tract of Maungdaw Township was arrested by the
police from a temporary Loun Don camp providing security to Natala
villagers. He was arrested because he fell in love with a local girl, a
friend of the victim said on condition of anonymity.

Later, he was brought to the police camp and detained there for two days
until arranged money. He was released on March 25 evening after paying
kyat 40,000.


____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

March 28, The Hindu
Funds allocated for alternative route to Myanmar

In an indication that India’s attempt to develop an alternative route to
the northeast from Myanmar is nearing fruition, the Union Cabinet on
Thursday approved the sanctioning of funds for upgrading Myanmar’s Sittwe
port and Kaladan waterway as well as construction of a road up to the
India-Myanmar border. The allocation of Rs. 535.91 crore under the ‘aid to
Myanmar’ route will also cater to the construction and improvement of a
117-km road from the Myanmar border to National Highway 54.

With Bangladesh continuing to mull over India’s request to grant it access
to the north-east through the Chittagong port, the access from Myanmar
would ease New Delhi’s unease over a single, narrow access through a
narrow corridor via West Bengal.

As Myanmar is endowed with substantial hydrocarbon deposits and in case
Indian companies bag oil blocks, a pipeline could be built along the route
if shipment to the eastern coast is economically unviable.

The stalled talks moved forward after External Affairs Minister Pranab
Mukherjee took the initiative to reframe the proposal.

The revised offer overcame Myanmar’s sensitivities by proposing the
transfer of the port to Myanmar after it is made suitable for larger
vessels. Earlier, India was keen on developing the port and then operating
it for some time.

Petroleum Minister Murli Deora and Minister of State for Commerce Jairam
Ramesh also visited Myanmar to discuss the proposal and convince Myanmar
that it was a win-win situation for both countries.


____________________________________
ASEAN

March 28, Marinews
Myanmar’s path towards Democracy – Jayati Chakraborty

The people of Myanmar have long been fighting the military rule existing
in their country, long been under the threat of civil war. The neighbours
should now at least lend a helping hand in Myanmar’s transition from
military rule to democracy.

MYANMAR’S PATH towards democracy is not a bed of roses. Any discussion on
this issue clearly brings into the forefront the present political, social
and economic situation of Myanmar. Myanmar, presently, is under military
rule after a long phase of ethnic strives, conflicts and civil war.

Ever since her independence from British rule in 1948, Myanmar has been
facing political instability – an offshoot of the British policy of divide
and rule. Today, this strategically important country has become
synonymous with poverty, illegal drug trade, human right violation, total
collapse of the education system, lack of freedom of expression, etc. Any
attempt at restoration of democracy has been violently suppressed, as had
happened in 1988 and again in 1990, when the military junta refused to
honour the verdict of the multi party election, which had brought Aung
sung su kyi to power. Today, pro-democratic forces are working under
severe limitation and restrictions imposed by the government.

Given such a situation, the question obviously arises as to whether
democracy is possible in Myanmar. If yes, then there are certain issues
that need to be seriously addressed:

1) How do we achieve democracy in Myanmar?
2) What should be the modus operandi?
3) What role can the international community play?

Myanmar, as we all know, is a multi-religious and multi-ethnic country,
which had been under civil war for a long period after independence. We
cannot deny that the military has succeeded in keeping the country united
and at least providing a semblance of a stable government. Given the
existing ethnic rivalries in the country, any struggle for democracy must
be preceded by a serious dialogue between the contending ethnic groups, so
that they can fix up an agenda for their struggle and stand united. This
is not an impossibility given the fact that 82 per cent voted for a
democratic government in 1990. Unless this is achieved, it will be very
difficult to evoke international sympathy for the people of Myanmar.
Before toppling the military government, we need to ensure not only that
Myanmar’s transition to democracy is long term and permanent, but also
that the country is not plunged into yet another civil war. A constitution
for the country can be framed only after the government of the people
comes to power and not under the supervision of a military government. A
constituent assembly, comprising of representatives of different ethnic
groups and religious groups, should frame the Constitution in order to
ensure the unity of the country.

It is only when the people of the country are mentally prepared that they
can seek international help, and in this, Association of South East Asian
Nations (ASEAN) can play an important role. Myanmar needs to present its
cause to the ASEAN countries and raise the issue in the UNO, which can
provide financial aid to the democratic movement there and can also
pressurise the junta to step down. The present international sanction
imposed by the west on Myanmar has, in no way, facilitated the transition
towards democracy nor did Myanmar’s policy of isolation. Both these
policies have only strengthened the military rule in the country.
International sanctions should be withdrawn immediately so that the common
people can overcome poverty.

