BurmaNet News, April 9, 2008

[Editor]

April 9, 2008 Issue # 3440


INSIDE BURMA
AFP: Myanmar sets constitutional referendum for May 10
DVB: Detained monks to be given lay identity cards
DVB: Junta releases handbook for referendum officials
Mizzima News: Referendum Commission circular to ensure secret vote
Mizzima News: Thousands attend funeral of Ludu Daw Ahmar
San Francisco Chronicle: Burma artists hide in shadow their sad work

ON THE BORDER
Irrawaddy: Burmese migrant workers seek precedent in compensation claims
Narinjara News: Ten Bangladeshi prisoners handed over at flag meeting
IMNA: TPP authorities force families to relocate without compensation
SHAN: Leaders in exile blasts junta draft constitution

BUSINESS / TRADE
Reuters: PTTEP-CNOOC to swap stakes in Myanmar blocks
The Guardian UK: Burma’s disappearing teak
Mizzima News: Rangoon bank robbed, one killed

REGIONAL
Narinjara News: 250-mile journey ends

INTERNATIONAL
IHT via AP: Bush condemns Myanmar after meeting with Singapore minister
Irrawaddy: China, Russia oppose UN Security Council’s draft presidential
statement

OPINION
The Japan Times: Contrasting responses to crackdowns in Tibet and Burma
Bangkok Post: Act fast to save Olympics
Irrawaddy: How can the constitutional referendum be monitored?

INTERVIEW
AllAfrica.com: My mission to Myanmar has not failed: Gambari
Mizzima News: KIO to abstain from referendum: Interview with Major Gun Maw
(KIO)


____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

April 9, Agence-France Press
Myanmar sets constitutional referendum for May 10

Myanmar's military government Wednesday set May 10 as the date for a
referendum on a new constitution, which pro-democracy activists have
rejected as a means for the generals to entrench their rule.

The military says the referendum will clear the way for democratic
elections in 2010, but the constitution would bar the regime's main
opponent, detained Nobel peace prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, from
running.

The United States reacted cooly to the announcement, with President George
W. Bush "disappointed" at the pace of democratic reform and urging the
Myanmar junta to "open up and respond to the will of the people."

The regime still has not released critical information about the polls,
including the location of polling stations or a roll of eligible voters.

The announcement read on state television Wednesday consisted of only two
sentences from a statement by Aung Toe, who heads the commission
organising the referendum, who said the date had been decided at a meeting
earlier in the day in the remote capital Naypyidaw.

Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party, which has
already begun urging voters to reject the constitution, said the date
would give voters little time to study the 194-page basic law.

The text was only released to the public on Wednesday, and then only a
handful of copies were available -- for sale -- at government bookstores.

"They just started selling copies of the constitution to the public today.
It is a very short time for people to study and to understand the whole
thing," party spokesman Nyan Win said.

Myanmar has not had a constitution since 1988, when the current junta took
power by crushing a pro-democracy uprising, leaving at least 3,000 dead.

If approved, the new charter would only take effect once parliament
convenes following elections planned for 2010.

Even then, it grants sweeping powers to the armed forces, ensuring a
dominant role for the military, which has ruled Myanmar since 1962.

One quarter of the seats in parliament would be reserved for soldiers,
appointed by the commander-in-chief. The military would also have broad
powers to declare a state of emergency and take direct control of the
government.

Amending the constitution would be almost impossible without the
military's consent. Three-quarters of parliament must approve any changes,
which then must go to voters in a referendum.

In Washington, President Bush said he and visiting Singapore Senior
Minister Goh Chok Tong had discussed Myanmar and "the need for the
military regime there to understand that they shouldn't fear the voices of
people -- and yet they do."

"I'm disappointed with the progress made to date there. I would urge the
military leadership there to open up and respond to the will of the
people," said the US president.

Goh added: "On Myanmar, I told the president that while the army is the
problem, the army has to be part of the solution. Without the army playing
a part in solving problems in Myanmar, there will be no solution."

Although the NLD and other pro-democracy groups are calling for a "No"
vote, they have little ability to campaign effectively because the regime
has outlawed speeches and leaflets about the referendum.

The junta last month also rebuffed an offer by a UN envoy to send
observers and provide technical support for the balloting.

Myanmar's voters have not voted since 1990, when Aung San Suu Kyi led the
NLD to a landslide victory that has never been recognised by the regime.

Aung San Suu Kyi has spent 12 of the past 18 years under house arrest.

The junta says it is building a "discipline-flourishing democracy," but
critics accuse the generals of holding the referendum to distract the
world's attention from its deadly crackdown on protests last year.

Buddhist monks in September led the biggest anti-government marches seen
in nearly two decades, but the military responded by opening fire on the
crowds and beating protesters in the streets.

The United Nations estimates that at least 31 people were killed, while
Amnesty International says more than 700 remain behind bars.

_____________________________________

April 9, Democratic Voice of Burma
Detained monks to be given lay identity cards – Aye Nai

Monks detained in Insein prison are being issued with lay identity cards
in preparation for the May referendum, high-profile monk U Gambira told
his sister during a recent prison visit.

Ma Khin Thu Htay, U Gambira’s sister, said prison authorities had asked
the monk for his views on the upcoming referendum.

"U Gambira told me he was asked to discuss the referendum with government
officials in Insein prison, but he apparently told them there was nothing
to discuss as he does not recognize the draft constitution they have
prepared," Khin Thu Htay said.

"He said they then asked him to at least say if he would vote 'Yes' or
'No' to the referendum and he told them he would choose to say 'No'."

U Gambira denounced Insein prison officials for forcing monk detainees to
go back to their lay status and preparing to issue them with lay identity
cards for the upcoming referendum.

"The prison authorities are preparing to issue lay ID cards for monks in
detention. U Gambira told them he didn't need to get one as he already has
a monk identification document," Khin Thu Htay said.

"U Gambira told prison officials he would report the matter to
international organisations if the authorities continued to force monks to
accept lay ID cards."

Under the junta’s referendum law introduced in February, monks and other
members of religious orders are not eligible to vote.

People serving prison terms for any offence will also be excluded from the
poll.

A family member of another Insein prison inmate told DVB earlier this
month that prison authorities had been offering detainees a sentence
reduction if they agreed to vote in favour of the constitution after their
release.

Khin Thu Htay said the metta chanting campaign among Insein prison
inmates, instigated by U Gambira, is continuing.

U Gambira has recently faced further interrogation sessions, but Khin Thu
Htay said his remand for one of the charges against him has not been
extended.

U Gambira, leader of the All-Burmese Monks Alliance, was arrested on 4
November 2007 in Sintgaing township, Magwe division, for his role in
instigating public protests in September.

____________________________________

April 9, Democratic Voice of Burma
Junta releases handbook for referendum officials – Khin Maung Soe Min

The Burmese referendum commission has released a handbook for ballot
station officers which gives guidelines and practical details on how
voting will be conducted in the May referendum.

Under the guidelines, seven officials will be assigned to polling stations
designed for 1000 voters, with more officials sent to supervise larger
stations.

The officials will include a station supervisor, vote examiners, security
officers and vote handlers.

The handbook states that each polling booth should contain a pen attached
with a chain to prevent it being stolen, and instructs ballot stations to
keep spare blank votes for an additional 10 percent of the number of
expected voters in case they are needed.

U Aung Htoo of the Burma Lawyers Council said the guidelines were
inadequate and would not ensure a fair vote.

“The weak point of the handbook is that it doesn’t say how many people are
allowed to vote in the referendum,” he said.

“The book also points out that votes should be counted in the ballot
stations but the results should not be made public. This makes it obvious
the government is plotting to rig the results of the voting.”

Copies of the handbook have not yet been made available to the public.

____________________________________

April 9, Mizzima News
Referendum Commission circular to ensure secret vote – Nay Thwin

The Burmese military junta authorities wants the voting during the ensuing
referendum in May to be secret. The National constitutional referendum
commission has sent a circular to that effect to all its subordinate
commissions at different levels.

The circular directs all subordinate commissions at ward and village
levels in detail to make sure the vote is secret.

The 27-page circular instructs in detail how to build the polling station,
the functions of poll booths officials and heads, detailed procedure
before, during and after the voting.