It is only active involvement of the international powers in Myanmar that
can provide solution to the problems. The international community can also
pressurise the military to enter into a dialogue with the democratic
forces and the ethnic factions. The neighbouring countries like India and
Bangladesh should also seriously look into the problem, as restoration of
democracy would be particularly favourable to them, as it will help the
former to tackle the major insurgency groups operating in the north
eastern borders and the latter can have a respite from the alarming
refugee problem, which it is presently facing. The policy of
non-interference, which the ASEAN countries have been following, needs to
be stopped and only active lobbying for Myanmar’s cause can do this.

An effective leadership is the need of the hour for Myanmar. Ethnic unity
and international awareness can at least pressurise the military junta
both from within and outside. The UN needs to clearly stress that human
rights abuses, failure to allow democratic processes will have serious
negative consequences. Strong international pressure may enable the
release of Su Kyi from house arrest. This move in itself will infuse the
people with self-confidence and self-pride, which are essential for any
movement.
Another noticeable feature of Myanmar problem is the lack of seriousness
to the cause, especially from the ASEAN countries including India that do
not hesitate to communicate with the military government when it concerns
its own self-interest. This, no doubt, provides legitimacy to the
government that holds power by dishonouring the people’s verdict. Unless
Myanmar deals effectively with these challenges, abolishment and
consolidation of democracy in the country will still be a far cry.


____________________________________
REGIONAL

March 28, Narinjara News
Burmese start long march in Bangladesh to protest referendum

Thirteen Arakanese in exile, including five monks, started on a long march
Thursday from the Bangladesh capital Dhaka to the southern town of Cox's
Bazar, to rally Burmese people to oppose the upcoming referendum. The
distance between Dhaka and Cox's Bazar is 245 miles.

The long march is intended to attract the attention of the Bangladeshi
people as well the international community to the upcoming referendum for
the new draft constitution that is scheduled to be held in Burma in May
2008.

U Thilawantha, who is a leader from the monks' alliance Sasana Moli in
Bangladesh said, "We are monks but we are participating in the long march
because we would like to show our desire against the referendum. We would
like the Burmese military junta to know how much monks are dissatisfied
with the referendum."

The Burmese military government is currently preparing to hold a
referendum in May on the new draft constitution, in which democracy icon
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is excluded from participating in future elections
and non-Burman ethnic groups are not given equal rights.

Another organizer of the march, Ko Tha Tun said, "The military government
has been working on what they want since they got power, and they have
never considered the entire Burmese people. Now people are suffering from
hunger and poverty but they want to continue holding on to power. How can
we accept the military government's plan for power? So we arranged the
long march to protest the referendum."

The long march began at the historic monument Shaheed Minar at Dhaka
University at 9 am on Thursday, and the activists have been distributing
many anti-referendum flyers in Bengali among the Bangladesh communities
they pass along the way.

Ko Tha Tun said, "Most Bangladesh people know the present situation of
Burma and they also know of the monk-led Saffron Revolution that broke out
in our country last September. Many Bangladesh people have been cheering
us on and waving their hands."

The activists on the long march are wearing white shirts emblazoned with
the word "NO", in referendum to the vote, and are holding two flags, a
Buddhist flag and the flag of Bangladesh. They made it 20 miles out of
downtown Dhaka yesterday on the first day of the march.

Bangladesh is currently under a state of emergency and the authorities
have not allowed any political activities on the street, but officials
have not disturbed the marchers protesting the referendum.

U Thilawantha said, "We really appreciate the Bangladesh government and
its people because there has not been any disturbance in our long march
program. Our peaceful long march will end at the town of Cox's Bazar on 10
April if there continue to be no disturbances."


____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

March 28, Reuters
U.N. rights body condemns Myanmar for abuses – Laura MacInnis

The U.N. Human Rights Council unanimously condemned Myanmar on Friday for
what it called "systematic violations" of fundamental freedoms six months
after the country's repression of monk-led protests.

The 47 member-state body also renewed the mandate of its special
investigator to the former Burma for another year and called on the ruling
military junta to let him visit to report on conditions there.

 The European Union presented two resolutions, both adopted by consensus,
on behalf of Western countries who said human rights violations had
persisted in the wake of Myanmar's bloody crackdown on pro-democracy
demonstrations last September.

"There is still reason for great concern," Slovenia's ambassador Andrej
Logar, on behalf of the EU, told the council on the last day of its
four-week session.

The independent post of U.N. special rapporteur on Myanmar, first
established in 1992, has provided valuable insight into the human rights
situation in the insular country, Logar added.

Pinheiro, a Brazilian law professor who has held the post since 2000, is
being replaced by Argentine expert Tomas Ojea Quintana, who is expected to
try to seek a fresh visit.

Pinheiro said after a visit there in November that at least 31 people had
died and up to 4,000 were arrested in September's crisis.

His latest report to the council cited increasing repression since the
crushing of the Buddhist monk-led protests and said that 1,850 political
prisoners were still being detained.

The EU resolution expressed deep concern at the "violent repression" of
the demonstrations and "the failure of the government of Myanmar to
investigate and bring to justice the perpetrators of these violations".

It further condemned "the ongoing systematic violations of human rights
and fundamental freedoms of the people of Myanmar, continued arbitrary
detentions and the continuing high number of political prisoners".

Britain, China, France and Russia -- four of the five permanent Security
Council members -- are members of the Human Rights Council, while the
United States has observer status.

Canada, a co-sponsor of the EU texts, voiced deep concern at "continuing
reports of human rights violations perpetrated by the Burmese authorities
against their own people".

"Many of those arrested remain in detention as does (Nobel laureate) Aung
San Suu Kyi. Some have been criminally charged for peaceful expression of
their opinions," Canadian ambassador Marius Grinius said.

Myanmar's ambassador Wunna Maung Win dismissed the Western resolutions as
"politically motivated".

"The resolution is lop-sided and highly intrusive, besides it fails to
take account of positive aspects of political developments in Myanmar," he
told the council.

The government has said it will hold a national referendum on a new
constitution in May, with multi-party elections to follow in 2010, to set
the nation on a path to democracy.

"The international community should therefore recognise and encourage the
positive political developments in Myanmar," the ambassador said.


____________________________________

March 28, The Financial Times
Holding the line: Burma’s junta subdues its people and the world – Amy
Kazmin and Richard McGregor

After violently suppressing anti-government marches last year, Burma’s
ruling generals are hunt­ing a new enemy in the dilapidated city of
Rangoon, zeroing in on street vendors who sell pirated DVDs. The object of
the junta’s wrath is the latest Rambo film, in which the Vietnam veteran
played by Sylvester Stallone battles Burmese soldiers to rescue
missionaries held for assisting persecuted ethnic minorities.

Besides confiscating every copy it can find, the junta has compelled
privately owned Burmese news journals to print articles ridiculing Rambo
for being “so fat, with sagging breasts” and looking “like a lunatic”
during fights.

Aside from the Hollywood action picture, though, not much is rattling
Burma’s generals these days. Six months ago, their crackdown on the
Buddhist monk-led “saffron revolt” provoked international revulsion and a
clamour to push the regime to change. Today, the storm of criticism has
largely passed. The junta, as firmly in power as ever, has rebuffed the
pressure, making clear it intends to proceed with its own plans for
Burma’s future, with or without western or United Nations approval.

After a brief moment of apparent unity, western and Asian governments are
again divided on how to approach the Burmese generals. Although nearly all
governments recognise the need for change in the impoverished state, they
have profound differences on the reforms most necessary – and how best to
foster them. “There is a philosophical difference between Asia and the
west,” says Thant Myint-U, a historian and grandson of the late U Thant,
the UN’s 1960s secretary-general. “The west believes in a push for
democracy. But Asian governments believe in slow, gradual change in which
economic change leads to an opening of political and social space.”

Asian perspectives on dealing with the generals – especially the views in
neighbouring China, India and Thailand – are also coloured by regional
interest in Burma’s resources, particularly its natural gas. Thailand
already relies on Burmese gas to generate about 20 per cent of its
electricity; Bangkok’s state oil company is negotiating another gas deal
and the country is eyeing hydropower projects in Burma. For its part,
Beijing is discussing deals to construct two pipelines across Burma. One
would transport Middle Eastern oil from near Burma’s Andaman Sea port of
Sittwe to Yunnan province, reducing Chinese reliance on crude shipments
through the Straits of Malacca, while a second pipeline would supply China
with Burmese natural gas.

“China’s interests are mercantilist, not political or strategic,” says Zhu
Feng, a scholar at the School of International Studies at Peking
University. “We need someone to press Myanmar [Burma] on the need for
change [but] we cannot play that role – its not China’s style.”

After last year’s crackdown, which killed at least 31, western countries
led the condemnation. But even Burma’s traditional friends in the
Association of South East Asian Nations expressed dismay at the bloodshed.
China, long exasperated at the junta’s failure to develop the national
economy, also – at least by its own reticent standards – admonished its
neighbour.