"It's detailed and complete. As far as I have read the circular, if they
strictly follow it, the referendum will certainly be free and fair. Only
they need to follow it", Ko Kyaw Lin Oo, Thai based monitoring group
member, said.

Ko Kyaw Lin Oo is the Director of 'Burma Democratic Concern' Thailand
branch, which is advocating the casting of a 'No' vote in the referendum.
The organization has branches in Thailand, UK and US, and is advocating
not to recognize the constitution drafted by the regime and to monitor the
regime's referendum to make sure there is no rigging and the referendum is
free and fair.

According to the circular, there must be one polling booth if there are
under 3,000 voters and 5 to 10 polling officials including a polling
station head who will supervise the referendum.

There will be one ballot box if the voters are under 1,000, two for over
1,000 voters and three ballot boxes for voters under 3,000.

For the security of the polling booths, there will be police personnel or
two to three poll booth assistants assigned by the concerned Ward and
Village Tract Commission.

These security personnel will be responsible for smooth and systematic
voting in the polling booths.

The voters shall tick their choice at the designated place in the polling
booth and then cast their vote in the ballot box in person. The voters
must use a ball pen placed on the table in the polling booth to tick on
the ballot paper.

The voters must write 'X' for 'NO' vote and 'tick' the 'YES' vote on
ballot papers.

The poll booth official will check the voter's ID against the voters list
and then will issue the ballot paper if satisfied.

The voters must sign against their name in the voters' list 'remark'
column when they receive the ballot paper or press the left thumb
impression if the voter is illiterate.

The ballot papers will be invalid if there is no signature of the poll
booth head, unclear marking on the ballot paper, no marking on the ballot
paper, torn ballot paper, forged ballot paper as believed by the poll
booth official.

The ward and village tract poll booth head must keep extra ballot papers
equivalent to 10 per cent of voters in the poll booth concerned which is
to be replaced with the ballot paper issued to the voters if they demand
it.

The polling stations will be opened from 6 a.m. to 4 p.m. on the poll date
and voters who reach polling stations before 4 p.m. will be allowed to
cast their votes even after 4 p.m.

The polling station head must count 'YES' vote, 'NO' vote, invalid vote
and extra ballot papers before the public when the polling stations close.
Then wrap and pack all these ballot papers properly and send it to the
higher commission offices.

Making loud noises which will hamper the voting within 500 yards of the
polling stations is strictly prohibited.

The regime has not yet fixed the exact date of referendum though they have
announced they would hold the referendum in May this year.

____________________________________

April 9, Mizzima News
Thousands attend funeral of Ludu Daw Ahmar – Maung Dee

Thousands of well-wishers and fans today bid their last farewells to
veteran Burmese journalist and writer Ludu Daw Amar, immersing the ashes
of her cremated body in the Irrawaddy River during funeral rites held on
Wednesday

At least two thousand laymen, members of the literary circle and
journalists from both Rangoon and Mandalay attended the funeral service of
Ludu Daw Amar (92), which began at 10 a.m. this morning.

Her remains were cremated at Kyanekan cemetery in Mandalay and her ashes
were immersed in the Irrawaddy River as per the wishes of the bereaved
family, said writer Nyi Pu Lay, son of Daw Amar.

"There were a lot of people at the funeral. Many joined the funeral
procession around the moat in their private cars, while many motorcycles
joined too in front of the procession. About 2,000 people attended the
funeral," a school teacher who attended the funeral said.

"I see her as a living history book and legendary writer of our country. I
admire her for her efforts in preserving our culture and customs. She
always stood with the people and the truth in full sincerity. She always
strove for the causes of the country. So I respect her much and adore her.
I feel extremely sorry for her demise as it is an irreparable loss to our
country too," he added.

Ludu Daw Ahmar once told colleague and contemporary writer Dagon Taryar,
"Ko Htay Myaing, we cannot die, we must survive," meaning they had much to
contribute toward the country's needed reforms.

Continuing to uphold an unwavering and critical stand against military
rule in Burma, she took her last breathe at 8:37 a.m. on Monday April 7,
2008, dying of heart disease.

____________________________________

April 9, San Francisco Chronicle
Burma artists hide in shadow their sad work – Jacob Baynham

It's midmorning, and Thein Soe is hard at work on a new canvas. A leader
of Burma's underground art movement, he has been an artist for more than
four decades.

Soe, 61, who asked that his real name not be used for fear of arrest, is
bone-thin with a face that resembles Edvard Munch's expressionist
painting, "The Scream." Over the years, he has weathered the junta's
46-year rule, watching the military run one of the wealthiest Southeast
Asian economies into the ground, crush pro-democracy demonstrations and
ban most freedom of expression.

"We paint what we suffer and what we feel," Soe said. "The majority of
this is sadness."

While Soe has managed to stay out of jail, he says censors constantly
monitor his work, searching for political messages. Each painting destined
for public viewing must pass the scrutiny of the Ministry of Information's
Censorship Board. Any perceived sign of government criticism can shut the
exhibition down and land the artist and gallery owner in jail for several
years.

In January, the government closed an exhibit that Soe and several other
artists were scheduled to participate in. No explanation was given, but
Soe believes the censors considered their works to be politically
motivated.

"It's very difficult to show our inner sense, our expression," he said.
"They were sending us a message."

Censorship part of life
In a country that human rights groups say has about 1,350 political
prisoners, dozens of actors, comedians, writers and artists have been
imprisoned for work deemed critical of the government. Extreme government
censorship is as much a part of life in Burma as pagodas and Buddhism.

Reporters Without Borders' freedom index ranks Burma 164 out of 169
countries, ahead of only Cuba, Iran, Turkmenistan, North Korea and
Eritrea. Censors at the Press Scrutiny and Registration Board use mirrors
and magnifying glasses to find hidden messages in poems, novels, stories
and ads, according to the BBC.

At his studio on a quiet Rangoon street, Soe says many of his paintings
express Burmese reality. One depicts five streaks of blood across five
rows of horrified faces, while another shows three blank heads, with eyes,
ears and mouth crossed out in red, signifying the fear most Burmese feel
regarding the military, he says. Such paintings would land him in jail if
shown in public. They remain hidden while he ekes out a living selling his
abstract paintings.

Moe Lwin, who also asked that his real name not be used, is a leading
sculptor. His brother was jailed for writing a poem that criticized the
government, and another relative was a member of the National League for
Democracy, the political party founded by detained democracy leader Aung
San Suu Kyi. He died in prison.

'Artists have a responsibility'
Lwin continues to sculpt political pieces in private. One depicts a
sleeping mother with a thorn in her ribcage and a rifle barrel for a
spine, which he says signifies the slow death of Burma, also known as
Myanmar. The piece has since been smuggled out of the country and now sits
in a Bangkok gallery.

"Artists have a responsibility to their people and country to express what
happens," he said. "(My work) is what I have seen and what I have
suffered."

After the brutal crackdown on the monk-led demonstrations in September,
arrests have become more frequent, according to press reports.

In late January, poet Saw Wai was jailed for publishing a Valentine's Day
poem in a weekly magazine called Love Journal about a brokenhearted man
who had fallen in love with a fashion model. Read vertically, the first
letter of each line of the poem contained a message that said military
junta leader "General Than Shwe is crazy with power."

Like many aspects of Burmese society, art has been set back not only by
repression but also by the country's isolation, some observers say. A
dearth of quality paints, brushes and art books and magazines, grinding
poverty and the frequent closures of Rangoon's art universities - breeding
grounds for activism, the government says - have held back the art scene.

Portraits sold in secret
As a result, most paintings sold in the nation's few galleries are
portraits of monks or pagodas, which tourists roll up as souvenirs.

But across the country, portraits of Suu Kyi are bought and sold in
secret, and the number of young underground artists is growing, older
artists say.

In 2006, Burma's art world caught the attention of Pamela Blotner,
assistant professor of visual arts at the University of San Francisco.

To expose Burmese artists to the outside world, Blotner created the
Burmese American Art Exchange, which showed an exhibition of 12 American
and 24 Burmese artists at the U.S. Embassy in Rangoon at the end of 2007.
It is scheduled to be shown in San Francisco in May, including political
paintings that could never pass government censors.