The UN Security Council subsequently called for the junta to engage in a
meaningful dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Prize-winning
democracy advocate who is under house arrest in Rangoon, to free her and
an estimated 1,800 other political prisoners and to address the
“political, economic, humanitarian and human rights issues that are the
concerns of its people”. Beijing, the regime’s closest ally, pushed the
generals to allow Ibrahim Gambari, the UN’s special envoy, to visit Burma
to foster discussions on political change.

But the world has since been divided by the generals’ surprise declaration
of a May referendum on a controversial new constitution, which the
generals say will lay the foundation for a “discipline-flourishing
democracy” suitable for Burma’s multi-ethnic society. Burmese exiles and
opposition groups, as well as many western governments, have denounced the
charter – which would in all likelihood prevent Ms Suu Kyi and other
dissidents from entering politics – as an attempt merely to legalise
military rule. Yet some south-east Asian governments have praised the
referendum and the promise of elections in 2010 as welcome steps towards
reform. Wang Guangya, China’s ambassador to the UN, also called it “real
progress”, though he conceded “improvements” could be made.

As Beijing prepares to host the Olympics, its worries about an eruption of
fresh protests in Burma – which would highlight China’s close ties to the
regime – have also eased, amid the surface calm in Burma and Beijing’s own
trouble in Tibet. But the opening of the Beijing Olympics on August 8
coincides with the 20th anniversary of the start of Burma’s previous big
uprising, during which soldiers killed thousands of unarmed protesters.
“Beijing’s primary concern was that there be no repeat of [last] September
in Burma before the Olympics and especially no demonstrations in Rangoon
marking the 1988 uprising,” says a UN official who monitors Burma. “Now
that they see these generals can keep things under control in the short
term, there is less interest in pushing for change. They see they can keep
a lid on things.”

The US and UK remain focused on pushing for substantive political dialogue
bet­ween the generals and Ms Suu Kyi, but appear to have few tools to put
pressure on the junta. While anti-regime activists press for more punitive
economic sanctions, Asian governments’ unwavering rejection of such
measures would be likely to render further western sanctions ineffective,
al­though Asian capitals offer few alternative ideas of how to foster
change. “They throw up their hands in exasperation and say ‘what can we
do?’, which is just what the military wants,” says one western diplomat
based in Rangoon. In any case, China in­sists sanctions do not work. “If
there are heavy sanctions, then the junta will not reform,” says Zhai Kun,
of the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations.

China appears to hope the new charter will lay a sufficient foundation to
facilitate change along the lines of its own economy or that of Vietnam,
which allow for fast development while tight political controls are
maintained. “If we were to intervene we should have a goal, but what is
China’s goal?” asks Zhang Yunling of the Chinese Academy of Social
Sciences. “The western countries’ goal is very clear. It is democracy. But
for China it is stability.”

Aware of these divisions, Burma’s generals appear confident of their
ability to ward off external pressure. “The unprecedented level of concern
by the international community has run into the sand,” says an academic
who monitors Burma. “By demonstrating the limited options available to the
international community, it may have encouraged the view among some
Burmese generals that they can’t be touched.”

Indeed, since the protests the generals have made no concessions that
might mollify western critics, despite offers of dramatically increased
aid if the generals undertake a credible reform process. The generals have
also rejected nearly all requests made since September by the UN Security
Council as well as by Ban Ki-moon, secretary-general, and Mr Gambari.

With Ms Suu Kyi under house arrest, as she has been for 12 of the past 18
years, the junta hunts, locks up and prosecutes dissidents. Talks between
her and the generals have gone nowhere after Than Shwe, head of the junta,
demanded that she first denounce sanctions. The UN’s resident
representative in Rangoon was expelled in November for stating the
seemingly obvious – that deepening poverty underlay the September
protests.

Since announcing their constitutional referendum, the generals have also
spurned UN offers of technical advice and international election monitors.
Blaming sanctions for the people’s hardships, the generals rebuffed a UN
idea to set up a commission to study Burma’s economy and recommend
policies to alleviate poverty. After a trip to Burma this month, his third
since September, Mr Gambari expressed frustration that his visit had not
yielded “any immediate tangible outcome”.

All along, the US and the UK have been appealing to China to use its
leverage over the generals to urge change. Gordon Brown, British prime
minister, pressed the case with Wen Jiabao, his Chinese counterpart, and
President Hu Jintao during a recent visit. But little has emerged.