"I would love for the project to go on indefinitely," Blotner said. "I'm
out there looking for funding, and I'm out there looking for people that
are interested."

Blotner, who has visited Burma on numerous occasions, has given a series
of lectures on the country and has provided Burmese artists with art
periodicals and videos of "Spark," the KQED series about Bay Area artists.
The exhibition's paintings were sent to her via diplomatic courier to
avoid being confiscated by Burmese authorities.

"They bring the same wonder into making art that a child does but with an
adult's intelligence and sensibility," Blotner said. "On some levels, the
censorship is both horrific but it's also galvanizing. It's something to
fight against. These are the things that draw artists together."

Meanwhile, Lwin says he will continue to paint what's on his mind.

"We are not angry," he said. "We are sad. All of these years have been
wasted time."

Chronicle Foreign Service reporter Jacob Baynham visited Burma in February
on a grant sponsored by the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting in
Washington.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

April 9, Irrawaddy
Burmese migrant workers seek precedent in compensation claims – Sai Slip

A Burmese migrant worker who was paralyzed following an accident at a
construction site hopes to win compensation from the Thai Social Security
Office (SSO), with the help of a Bangkok-based human rights group.

The Human Rights and Development Foundation (HRDF) released a statement on
Tuesday saying it will submit a petition to the Administration Court in
Chiang Mai on Friday in a case involving three Shan migrant workers
against the SSO.

Of the three workers named in the petition, the most seriously injured was
Nang Noom Mae Seng, who was paralyzed from the waist down following an
accident at the construction site for the Shangri-la Hotel in Chiang Mai
on December 4, 2006.

Her employers paid Nang Noom a compensation claim as a lump sum in
November 2007.

In January of this year, the Workmen’s Compensation Fund (WCF) Appeals
Committee rejected Nang Noom’s appeal of the SSO decision to deny her
compensation following the accident.

The human rights group advised Nang Noom to pursue her SSO claim through
the Thai justice system in the hope of setting a precedent for similar
cases involving migrant workers and the WCF.

Sumitchai Hattasaan, the director of the Centre for Protection and Revival
of Local
Community Rights, who is familiar with the case, told The Irrawaddy the
SSO policy allows only migrant workers who have passports to receive
compensation from the WCF.  Few Burmese migrant workers have passports.

“The regulations say that every employer must pay into the WCF which will
pay compensation to a worker in case of an accident in the workplace, but
the policy excludes non-passport workers,” Sumitchai said.

There are an estimated 1 million Burmese migrant workers in Thailand, both
documented and undocumented, working in mainly in construction and
factories.

____________________________________

April 9, Narinjara News
Ten Bangladeshi prisoners handed over at flag meeting

Ten Bangladeshi prisoners were handed over by Burmese authorities to the
Bangladeshi counterparts during a flag meeting that was held in Maungdaw,
a western border town of Burma, on Sunday.

A close source to Nasaka forces in Burma said that the prisoners were
transferred by Burmese authorities to Bangladeshi officials after several
agreements were reached at the meeting.

Among the Bangladeshi prisoners are five tribal people, known as Marama,
who are living in Bandarban Hill Tract areas, and another five Bengali
people.

During the meeting, the two sides discussed many issues related to the
border, but they especially focused on the issues of human trafficking and
cross-border smuggling.

According to the source, the eight-member Burmese delegation was led by
Colonel Myint Swe from Nasaka, while the five-member Bangladesh delegation
was led by Ahharsan Habit Khan from Bangladesh Rifles Regiment 42.

The meeting started at 11 am and ended after three hours of discussion

____________________________________

April 9, Independent Mon News Agency
TPP authorities force families to relocate without compensation – Lawi Weng

Two families were ordered to relocate their homes in Jueplut Village, near
Three Pagoda Pass on the Thai-Burma border.

The order was issued on April 4 and the families have till the end of the
month to shift.

The two houses, which belong to Nai Apain and Nai Balai, are located in
front of the Jueplut primary school.

"The authorities alleged that noises emanate from the houses, which
disturbs the school. They said that the front of the school should be
clean and there should be enough space for the school," said a person in
Jueplut Village.

A Mon human rights worker, however, contested the reasoning offered by the
SPDC authorities. Neither house is terribly close to the school, he
pointed out, nor is either family particularly loud.

Both families have lived on their properties for over a decade, and the
houses are valued at 30,000 and 100,000 Thai baht. Neither family will be
compensated, nor will they be provided new land to live on.

In what is gross injustice, in addition to losing their land, the families
will lose their gardens and the wood used to build the homes. The cost of
buying new land, wood and other items to replace the lost homesteads will
be prohibitive for both families.

Neither family is linked to politics or accused by the regime of any
crime. Both are simply farm workers.

According to another Mon human rights worker, the Three Pagoda Pass
authorities have, in the past, confiscated land without compensation only
to resell it at a one hundred percent profit. It is still not clear
whether the land confiscated in this case will be sold.

____________________________________

April 9, Shan Herald Agency for News
Leaders in exile blasts junta draft constitution – Hseng Khio Fah

Leaders in exile have criticized the junta draft constitution concerning
ethnic rights, at the Media Inputs for May Referendum meeting, held on
April 4-6 on the Thai-Burma border.

"By studying some chapters, we know that the junta still wants the ethnic
people to be under their control," said Col Hkun Okker, leader of the PaO
People's Liberation Organization.

"Although the constitution claims that some ethnics will have their
self-autonomous region, they have to work under supervision of the
president so in my understanding, they will be only granted
self-administrator level," he said.

For instance when the states are going to divide the boundary or change
the name of division or state, they have to consult with the president
first. They can do it only on his approval, he says.

The draft constitution says the states will not be changed, but there will
be new divisions such as Pa-O, Palaung, Kokang and Danu Self-Administered
Zones and one Wa Self-Administered Division in Shan State. Combination of
5 townships can become 1 division, according to the draft constitution.

"In the junta draft constitution there are 6 basic principles. However,
the first three Non-disintegration of the Union, Non-disintegration of
national solidarity and perpetuation of national sovereignty are just
slogans, not principles," he explained.

Then, looking at the National Flag of the SPDC, it just has only one star
in the middle. "The country is only a Unitary state and not a Federal
Union. It doesn't represent the ethnic states. If it does, it would have
14 stars, he commented. "I don't think that the ethnic nationalities will
get full rights. The way SPDC is doing is like stepping back to their old
creeds. There will be no federalism".

"We need to make up our minds carefully on this coming May referendum. If
we accept this draft constitution, we will become their slaves forever,"
he concluded.

U Myint Thein from Burma Lawyers Council joked," Even the air that its
citizens breathe belongs to the junta". According to the junta draft
constitution, all the natural resources belong to the State.

"If the constitution is approved, it will be difficult for us to continue
to be human beings," he said.

In addition Dr Thein Lwin of Chiangmai-based Migrant Learning Center
provided his perspective:

"The draft constitution says ethnic nationalities have the right to
promote their own culture and languages. However, how can they develop and
promote their languages when Burmese is the only official language?"

"We need participatory democracy, real democracy, not junta democracy.
Right now it seems the junta's aim is to Burmanize its citizens. It is
Nationalism, not Federalism," said he.

Concerning with the junta voting referendum, a respected politician from
southern Shan State has counseled that the constitutional referendum
should not be boycotted “at least for the sake of one’s own safety and
well being.” However, according to the referendum law promulgated on 26
February, secret ballot is allowed and votes will be immediately counted
after voting in the presence of the voters. “If so,” he advises, “We
should all vote.” As for saying yes or no to the draft constitution,
“Which 99.9% of the people have never seen,” let alone understand the
contents, he says, “The core of the constitution is the continuation of
the military rule. Please ask yourself if you want it? If you do, just
mark Yes. If you don’t want it, just mark No.”

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

April 9, Reuters
PTTEP-CNOOC to swap stakes in Myanmar blocks

Thailand's PTT Exploration and Production PCL PTTE.BK and Chinese energy
giant CNOOC Ltd (0883.HK: Quote, Profile, Research) have agreed to swap
stakes in oil and gas blocks in army-ruled Myanmar, the Thai firm said on
Wednesday.

The deal will see PTTEP hand over its 20 percent stake in offshore gas
blocks M3 and M4 to the Chinese firm in exchange for a 20 percent share of
CNOOC's A4 and C1 blocks, the company said in a statement.

After the swap, which still needs approval from the Myanmar government,
PTTEP's remaining 80 percent of blocks M3 and M4 in the Gulf of Martaban
will be held by its international holding company, PTTEP International.

CNOOC Myanmar Ltd will hold 61.25 percent of blocks A4 and C1, which it
operates, and PTTEP Myanmar Ltd will own 20 percent.

Other shareholders in blocks A4 and C1 are China Focus Development Ltd and
ChinaHuanqiu Contractig & Engineering Corp.

Block A4 is a gas field located off the former Burma's Rakhine coast,
while C1 is a potential onshore oil field covering 17,000 square kms
(6,564 sq miles).

PTTEP, a subsidiary of PTT PCL PTT.BK, is looking to buy new gas and oil
assets at home and abroad to increase reserves and capacity to meet rising
domestic demand.

PTTEP also owns 100 percent of offshore Block M9, which is still under
exploration in the Gulf of Martaban, south of Yangon, Myanmar's main city.

The company said in August last year it planned to spend $1 billion on
Block M9 and was looking for financial and technical partners to help
share the costs of developing it. ($1 = 31.78 Baht) (Reporting by Khettiya
Jittapong, Editing by Darren Schuettler and Louise Heavens)

____________________________________

April 9, The Guardian UK
Burma’s disappearing teak

Burma is one of the least environmentally protected countries in
south-east Asia, and deforestation is acute as a consequence of timber
exploitation and poor agricultural methods. Life should be simple for
local man U Tin Naing: in the town of Hsipaw, where he lives, he grows
enough food to feed his family and keeps his house in good repair with
timber from the abundant teak forests. But this was before the Burmese
military government and a race for profits conspired to sell off most of
the wood, leaving the land bare and unproductive

I live with my family in Hsipaw, home of the heart of the Shan State, the
largest in Burma; it borders Thailand, Laos and China. We have an
uncomplicated existence: we grow our own food, have sporadic electricity,
and our water comes from the river.

The river runs by the back of my house. In days gone by it was a source of
wealth: the clean water flowed past, supplying the local population,
sometimes carrying flecks of gold. Many people would spend their days
panning, collecting small particles of gold until enough was gathered to
trade for other goods. It was a tough life at times, but we were always
sustained by the land.

The river has long since given up its mineral wealth, but it's still an
important meeting place. Alongside the waters, in a quiet spot behind an
ancient bodhi tree, sits an old prayer house. It's made entirely from teak
– it’s a beautiful structure.

Teak is our traditional building material; it’s a locally sourced timber,
strong and long-lasting. Of all the world’s teak, 70% comes from Burma.
But today, for the average man wanting to repair his house, teak is
surprisingly difficult to find and harder still to afford.

Prepared teak lasts for three generations, but in the case of this prayer
house that interval has passed; the beams have reached the end of their
natural life. You can tell by listening. Teak has a distinctive acoustic
nature, but once the life has drained from it the sound becomes flat and
dull.

Hsipaw, along with areas of Burma like Mawkmai and Namlan, was once known
for its teak forests. Sadly this is no longer the case. It takes 100 years
for teak to mature into timber, and many of the mature forests are no
more.

Burma still has teak, but in all but the most inaccessible regions much
has been sold. Logging has provided valuable funds for the military
forces, serving to support their regime while at the same time exploiting
the foundations of the land.

Harvested sensibly there would be ample to share, but this is not
happening. Deforestation and all its associated ills are beginning to have
their effect on the land; nutrient depletion and subsidence are phenomena
that we are not used to encountering on such a scale.

There are international embargos against the sale of Burmese teak, but
once it crosses the borders it is reclassified as non-Burmese. The
sanctions do little, and although smuggling a tree sounds no easy feat,
our neighbouring countries do little to enforce the embargos. There are
rivers across the border to Thailand and China, and one boat can carry 34
tonnes.

Despite this, Burma is not an impoverished nation. It’s possible for its
people to be easily sustained by the natural resources of the land. As
well as teak in the north, there is oil in the south; jade, sapphires and
90% of the world's rubies also come from Burma.

So we are blessed with the same curse that befalls many developing nations
– mineral wealth that creates an ulterior motive for power. Resources in
the soil of Burma have provided a financial backbone to the SPDC [State
Peace and Development Council, the body of 12 military generals that rules
the country]. Surrounding nations turn a blind eye for the sake of
regional stability and financial gain. Until the political will exists to
address these issues, the land that has provided us for centuries may not
be able to support us for much longer.

U Tin Naing, whose name has been changed, was talking to Pete Browne.

____________________________________

April 9, Mizzima News
Rangoon bank robbed, one killed

A bank employee was killed in a daring bank robbery in Rangoon's suburban
township of Thingankyun, local residents said. The robber fled with 900
million Kyat (approximately $ 820,000).

The Myanmar Economic Bank owned by the government located on Thuhmingalar
Street, west of Kyiakkasan war, was robbed at about 9 p.m. on Tuesday.

An eyewitness told Mizzima that the robber ran along the Thuhmingalar
Street after stabbing the bank employee.

The Mizzima correspondent who visited the site saw about a dozen security
personnel in mufti holding walkie-talkie sets near the bank.

"Security was tightened at the bank today and all transactions have been
reportedly halted," he said.

The dead bank employee has not been identified yet. The bank is located in
a commercial sector with not many residents living in the area.

A source told Mizzima that 900 million Kyat (approximately $820,000) was
looted from the bank but there was no independent confirmation of this.

With the Thingankyun police station out of reach, information on the
robbery could not be verified.

Mizzima is continuing to gather and verify news related to the robbery.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

April 9, Narinjara News
250-mile journey ends

The Long March ended for Burmese activists yesterday at the border town of
Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, after 13 days of walking from Dhaka.
The Long March was started by a group of Arakanese pro-democracy
activists, including six months and eight laypeople, who departed from a
monument at Dhaka University on 27 March, 2008, a revolution day in Burma.

U Thilawantha, who is leading the group, said, "We conducted the Long
March with the intent to attract the attention of the Bangladeshi people,
as well as the international community to the upcoming referendum for the
new draft constitution, which is scheduled to be held in Burma in May
2008."

He added that, "We on the march oppose the upcoming referendum as the
Burmese military government excluded democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
from participating in any future elections, and the draft constitution
does not grant equal rights to the non-Burman ethnic minorities."

Many Arakanese communities in exile welcomed the Long March activists from
the roadside when they arrived in Cox's Bazar yesterday morning.

Moreover, the monk alliance Sasana Moli held a welcome ceremony for the
activists at the headquarters that were opened in a monastery in Cox's
Bazar for the activists. During the ceremony, representatives of the monk
alliance gave certificates of honor to the marchers.

Another activist, Ko Tha Tun, said, "My legs are suffering from many
injuries and my body is also in pain, but I am proud because our Long
March is in victory. It is also a historic record for our democracy
movement, showing how Arakanese people participate in the democracy
movement."

The Long March activists were very happy when they arrived at their final
destination and all deemed the march a success.

U Thilawantha concluded, "Our Long March was successful because we got the
attention of the Bangladesh people. Otherwise, we revealed our desire to
the Burmese people about the upcoming referendum by marching from Dhaka to
Cox's Bazar. All Burmese broadcasting services abroad aired updates of our
march often and Burmese people got the chance to know why Burmese in exile
in Bangladesh oppose the referendum."

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

April 9, International Herald Tribune via Associated Press
Bush condemns Myanmar after meeting with Singapore minister

U.S. President George W. Bush and Singapore Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong
on Wednesday urged Myanmar's ruling military junta on Wednesday to begin
talks with opposition forces.

Bush said he and Goh talked about how Myanmar's military "shouldn't fear
the voices of people. And yet they do. I'm disappointed with the progress
made to date there and would urge the military leadership there to open up
and respond to the will of the people."