Mr Zhai says the west overstates Beijing’s influence on the highly
nationalistic generals. Even on the economy, he says, China’s advice to
them falls on deaf ears. China has even said that it – like the rest of
the world – was caught by surprise by the generals’ 2005 move to a new
capital city called Naypyidaw.

China, which shares a long border with Burma, has reason to worry about
the junta’s poor governance. Its companies are highly active in Burma,
mainly in natural resource exploitation. Beijing also wants the regime to
step up border policing and do more to fight drug trafficking. In recent
years, large numbers of Chinese migrants, mainly petty traders, have also
drifted into Burma – displacing Burmese, especially in urban centres. This
influx, coupled with perceptions that Beijing is propping up the junta,
has fuelled resentment, raising the prospect of violence against the
arrivals if frustrations boil over.

“Anti-Chinese sentiment is growing in Burma – and they know the generals
can’t protect them,” says one western diplomat. As another puts it: “The
Chinese know this place is still an accident waiting to happen.” Mr Zhai,
too, recognises that “there are some sentiments against China among the
common people”. But like other Chinese scholars, he says China’s
importance to Burma is such that Beijing could forge strong ties with
whomever is in power.

With the UN process at a standstill, the generals’ political makeover may
force the west to rethink its approach. “The referendum and elections will
create a new political reality,” says the UN official. Mr Thant, author of
The River of Lost Footsteps: Histories of Burma and himself formerly with
the UN, argues that the constitution, whatever its shortcomings, could
provide opportunities to re-engage with Burma. It would “create a much
more complex decision-making structure – and that is the first step away
from dictatorship”, he says. “If that is coupled with economic reform and
the economy growing, you have the beginnings of a different political
system.”

Yet Burma’s new constitution may simply mean the perpetuation of military
rule in fresh garb – a matter of concern to both the west and China. “The
Chinese genuinely do not think the government here is capable of
delivering the kind of Burma they want to see,” says a western diplomat in
Rangoon. “The question for them, and all of us, is how do we get from
where we are now to the better-run but still pretty authoritarian state
that is likely to follow?” Answers so far are thin on the ground.


____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

March 28, Globe and Mail
Right thinking must lead to action on Burma – Dr. Thaung Htun

It was Hannah Arendt who wrote that "Under conditions of tyranny, it is
easier to act than to think." While none would accuse Burma's Saffron
Revolution of being unthinking, the sense of those words hold true. There
is a time when thoughts must give way to action.

Yet, just as this notion holds truth, so too does its reverse. That is to
say, without the conditions of tyranny, it is easier to think than to act.
This appears to be the position of many around the world, who have the
privilege of remaining disengaged while seeing images of violence at a
distance.

The historic events that continue unfold in Burma today, evolving from
peaceful demonstrations late last year, have been detailed in a new report
"Bullets in the Alms Bowl," produced by the Human Rights Documentation
Unit of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, the
country's government in exile.

No one can read this report and not feel their very humanity challenged by
the presence of the brutality it documents. No one can say, "We were
unaware." No one has an excuse not to act.

In asking for peace and dialogue toward a political settlement of the
problems confronting this country, members of Burma's Buddhist community,
the Sangha, have spoken for all their country and touched the whole world.
They have galvanized world opinion and spoken to the very soul of our
global community. All must hear them.

All must hear how the Burmese military government suppressed a peaceful
movement centred on monks, a movement that carried no weapons but the
firmness of convictions and courage.

The HRDU report documents the murders, the tortures, the late-night
abductions, the house detentions, the arrest of family members of accused
demonstrators, the list of actions designed to break the population, to
discredit their agendas and to hold an ever tenuous grip on power.

There are given names, dates and times. Personal experiences are
painstakingly unfolded. The gaps left by the dead, the detained, the
damaged and the broken are poignantly identified.

The struggle of the Sangha and the Saffron Revolution is imbued with the
deepest, resonant significance. Here is an outbreak of peace in the face
of so much violence, an embodiment of hope in the face of hopelessness, a
surge of spiritual values at a time of the most crushing assault on the
human heart.

The world cannot ignore these cries and still maintain its sense of
dignity and trust, nor can we as the world family maintain our hold on
truth and freedom if Burma's peoples continue to be so ill-treated and
oppressed.

In Burma, as in South Africa near the end of the apartheid era, a moment
has arrived. It is a moment when the clock stops ticking, when the air
stops moving, where sound is muffled, and where the mind stops spinning.
This is a moment of clarity, a moment when the uncertainty of daily life
disappears and a clear message overwhelms the senses. A moment when
history stands still, awaiting the inevitable truth.