Myanmar's junta has received worldwide criticism since soldiers killed and
arrested protesters, including Buddhist monks, last year. Rights groups
have reported continued arrests and abuse, despite claims by the junta
that the crackdown has stopped. Myanmar, also known as Burma, has been
under military rule since 1962.

Goh said, "The army has to be part of the solution. Without the army
playing a part in solving problems in Myanmar, there will be no solution."

Bush said he and Goh also discussed a recent Chinese crackdown on
anti-government protesters in Tibet. He said that "it would stand the
Chinese government in good stead if they would begin a dialogue with the
representatives of the Dalai Lama," Tibet's exiled Buddhist leader.

Goh added that China talking with the Dalai Lama is "the only way for them
to contain this problem."

____________________________________

April 9, Irrawaddy
China, Russia oppose UN Security Council’s draft presidential statement –
Lalit K Jha

China and Russia objected to a draft UN Security Council presidential
statement on Burma on Monday that called for an early end to military rule
and full participation of all political opposition groups.

Drafted by three permanent members of the Security Council—the US, Britain
and France—the proposed presidential statement was circulated among the
15-members of the Security Council.

The draft statement was then discussed by Council members at what is
called the “expert level.” It was during that meeting that China strongly
objected to the contents of the draft statement. Russia followed, but with
a less stringent objection, according to observers.

The Chinese objection, it is understood, was based on two major points—
elections and the end the military rule. The draft statement is believed
to have called for the government to bring an early end to military rule
and to begin a transition to democracy.

Nothing the Burmese government’s planned constitutional referendum in May,
and multi-party general elections in 2010, the draft statement emphasized
the need for the process to be inclusive and credible, said sources.

The statement also called on the military government to allow the full
participation of all political groups and individuals, including Aung San
Suu Kyi, the leader of a major opposition group.

“The Security Council further notes the commitment by the Government of
Myanmar [Burma] to ensure that the referendum will be free and fair and
that all will be allowed to participate on equal terms, and stresses that
this commitment must be followed by action, including the guarantee of
freedoms of expression, association and assembly in the political process
leading to the referendum, as well as independent monitoring of the
referendum,” it said.

No presidential statement could be approved without the consent of China
and Russia, which wield veto power. The last presidential statement on
Burma was issued on October 11, 2007, after negotiations between members.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

April 9, The Japan Times
Contrasting responses to crackdowns in Tibet and Burma – Brahma Chellaney

There are striking similarities between Tibet and Burma — both are
strategically located, endowed with rich natural resources, suffering
under long-standing repressive rule, resisting hard power with soft power
and facing an influx of Han settlers. Yet the international response to
the brutal crackdown on monk-led protests in Tibet and Burma has been a
study in contrast.

When the Burmese crackdown on peaceful protesters in Yangon last September
left at least 31 people dead — according to a U.N. special rapporteur's
report — it ignited international indignation and a new round of U.S.-led
sanctions. More than six months later, the tepid international response to
an ongoing harsh crackdown in Tibet by the Burmese junta's closest ally,
China, raises the question whether that country has accumulated such power
as to escape even censure over actions that are far more repressive and
extensive than what Burma witnessed.

Despite growing international appeals to Beijing to respect Tibetans'
human rights and cultural identity, and to begin dialogue with the Dalai
Lama, there has been no call for any penal action, however mild, against
China. Even the leverage provided by the 2008 Beijing Olympics is not
being seized upon to help end the repression in the Tibetan region.

When the Burmese generals cracked down on monks and their prodemocracy
supporters, the outside world watched vivid images of brutality, thanks to
citizen reporters using the Internet. But China employs tens of thousands
of cyberpolice to censor Web sites, patrol cybercafes, monitor text and
video messages from cellular phones, and hunt down Internet activists. As
a result, the outside world has yet to see a single haunting image of the
Chinese use of brute force against Tibetans. The only images released by
Beijing are those that seek to show Tibetans in bad light, as engaged in
arson and other attacks.

The continuing arbitrary arrests of Tibetans through house-to-house
searches are a cause of serious concern, given the high incidence of mock
trials followed by quick executions in China. That country still executes
more people every year than all other nations combined, despite its
adoption of new rules requiring a review of death sentences.

The important parallels between Tibet and Burma begin with the fact that
Burma's majority citizens — the ethnic Burmans — are of Tibetan stock. It
was China's 1950 invasion of Tibet that opened a new Han entrance to
Burma.

But now the Han demographic invasion of the Tibetan plateau is spilling
over into Burma, with Chinese presence conspicuous in Mandalay city and
the areas to the northeast.

Today, the resistance against repressive rule in both Tibet and Burma is
led by iconic Nobel laureates, one living in exile and the other under
house detention. In fact, the Dalai Lama and Aung San Suu Kyi received the
Nobel peace prize in quick succession for the same reason: For leading a
non-violent struggle.

Each is a symbol of soft power, building such moral authority as to
command wide international respect and influence.

Yet another parallel is that heavy repression has failed to break the
resistance to autocratic rule in both Tibet and Burma. If anything,
growing authoritarianism has begun to backfire, as the popular monk-led
revolts in Tibet and Burma have highlighted.

Vantage location and rich natural resources underscore the importance of
Tibet and Burma. The Tibetan plateau makes up one-fourth of China's
landmass. Annexation has given China control over Tibet's immense water
resources and mineral wealth, including boron, chromite, copper, iron ore,
lead, lithium, uranium and zinc. Most of Asia's major rivers originate in
the Tibetan plateau, with their waters a lifeline to 47 percent of the
global population living in South and Southeast Asia and China. Through
its control over Asia's main source of freshwater and its building of huge
dams upstream, China holds out a latent threat to fashion water into a
political weapon.

Energy-rich Burma is a land bridge between the Indian subcontinent and
Southeast Asia. China, however, has succeeded in strategically penetrating
Burma, which it values as an entryway to the Bay of Bengal and Indian
Ocean. Beijing is now busy completing the Irrawaddy Corridor through Burma
involving road, river, rail, port and energy-transport links.

The key difference between Tibet and Burma is that the repression in the
former is by an occupying power. Months after the 1949 communist takeover
in Beijing, China's People's Liberation Army entered what was effectively
a sovereign nation in full control of its own affairs.

At the root of the present Tibet crisis is China's failure to grant the
autonomy it promised when it imposed on Tibetans a "17-Point Agreement for
the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet" in 1951. Instead of agreeing to
autonomy, Beijing has actually done the opposite: It has pursued
Machiavellian policies by breaking up Tibet as it existed before the
invasion, and by seeking to reduce Tibetans to a minority in their own
homeland through the state-supported relocation of millions of Han
Chinese.

It has gerrymandered Tibet by making Amdo (the present Dalai Lama's
birthplace) Qinghai province and merging eastern Kham into the Han
provinces of Sichuan, Yunnan and Gansu. More recently, Chongqing province
was carved out of Sichuan.

The traditional Tibetan region is a distinct cultural and economic entity.
But with large, heavily Tibetan areas having been severed from Tibet, what
is left is just the 1965 creation — the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), the
central plateau comprising U-Tsang and western Kham, or roughly half of
the Tibetan plateau. Yet China has changed even the demographic
composition of TAR, where there were hardly any Han settlers before the
Chinese annexation.

TAR, home to barely 40 percent of the 6.5 million Tibetans in China, was
the last "autonomous region" created by the Chinese communists, the others
being Inner Mongolia (1947), Xinjiang (1955), Guangxi Zhuang (1958) and
Ningxia (1958). In addition, China has 30 "autonomous prefectures," 120
"autonomous counties" and 1,256 "autonomous townships."

All of the so-called autonomous areas are in minority homelands, which
historically were ruled from Beijing only when China itself had been
conquered by foreigners — first by the Mongols, and then the Manchu.
Today, these areas are autonomous only in name, with that tag designed to
package a fiction to the ethnic minorities. Apart from not enforcing its
one-child norm in these sparsely populated but vast regions (which make up
three-fifths of China's landmass), Beijing grants them no meaningful
autonomy. In Tibet, what the ravages of the Cultural Revolution left
incomplete, forced "political education" since has sought to accomplish.

China grants local autonomy just to two areas, both Han — Hong Kong and
Macau. In the talks it has held with the Dalai Lama's envoys since 2002,
Beijing has flatly refused to consider the idea of making Tibet a Special
Administrative Region like Hong Kong and Macau. It has also rebuffed the
idea of restoring Tibet, under continued Chinese rule, to the shape and
size it existed in 1950.

Instead it has sought to malign the Dalai Lama for seeking "Greater Tibet"
and pressed a maximalist historical position. Not content with the Dalai
Lama's 1987 concession in publicly forsaking Tibetan independence, Beijing
insists that he also affirm that Tibet was always part of China. But as
the Dalai Lama said in a recent interview, "Even if I make that statement,
many people would just laugh. And my statement will not change past
history."

Contrary to China's claim that its present national political structure is
unalterable to accommodate Tibetan aspirations, the fact is that its
constitutional arrangements have continued to change, as underscored by
the creation of 47 new supposedly "autonomous" municipalities or counties
in minority homelands just between 1984 and 1994, according to the work of
Harvard scholar Lobsang Sangay.

Until the latest uprising, Beijing believed its weapon of repression was
working well and thus saw no need to bring Tibetans together under one
administrative unit, as they demand, or to grant Tibet a status equivalent
to Hong Kong and Macau. President Hu Jintao, who regards Tibet as his core
political base from the time he was the party boss there, has ruled out
any compromise that would allow the Dalai Lama to return home from his
long exile in India.

Following the uprising, Hu's line on Tibet is likely to further harden,
unless effective international pressure is brought to bear.

The contrasting international response to the repression in Tibet and
Burma brings out an inconvenient truth: The principle that engagement is
better than punitive action to help change state behavior is applied only
to powerful autocratic countries, while sanctions are a favored tool to
try and tame the weak. Sanctions against China are also precluded by the
fact that the West has a huge commercial stake in that country. But Burma,
where its interests are trifling, is a soft target.

So, while an impoverished Burma reels under widening sanctions, a booming
China openly mocks the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Even the
1989 Tiananmen Square massacre of countless hundreds of students did not
trigger lasting international trade sanctions against Beijing.

No one today is suggesting trade sanctions. But given that Beijing secured
the right to host the 2008 Olympics on the promise to improve its
human-rights record, the free world has a duty to demand that it end its
repression in Tibet or face an international boycott, if not of the Games,
at least of the opening ceremony, to which world leaders have been
invited. By making the success of this summer's Olympics a prestige issue,
China has handed the world valuable leverage that today is begging to be
exercised.

This rare opportunity must not be frittered away.

Brahma Chellaney, a professor of strategic studies at the privately funded
Center for Policy Research in New Delhi, is a regular contributor to The
Japan Times.

____________________________________

April 9, Bangkok Post
Act fast to save Olympics

It is now apparent that unless the Chinese government makes some drastic
moves in the next few weeks, the global protests against its human rights
performance may well overshadow the Beijing Olympics.

On Monday Jacques Rogge, head of the International Olympic Committee
(IOC), said he was "very concerned" about unrest in Tibet and called on
Beijing to seek a "rapid" and peaceful resolution. Heretofore the IOC has
done its utmost to keep politics out of the Games. Clearly that is not
possible.

Mr Rogge is most concerned about the protests targetting the Olympic torch
as it makes its journey around the world. His comments were made before
protests in Paris later in the day that probably exceeded his worst fears.
Torch-bearing athletes encountered protesters aggressively attempting to
put out the flame all along their course through the city. The Associated
Press reported that security officials extinguished the torch themselves
at least four times and placed it inside a bus to keep protesters from
symbolically snuffing the Olympic spirit. There were also protests in
London, and it is probable that as the procession makes its 21-nation
trip, there will be much larger protests in other cities.

If China is to have the genuine "Olympic moment" that all Chinese clearly
want, the only real option is to follow Mr Rogge's suggestion and make
some quick concessions on human rights.

To save the Olympics, there are several immediate steps China could take
which would cost it very little in terms of real power - economic,
political or otherwise.

The first of these is to pledge semi-autonomy for Tibet, along the lines
of Hong Kong. This would go a long way toward defusing the situation. Even
the Dalai Lama is calling for semi-autonomy, not complete independence.

The second is to abruptly suspend all arms deals with Sudan. A recent
Human Rights First report identified China as the single largest provider
of small arms to Sudan. Any income China derives from this is paltry
compared to the knocks it is taking on human rights.

A third step would be to bring real pressure on the military government in
Burma. The issue of human rights in Burma has scarcely been mentioned in
the run-up to the Olympics, but what has been going on inside the country
is, in fact, far worse than anything that has happened in Tibet. Human
rights groups believe that the UN's official death toll of 31 for the
October crackdown is far too low, and that thousands of demonstrators and
their families remain in squalid detention.

China, of course, is not directly responsible for the situation in Burma,
and the Chinese leadership can be credited with some behind-the-scenes
manoeuvring to open lines of communication during the crackdown.

However, by holding out against sanctions on the UN Security Council,
China is preventing effective action by the world community and providing
cover for other countries - Thailand, India, as well as China itself -
which supply the economic aid that keeps the Burmese military's hold on
power unassailable.

In its defence, China has argued with some validity that it is being
judged by a different standard, pointing out the widespread human rights
violations stemming from the war on Iraq.

Be that as it may, what is at stake here is really more important than
even the Olympics. For China to begin to take a more responsible position
on human rights as it assumes an ever greater role on the world stage,
would have tremendous repercussions around the world.

____________________________________

April 9, Irrawaddy
How can the constitutional referendum be monitored? – Kyaw Zwa Moe

It’s now clear that many people in Burma will cast a “No” vote against the
military government’s constitutional referendum in May.

On April 4, the words “No” appeared on the walls of several locations in
Mandalay, Burma’s second largest city.

“We have spray-painted ‘No’ on walls,” a campaign organizer told The
Irrawaddy. The “Vote No” campaign will proceed, he said, in spite of the
junta’s new law that prohibits any opposition to the referendum.

The National League for Democracy, the main opposition group, has called
on the electorate “to clearly and bravely vote ‘No’” in the referendum.
The NLD took nearly two months to make its official announcement.

A “No” vote is required, said the NLD, because the draft constitution was
written by “hand-picked puppets” of the military government and lacks
basic principles of democracy and human rights. The NLD was the major
winner in the 1990 general elections.

Meanwhile, a small group of people inside and outside Burma have expressed
support for the draft. However, there is little likelihood of a real
debate between “No” and “Yes” groups at this stage.

If the “Vote No” campaign gained significant momentum, there’s always the
possibility that the junta might cancel the referendum, or, if the
referendum proceeds, that the election results will be rigged by the
junta’s so-called poll-watchers, including the Union Solidarity and
Development Association.

Because the junta has banned outside poll-watchers, it’s up to the NLD and
other groups to try to monitor the referendum as well as they can.

A proposal to allow international observers to monitor the referendum by
UN Special Envoy to Burma Ibrahim Gambari in March was rejected outright
by the military authorities.

“We are a sovereign country,” they said. “We have done these things before
without international help.”

Gambari told The Irrawaddy in a recent exclusive interview: “Our position
is that their situation has been the subject of international concern, so
[there is a need] to enhance the credibility of the process, to meet the
exercise of their sovereign right to ask for help. Technical assistance or
even independent monitors need not come from the UN—it could be from
international monitors or neighboring countries or from friendly
countries.”

There is no chance the junta will change its mind and accept the UN’s
proposal.

Therefore, the NLD and other activist groups have the impossible task of
trying to monitor the election. They risk sever penalties if they are seen
to be obstructing the referendum process because of the junta’s new law,
enacted in February and signed by junta Snr-Gen Than Shwe, provides for up
to three years imprisonment and a fine for anyone who distributes
statements or posters or who makes a speech against the referendum.

An NLD member was arrested on Sunday for possessing a NLD party statement
calling for a “No” vote, according to party spokesperson Nyan Win.

The junta has created a situation that prohibits any effective monitoring
of the referendum. To do so, risks imprisonment. Opposition groups have
again been out maneuvered by the wily generals.