It is our duty, and that of the global community, to ensure that this
moment is not lost. This is not a time for empty politics or grandiose
schemes designed to divert the attention and reverse the momentum.

There are roles here for the United Nations (especially as another visit
by its special envoy comes and goes without result), for the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations, for specific countries such as China, India
and the United States — for all interested in promoting the rule of law
and human rights for all. The NCGUB has detailed these agendas and will
continue to articulate them.

The Free Burma movement is not in victim mode, nor are we devoid of
intent. Our goal is clear. But we cannot work alone and we call on the
global community to read this report and to ensure that what it documents
is consigned to Burma's past, not allowed to be a template for the future.

This is a time to realize our hopes and enact our dreams, for an oppressed
Burma rests on all our shoulders, challenging and burdening the world.
This is the time for a free Burma to be reborn, on the foundation of peace
and forgiveness laid by its Sangha.

It is indeed Burma's moment. But it is also one for all peoples.

Dr. Thaung Htun is the representative for United Nations affairs with the
Burma UN Service Office, National Coalition Government of the Union of
Burma.

____________________________________


March 28, Edmonton Sun
Don’t use athletes as pawns – Lyn Cockburn

Remember Myanmar? Small Asian country. Formerly known as Burma. Buddhist.
Ruled by a vicious junta.

Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest for some 15
years. Got on our front pages in September 2007. Monks protested lack of
freedom. Junta beat, arrested and shot monks. Many countries protested.
Myanmar quiet. Six months later, not on front pages anymore. Not on back
pages either.

And that's pretty much how the current outrage over China's treatment of
Tibet will play out.

The two situations are similar in many ways. Myanmar and China are
countries ruled by totalitarian governments with abysmal civil-rights
records. Both are totally resistant to criticism.

Their differences are obvious. Size, economic and military strength.

The biggest difference, however, is that in September 2007, the world did
not have the Olympics to play around with.

But in 2008, those wily Tibetan monks have chosen to protest Chinese
oppression a mere four months before the Beijing Olympics begin. All with
the urging of the Dalai Lama, Tibet's spiritual leader. Full points to
Chinese officials who demonized him as "a wolf in monk's clothing." Who
knew Chinese bureaucrats have such a fine sense of humour?

So, ought we to boycott the Games? No. Of course not. And don't bother.
Such a boycott would be but a hollow gesture. And the monks in Tibet, the
people of Tibet deserve far more than mere gestures.

Because hollow gestures don't work and are soon forgotten. Because
athletes ought not to be used as political pawns. It's not their fault
that the Olympic Committee chose to award the 2008 summer games to a
country with a shameful civilrights record.

The biggest because is economic. For example, reports state that some 70%
of Chinese factories are either foreign-owned or run solely on contracts
from North America and Europe.

Here's but one small example. An acquaintance has a good business in the
design and manufacture of ergonomic products especially for people with
arthritis. And she's off to China for a week to arrange a contract with a
factory there.

"Can't afford to manufacture my stuff in Canada," she says. And I'm sure
she's right.

But, there is something deliciously hypocritical about demands to boycott
the Beijing Olympics while we remain so hugely reliant on goods made in
China, where labour is cheap.

Of course, if we stopped outsourcing the manufacture of goods to China,
we'd have to give up the pleasure we derive from criticizing those same
factories when some of those goods turn out to be shoddy.

In the end, it is the Dalai Lama who has the best answer. That's why he
gets the big loonies. He doesn't want anybody to boycott the Olympics.
He's not even advocating that the Chinese get the hell out of Tibet. He
knows they won't.

Instead, he has always promoted The Middle Way, or autonomy through
peaceful negotiations.

While he accuses China of "cultural genocide" in Tibet, he also says: "We
are not seeking separation."

In fact, he acknowledges Tibet can enjoy modernization through its
connection to China.

But, he warns: "China is using force to gain stability and peace, but it
will always be superficial."

To save face and repair a bit of its damaged reputation, China would do
well to listen to the very man it is trying to demonize. So would the rest
of the world.


____________________________________
PRESS RELEASE

March 28, Christian Solidarity Worldwide
Burma: UK government backs universal arms embargo

Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) today welcomed the British
Government’s decision to support a UN arms embargo on Burma.

On 25 March the Foreign Office Minister Meg Munn MP, in response to a
question in the House of Commons, said: “We are concerned about the lack
of progress [in Burma] and, indeed, in some respects, matters have gone
backwards. We would certainly consider pushing for the issue to be
discussed further at the UN, and we would support a UN call for an arms
embargo.”

In a report following a visit to the Thai-Burmese border last month, CSW
called for a universal arms embargo to be introduced at the UN Security
Council. The European Union currently has a ban on arms sales to Burma,
but there is no universal embargo in place.

CSW’s Advocacy Director Alexa Papadouris said: “We warmly welcome the
Minister’s support for a universal arms embargo on the regime in Burma. It
is appalling that any country should sell arms to the military regime in
Burma, which is one of the most brutal in the world and which uses those
arms solely to suppress its own people. A universal arms embargo is long
overdue, and we hope the British Government will now actively work to
build support for it within the UN Security Council.”

For more information, please contact Penny Hollings, Campaigns and Media
Manager at Christian Solidarity Worldwide on 020 8329 0045, email
pennyhollings at csw.org.uk or visit www.csw.org.uk.

CSW is a human rights organisation which specialises in religious freedom,
works on behalf of those persecuted for their Christian beliefs and
promotes religious liberty for all.


____________________________________
SPEECH

March 28, The New Light Of Myanmar (English)
Headline: Senior General Than Shwe addresses 63rd Anniversary Armed Forces
Day Parade

NAY PYI TAW, 27 March - The following is the full text of the speech
delivered by Senior General Than Shwe, Chairman of the State Peace and
Development Council Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services, at the 63rd
Anniversary Armed Forces Day Parade today.

Comrades,

Today is the day when we clearly showed and set on record the inherent
capability and strength of our people and our Tatmadaw in the history of
the struggle for Independence.

In order words, I wish to state that this was also the day etched into our
history when the entire people demonstrated their national pride.

Comrades,

The reason why our country was unable to resist the aggressive wars of the
imperialists in the 19th century was because we did not have a modern
army. In our history, just as Prince Kanaung tried to make our country
into an industrialized nation, he also exerted a special effort to produce
modern arms for the Tatmadaw.

But after the demise of Prince Kanaung, the goals of industrial
modernization and the building of a modern army fell apart. In addition,
because we were blind to the progress of other nations and did not have
defensive alertness, we easily lost our independence and sovereignty.

Comrades,

After we lost our independence our people came near to being totally
stunted by colonialist oppression. The life under colonialism, when we had
to call foreigners ?Thakhin? and respond ?Phaya? to them, was a life so
unbelievably bitter that it could not be understood just by the telling of
the tale - one had to actually endure it to appreciate its bitterness.
After bearing this unbearable situation for over a long hundred years the
people, with their patriotic pride of origin rising in their blood,
regained their independence only after sacrificing a great deal of their
blood, sweat and lives. Therefore, I would like to urge you to seriously
value, protect and preserve our Independence and Sovereignty.

Comrades,

Our Tatmadaw was a Patriotic Army founded by the people during the
struggle for Independence. Since its inception, the Tatmadaw was one which
overcame various difficulties and obstacles to come into existence.

Even after Independence, the Tatmadaw sacrificed many lives to safeguard
the perpetuation of our Sovereignty and prevent the disintegration of the
Union and national solidarity. In addition, the Tatmadaw also had to
overcome the danger of external aggression.

In every instance of grave danger to the country, the Tatmadaw stood
squarely in front of the people. This is why those who do not have the
right view towards our country are eternally plotting and striving to
disintegrate the Tatmadaw.

Our Tatmadaw is one which is patriotic, loyal, united, capable,
self-sacrificing, high-minded, and one which always enshrines our Three
Main National Causes. This is why it has stood firm in its existence
thanks to such noble traditions. And this is why I wish to solemnly urge
you, my comrades, to continue to carry on the fine traditions of the
Tatmadaw.

Comrades,

If we look back at the history of Myanmar, we will see that when we were
united our country stood in such a grandeur as the First Myanmar Empire,
Second Myanmar Empire and Third Myanmar Empire. Therefore when the
imperialists were governing the country they fostered disunity to
disintegrate our national solidarity.

Today as well, unscrupulous persons are consistently striving to
disintegrate the Union and national solidarity. Actually we, the national
races of Myanmar, have lived in harmony all over the country since ancient
times. Although for administrative purposes 14 States and Divisions have
been created, they are not viewed as separate but as the Union of Myanmar.
But if we do not watch out for the cunning tactics of separatism being
used by others, the danger of the disintegration of the Union may one day
befall us.

Therefore I would like to state that all the national races, no matter
where they may reside in our country, need to have a firm Union Spirit and
national political awareness.