The “Vote No” campaign is likely to produce the desired results, but the
question is will the referendum’s official outcome reflect the people’s
vote, or—more likely—what the generals want?

____________________________________
INTERVIEW

April 9, AllAfrica.com
My mission to Myanmar has not failed: Gambari – Emmanuel Bello

Ibrahim Agboola Gambari has a rich background on military interregnums.
Having served as a Minister under a despotic regime in Nigeria, the United
Nations Secretary General has no scruples in appointing him the Special
Envoy to the country when the military bore their fags there, for the
umpteenth time last September. But three visits on and the UN
Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs has not been able to break
the ice.

The monks are still rebellious, political prisoners like, just as Suu Kyi,
has not been granted reprieve. At the last visit, the junta was more
adamant. But before you write him off, the Professor of Political Science
says all hope should not be lost yet in this interview. Appointed by
former Secretary General Kofi Annan on 10 June 2005, as replacement for
Kieran Prendergast, Gambari has held the positions of
Under-Secretary-General and Special Adviser on Africa at the United
Nations and Nigeria's Permanent Representative at the global body. In
these capacities, his functions included promoting UN and international
support for African development, in general, and the New Partnership for
African Development (NEPAD). He also served as Special Representative of
the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Mission to Angola,
from September 2002 to February 2003. Gambari served as President of the
Security Council on two occasions when Nigeria was a member of the
Security Council. He also chaired the UN Special Committee against
Apartheid, which successfully saw the demise of apartheid and the
establishment of democratic rule in South Africa. Prior to his tenure as
Ambassador/Permanent Representative, he was at different times Minister of
External Affairs of Nigeria and Director-General, Nigerian Institute of
International Affairs. He is a recipient of the national honour, Commander
of Federal Republic (CFR). Born 64 years ago, Prof Gambari attended Kings
College, Lagos , the London School of Economics, and received his M.A. in
1970 and Ph.D. in 1974 in Political Science/International Relations from
Columbia University in New York . He taught at different Universities in
Nigeria and abroad, authored several books and contributed scholarly
articles on international relations and foreign policy. The
scholar-diplomat spoke with LEADERSHIP's Emmanuel Bello, on Saturday in
Abuja. Excerpts:

Your Excellency what is the situation in Myanmar, where you are the UN
Secretary General's Special Representative?

Thank you very much for that question. You see, after my tenure as
Nigerian Ambassador to the UN, the then Secretary General, Mr. Kofi Annan,
said to me that "it took you a lot of experience on African issues and the
UN as a whole, so I would like to have you stay back at the secretariat as
a Special Adviser on African affairs at the level of an Under
Secretary-General that was in 1999, December to be precise. So in that
process, I was sent to Angola to help return peace to that country. I am
very happy that the objective was achieved. I must tell you that I was the
last Special Representative of the Secretary General and Head of the UN
mission in that country, who also brought about peace in Angola. In fact I
was Joint chairman of the Joint Commission between the two factions in
that country and the peace treaty that was signed under my leadership has
since then remained in force. And no one has violated it since 2002. So I
can say I was privileged and proud as well. So my schedule included
conflict issues, which I was dealing with while serving in that capacity.
Then in July of 2005, Mr. Kofi Annan did something remarkable, by
appointing me Under Secretary General and as head of the Political
Department, a political organisation, though it has other functions but
more of a political body, so whoever heads the Political Department is
more or less the number two man at the secretariat.

Although there is the Deputy Secretary General, but if you accept the fact
that the organisation is essentially political, then head of Political
Department is second in the leadership of the body Working in that
capacity under Mr. Annan, I was exposed to none African issues, dealing
with Myanmar, Cyprus, Iraq, Kosovo, and Colombia in the Latin America.
Then there was change of administration, in July of 2007, when Kofi Annan
left and Ban Ki-moon came in and re-assigned me as Special Adviser on
International compact on Iraq and other political issues. Then, in May
last year, he then appointed me as Special Adviser on Myanmar. 1/3

Now what are the issues in Myanmar?

The issues and the problems of democratisation, human rights and that of
development. Kofi Annan has always maintained that without peace, there
can never be development.
Secondly, that without sustainable development, there can be no peace; and
the third dimension, with human peace there's development, there is the
nexus between human right and peace, and there are very few countries that
these issues are major challenges, like Myanmar .The last time they had
election was 1990, 18 years ago. That was the last time that that country
know what election was, and that election was won by National League for
Democracy (NLD). It is a political party led by an icon known as Aung San
Suu Kyi, a daughter of the founding father of the nation, won the election
was cancelled. Since then, she has been under house arrest, something like
our 1993 election. It was an election that she clearly won but was
cancelled and she has been kept under house arrest for 12 years out of the
18 years. So the international community, each year at the UN, passes
resolution, asking for a fast return to democracy in Myanmar. The world
demand greater respect for human rights and of course for the release of
Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners. So it was based on this
that the Secretary General mandated me to take up this, I have since
engaged in a shuttle diplomacy between UN and Myanmar. I talked with the
ruling junta as well as the opposition. As it is now, the international
community and particularly the matter. I get a lot of support from them,
especially the Asian countries and Myanmar neighbours - all working and
assisting me on behalf of the Secretary General to help them move fast
towards democracy in that country, to achieve greater respect for human
rights, because we believe that without these, there would neither be
peace or development in the country. It has been very difficult because
these military people have an approach is not to talk to but to crush the
opposition. But our recommendation is to dialogue with the opposition. You
would understand that theirs is unlike military regimes that we had in
West Africa, where the military invited civilians to be ministers. All the
ministers there are military people. The last time they had election was
18 years ago, so they have what they call seven steps roadmap. First they
will have a national convention which will lead to the re-writing of their
constitution. Then in their view, there will be a refresher, then followed
by election, and then hand over to a civilian government and then finally,
a total disengagement. But unfortunately, the first, which is national
convention, guess how long it took? 14 years. They just finished last
December, a constitution drafting committee just finished its work. They
are now moving to the refresher stage in May and election which they have
announced for 2010. So you see that our achievement since intervening is
that we have moved them from the slow speed journey to democracy, where
the first step took them 14 years to about 3 or 4 steps with elections
coming up in 2010, that is on the positive, but on the down side, number
one, the Constitution Drafting Committee was hand picked and not broad
enough.

Secondly, it has excluded Aung San Sun Kyi and the opposition from
participating. They said because she is married to a foreigner, that her
husband, a British (who anyway is dead), and that she has children who are
half British but are not in Myanmar. So my position on behalf of the
Secretary General: we did not criticised the roadmap, but observed that
the roadmap has some deficiencies. But that we will help them in the
implementation so that it can be all-inclusive and also credible. My last
visit was a very difficult one, but I said to them: look, to make your
referendum and election credible, decimate it widely. Nobody has seen the
draft of the constitution. It was only while I was there, that they gave
me a copy of the draft, and it is a crime for you to criticise the
constitution.

So we have to de-criminalised contrary views to the constitution. You have
to allow Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners to participate.
You have to release them. It is our believe that if people are not allowed
access to the media, it would harm the credibility, because provisions of
the constitution are not comfortable with many. For instance, the
president can appoint the Chief of Army but cannot sack him. And that some
25% percentage of seats in the parliament are reserved for the military.
Some ministers such as Defence, Home Affairs External Affairs and others,
they would be nominated for the president to appoint. So these issues
should be debated before people can either say yes or no. We then said
that we will offer technical assistance to them, because UN offers
technical assistance to member states. In the last two years, 57 countries
requested technical assistance to conduct elections and we obliged.

So we said it would be in your own national interest, sovereignty and
right to ask for such assistance, which we will consider and by so doing,
the process will have credibility. Also we suggested that the process
should have independent monitors. Those were the recommendations that we
made. We did that not just on the political grounds. Because the root
causes of the discontent of the people is not just political but economic
as well, so we made recommendations on the economy. People in the country
are the poorest amongst South-east Asia despite it's rich oil, timber and
other resources.