Comrades,

Because of the violent disturbances of 1988 the Tatmadaw, to protect the
life, property and security of the people and to preserve and protect the
sovereignty and independence of the nation, had to take over all the
responsibilities of the country. In the same way as we had restored the
peace and stability of the country, we had also rebuilt the deteriorated
mental and physical conditions of the country.

Since it was necessary to put an end to armed insurgencies which began
with our Independence for the sake of peace and tranquillity and the
prevalence of law and order, we gave priority to national reconciliation.
As many armed groups have come back into the legal fold, today's period is
the best for peace and stability since Independence. Therefore, the people
are now in a position to go about their livelihoods in peace.

Comrades,

As our nation is an agro-based country with more than 70 per cent of its
populace living in rural areas and engaging in farming, our endeavours to
promote economic progress and prosperity of the country and the people had
initially started by implementing massive number of projects for
construction of dams and reservoirs, river water pumping stations and
projects for tapping underground water resources. Besides, such measures
as expanding the arable land, raising major crops yields and transforming
to agriculture mechanization have resulted in development of agriculture
sector ensuring national food security.

In order to transform our country to an industrialized economy through
agricultural mechanization, we have built many State-owned manufacturing
industries and also encouraged the development of private manufacturing
industries by establishing industrial zones. These industrialization
processes have contributed significantly in providing employment
opportunities for the people.

With a view to narrowing down the existing development gap caused by the
physical distance and transportation difficulties between urban and rural
areas, motor roads, railways, bridges and airports were built eliminating
natural barriers and ensuring smooth and better communication to enable
our national races to commute among them in a close and friendly manner.

Comrades,

While shouldering its major responsibilities for defending the State, our
Tatmadaw has also been undertaking nation building tasks for the benefit
of the people. Being warriors who have travelled extensively to every
corner of the country, we can fully sympathize the sub-standard livelihood
of our national races caused by armed insurgencies and difficulties in
communication in far-flung areas. Therefore, we have made vigorous efforts
by implementing projects for the development of border areas and national
races.

Likewise, with a view to equitable and parallel development of the entire
country, we have also established a network of Special Development Regions
where many new schools and universities were opened to bridge the gap in
human resources development as much as possible. Similarly, hospitals and
rural clinics were also newly constructed or upgraded in those regions for
promoting fitness of our nationals in the whole nation.

At the same time, rural area development measures are also taken through
systematic implementation of plans in order not to leave any gap in the
all-round development of the country. Moreover, the development of the
private sector and cooperative sector has also been encouraged for
successful transition from the previously-practised socialist economy to
the market oriented economy.

Comrades,

As there is an essential requisite for a new Constitution in our efforts
for transforming the State to a multi-party democratic system as aspired
by the people, the National Convention was initially convened in 1993
after coordination and consultation with the leaders of political parties
and elected representatives. In 1996, the National Convention had had to
be temporarily suspended due to various reasons. Following the
announcement in 2003 of the Seven-Step Road Map of the nation, the
National Convention resumed in 2004 and has successfully completed during
the year 2007.

Comrades,

Though the Tatmadaw Government was compelled to assume the state
responsibilities due to unavoidable circumstances, it has been making
necessary preparations without losing sight of its ultimate aim to hand
over the State powers to the people. Our Tatmadaw is making relentless and
dedicated efforts during its tenure of shouldering the State
responsibility with a sincere aim for development of the country without
any craving for power. Therefore, we are moving forward steadily according
to the Seven-Step Road Map in a timely manner.

Though our national development endeavours for emergence of basic
foundations have yet to be perfectly completed, many essential basic
infrastructures have already been laid down for the benefits of the
country and the people.

Moreover, as the New Constitution has already been drafted, it will be put
to a National Referendum in forthcoming May and subsequently the
Multi-party Democratic General Elections will follow in 2010 in line with
the provisions of the new Constitution. The Tatmadaw Government will then
be in a position to transfer the State power.

Comrades,

In conclusion, I would like to stress the fact that it is indeed a
historic mission for the Tatmadaw to perform this important national duty
of transforming the era and the system of the State in a smooth and
systematic manner.

Therefore, I wish to conclude by urging you all to strive unswervingly for
achieving the following objectives of the 63rd Anniversary Armed Forces
Day:

*       To work in concert with the people in building a peaceful, modern,
developed and discipline-flourishing democratic nation

*       To realize the seven-step Road Map of the State joining hands with
the people

*       Joining hands with the people and based on Union Spirit to crush
internal and external destructive elements sabotaging stability and
development of the State

*       To build a strong, capable and modern patriotic Tatmadaw to
safeguard Our Three Main National Causes. - MNA