These were the recommendations that I conveyed the last time I visited.
Remember that, there was a big demonstration by the monks and there were
killings. I went there to try and mediate between government and
opposition because I believe that dialogue is the key, and they allowed me
to see her several times. So that is a sign that dialogue is on-going,
though not very well
 but on. The authorities welcomed UN engagement,
because we persuade, we talk, we encourage, we don't force implementation.
We also offer practical suggestions on how to deal with these social
issues. For instance, we suggested the establishment of Poverty
Alleviation Commission. They did not like the word, poverty. You know
because they are very porous people, the military always think they are
the only "super patriots," and the Myanmar authorities are very proud
people. My last visit was the most disappointing because they rejected the
ideal of technical assistance, they rejected the ideal of independent
monitors, and they also rejected that of national economic reform. So my
job now is to persuade them to take a second look at these. I hope to meet
with them in a third country around May; that's in a month, because if
they go ahead with the referendum, which without Kyi National League for
Democracy have decided to advise their members to vote no to. So if the
constitution is passed the opposition will have problem with it. If it is
defeated where do we go from there? And don't forget that it took 14 years
to realise the first step. So those are the challenges facing us.

It then means that the stage has been set for some major crisis again?

Yes, that is why to prevent that from happening they should talk with her
and see how they can work together. Frankly, I said to them that if you
continue to put her under detention and not regard her as a partner, think
about the future of your country. But they have not said no yet. So the
talks are not at the substantive level yet. So my advice has been that Suu
Kyi who enjoys enormous support across the country including the 18 ethnic
nationalities, she should be dialogued with and I warned that keeping her
in detention will continue to be part of their problem. Her detention
would make the international community believe that the dialogue for
national reconciliation is not all - inclusive, it would also shows that
the regime is vindictive and thirdly the credibility of the outcome would
both externally and internally raise questions.

Do you think they would ever sit down with her for dialogue?

Well, I don't think they have any other alternative than talking with
hers. Anything on the contrary will escalate crisis, and I have talked to
her. She is prepared for talks, so long as such talks are open and time
bound, not something endless. In my view, it is now timely, because of the
referendum and the 2010 elections.

____________________________________

April 9, Mizzima News
KIO to abstain from referendum: Interview with Major Gun Maw (KIO) – Solomon

The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), one of Burma's longest running
insurgent groups and currently party to a ceasefire pact with the ruling
junta, said it will abstain from the upcoming referendum.

Major Gun Maw, a spokesperson for the KIO, said their group has patiently
joined the ruling junta in its long and winding National Convention
process and have put forward their demands, which clearly state the
aspirations of the Kachin people and its armed group.

Yet the junta has so far failed to respond to the KIO's proposals and with
the junta planning to conduct a referendum on a draft constitution this
May, it has become clear that the junta wishes to sideline the KIO's
requests.

However, in an exclusive interview, Gun Maw said the KIO will continue to
seek dialogue over its proposals.

Mizzima: What is the Kachin Independent Organization's stand on the
upcoming referendum in May?

Maj. Gun Maw: We have submitted all our demands, including a 19-point
proposal, at the National Convention and also outside of meetings. But the
new constitution, formulated from the National Convention, has not
included our demands. So we have nothing to say in support or opposition
to this upcoming referendum. Another thing is that the referendum is only
for the public but not for the armed groups who are fighting for their own
independence and rights.

However, whether the KIO supports the referendum or not, the military
junta is determined to continue with its plans to conduct the referendum.
We will need to continue discussions with the junta or with the new
government, even if the constitution has been finalized.

So, all KIO members and their families should keep quiet on the upcoming
referendum. But for the public I think it is better to vote because it is
their duty to express what they want.

Mizzima: What are the main objectives of the KIO?

Maj. Gun Maw: Since the KIO was formed, our main objectives are to fight
for the rights and freedom of our people as well as independence. We stand
by our objectives to this day.

Mizzima: What will be the KIO's response if the junta pressures it to
abandon its armed struggle?

Maj. Gun Maw: This is all very much uncertain, and people predicting this
are basing such predictions on guess work. So it is very difficult to say
that something like that will happen. What we care about is that the junta
has agreed with us not to do anything by force at this stage. And we are
sure that we will always retain our arms. It is impossible to surrender
our arms.

Mizzima: Do you think the KIO still represents the Kachin people?

Maj. Gun Maw: We have never thought like this. I don't want to say we
represent the people, but it is just something like that. People who are
acting for others and not for themselves can say they represent others,
and the KIO is in such a position. Whether we represent our Kachin people
or not, we are demanding from the junta what the Kachin people want.

Mizzima: What do you think the results are of the KIO ceasefire agreement
with the Burmese junta?

Maj. Gun Maw: Personally, I think a lot of positive things happened after
the ceasefire agreement with the junta. Before the ceasefire, when we were
engaging in battles until 1994, we saw a lot of negative things in our
people and places, not to mention the many deaths. But after the ceasefire
we could do a lot of good things for our people, except in politics.

On the other hand, within ten years of the ceasefire we have only wasted
our time discussing with the junta some agreements and the building of
trust between the junta and us. We rebuilt our places and established
trust between both sides over those years. Only after ten years could we
move and rethink politics. But in the meantime, we also have to see to the
growth of our organization because if we are not strong how can we achieve
our objectives? But our primary objectives remain unchanged, that is that
the Kachin people enjoy their rights and freedom, which is the foundation
on which the KIO started its revolution.

Mizzima: What does the KIO plan to do with the 19-point demand that it had
put forward during the last session of the National Convention?

Maj. Gun Maw: We will be discussing our demands with the military junta or
with whoever comprises the new government. The junta's draft constitution
has failed to address our proposals. We have submitted the 19-point
proposal to the National Convention for future discussion.

Mizzima: What kind of response did you get from the government on the
KIO's 19-point proposal?

Maj. Gun Maw: As yet there hasn't been any response from the government on
our 19-point proposal. The only clear message we have received from their
silence is that they have not accepted the proposals. That is why I said
this needs further discussion later with whosoever comprises the ruling
government.

Mizzima: What kind of plans has the KIO in mind for the future?

Maj. Gun Maw: We cannot clearly predict what we will be doing in the
future as we have to act according to the prevailing situation. But since
our former leader (deceased) Brang Seng's time, we have principally agreed
to join the National Convention, even before the Burmese government
announced any plans to hold a National Convention. And we have decided to
attend until the end. But that should not necessarily be translated as our
supporting whatever the junta does in the convention.


>From the KIO's side, we believe that we should observe the entire process

because we are fighting for our independence. If we stayed on the outside
there may be a lot of speculation and it could be confusing for people to
judge the KIO's objectives through our activities.

Mizzima: There have been rumors that the KIO will not vote in the upcoming
referendum. What about its members and other Kachin people?

Maj. Gun Maw: We have told people who are not members of the KIO and their
family members to think carefully and cast their votes. It means giving
them a guideline on what they should vote for since some people have asked
us to give advice on what they should do. But the KIO, its members and
their family members will not take part in the event.

Mizzima: How will the KIO respond if the junta increases pressure on the
group because of its abstention in the upcoming referendum?

Maj. Gun Maw: We need to carefully see how the government will pressure
us. For example if they will start arresting our family members then we
need to protect them. We cannot allow them to use us. We have already
formed an observation team to monitor and observe the referendum and its
process. But I don't think the government will use any pressure on us for
not voting, because voting is not compulsory. They will want to count the
results based on the number of votes, and would not consider abstentions
If four out of five voters support the constitution they would simply
claim that they had won. The government does not care about who is casting
a vote or not.

Mizzima: There have been rumors that the KIO is planning to transform
itself in order to contest the 2010 general election. Can you comment on
this?

Maj. Gun Maw: The rumors are not true. It is completely wrong information.
So far we have never thought about it. But one day, if it is required for
our people according to the political situation, then the KIO might
support the formation of a new political party or a political group. But
KIO members will not be involved in it. If KIO members want to participate
in political parties, they should first quit the group. It is free for
everyone to participate in political parties but not while being a member
of the KIO.

Mizzima: Can you tell us more about the rumor that spread last year that
the KIO is thinking of altering its name?

Maj. Gun Maw: Yes, we had discussions on that topic last year, but we all
agreed not to change the name from KIO. We held the discussions because we
feel we should be flexible depending on the political situation. But it
does not mean that we will abandon our policies. There were a lot rumors
and speculation that we might surrender if we altered our name.