BurmaNet News, April 23, 2008

[Editor]

April 23, 2008 Issue # 3450


INSIDE BURMA
AFP: Top Myanmar activist may go blind: US
AFP: Myanmar blames exiled student group for blasts
BBC News: Rangoon life: Powerless and nervous
Irrawaddy via AP: Burma's anti-junta protester dies after setting himself
ablaze
Irrawaddy: Military commanders join referendum “vote yes” campaign
Mizzima News: Analysts apprehend vote rigging
Mizzima News: Opinion poll suggests Burmese are confused about referendum
Narinjara News: National ID cards for Muslims in Arakan State
Narinjara News: Minister level officials visit Arakan to organize residents
AsiaNews: In the Burmese countryside, elderly and sick forced to vote "yes"

ON THE BORDER
Narinjara News: Two villagers killed for involvement in Saffron Revolution
Bangkok Post via DPA: People as tourist magnets
Bangkok Post: DSI won't probe Ranong truck-deaths case
IMNA: Nay Pyi Taw sends team to investigate 54 suffocation cases

BUSINESS / TRADE
SHAN: Wa farmers demand return to poppy cultivation

REGIONAL
BBC News: Burma migrants in Malaysia blaze

INTERNATIONAL
AP: UN draft calls on Myanmar junta to take urgent steps to start talks
with opposition's Suu Kyi
AFP: EU mulls new Myanmar sanctions, as constitution vote closes in
AFP: US urges UN statement on Myanmar vote
The Economist: Myanmar's awful choice

OPINION / OTHER
Relief Web via Forced Migration Review: Burma's displaced people
IPS: Plans readied to rig constitution referendum
Irrawaddy: Burma’s durable junta
Mizzima News: Is Thai minister just echoing Burmese regime?
The New Straits Times: No room for No amid the junta's Yes drive

STATEMENT
US Department of State: Burmese regime fails to provide proper medical
care to political prisoners



____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

April 23, Agence France Press
Top Myanmar activist may go blind: US

Military-ruled Myanmar's imprisoned pro-democracy activist Min Ko Naing
may go blind after failing to receive medical treatment, the US State
Department charged Tuesday.

The de facto number two opposition leader after democracy icon Aung San
Suu Kyi "has not received care for an eye infection that, if left
untreated, could cause loss of sight," department spokesman Tom Casey
said.

Student leader Min Ko Naing was arrested in August last year along with a
dozen colleagues after he participated in a peaceful march over a sudden
oil price hike that triggered wide-spread protests later and a deadly
military crackdown.

He sought permission to see an eye specialist but the authorities at the
Insein Prison in Yangon, where he is being held, refused, reports said.

"We condemn the failure of Burma's authorities to provide proper medical
treatment to a number of prisoners, who may suffer irreparable damages due
to the lack of prompt medical attention," Casey said.

Burma is the previous name of Myanmar.

In March, U Myint Thein, spokesman for Aung San Suu Kyi's National League
for Democracy, died in Singapore from cancer that was left untreated while
he was imprisoned for his role in the September pro-democracy protests,
Casey said.

He also expressed concern that Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi had still
not received the monthly visits with her doctor as had been agreed with UN
Special Envoy on Burma Ibrahim Gambari.

"We urge the regime to release all political prisoners immediately," Casey
said.

"The intentional withholding of necessary medical treatment for political
reasons is a serious violation of human rights. While these individuals
are in the custody of the regime, they should receive the medical care
they require," he said.

Rights groups say there are about 1,850 political prisoners in Myanmar, at
least 700 of whom were arrested after anti-junta demonstrations last
September.

The military crushed those protests in an operation the UN says killed at
least 31 people.

____________________________________

April 23, Agence France Presse
Myanmar blames exiled student group for blasts

Myanmar’s ruling junta has blamed an armed exiled student group for two
recent bomb blasts in Yangon and has released a security camera photograph
of a suspect, state media reported yesterday.

Two small separate explosions went off late Sunday, damaging cars in
downtown areas near Yangon city hall and the Traders Hotel, but causing no
injuries.

“It is learnt that the perpetrations were committed by a man dubbed Mone
Dine who was sent into the nation after attending explosive courses
conducted by Vigorous Burma Student Warriors (VBSW) in the other country,”
the New Light of Myanmar newspaper said, without naming the country. The
suspect was “about 5.6 feet tall with shoulder length hair, fair
complexion, thin face and about 30 years of age.”

The English-language daily ran an accompanying picture taken from a
security camera which it said showed the suspect carrying explosives
behind the Traders Hotel.

It did not say whether the suspect had been arrested, but noted that
authorities had asked people to come forward with information. The blasts,
the latest in a spate of similar incidents this year, come just three
weeks before a referendum on a proposed army-backed constitution,
Myanmar’s first polling since 1990.

Myanmar has been hit by a series of small blasts and rebel shootings since
December. The authorities have blamed many of the attacks on the Karen
National Union ethnic rebel group.

One woman was wounded in January in a blast at Yangon’s railway station,
while earlier that month a woman was killed in a similar bombing at a
train station in the remote new capital of Naypyidaw. Myanmar’s generals
say the new constitution will give some ethnic groups more autonomy and
pave the way for multi-party elections in 2010, but pro-democracy
activists say the charter simply entrenches military rule.

____________________________________

April 23, BBC News
Rangoon life: Powerless and nervous

After two explosions in the Burmese capital last weekend, a Burmese man,
who wishes to remain anonymous, tells the BBC about increasing discontent
and worsening conditions in Rangoon.

Our country's situation is getting worse.

We used to get electricity and power for six hours a day. Now it has
reduced to five hours a day.

If we do not get power in the night it is difficult to sleep because the
weather now is extremely hot. Without air conditioning or a fan we cannot
sleep.

Sometimes the power is from 5pm one evening to 5am the next morning, and
sometimes it comes on close to midnight and goes off at 5am.

The blackouts mean people cannot channel water up to their apartments. Can
you imagine what our life is like here?

We don't know where the cash from Burma's gas has gone to. We feel the
[ruling] generals' pockets are becoming bigger and bigger while the
country's pockets are becoming smaller and smaller.

Bomb fears


We even wonder if the bomb last weekend was planted by the authorities to
blame those who are against them.

Whenever a bomb explodes, no responsible person is found or brought to
justice. But they will arrest a man from an opposition party and force him
to admit that he planted the bomb.

Now that the referendum period is drawing near, it is in the interest of
the authorities to make people fear bomb attacks. It appears to me that
now there is a good reason to place soldiers and police at polling booths.

I think that people will become too afraid to cast the "No" vote when they
see a heavy police presence.

Now the authorities are forcing local wards to get as many "Yes" votes as
they can. They will use all their means to get a "Yes" vote from
government staff and army personnel.

Meanwhile the economy is getting worse, the price of commodities is rising
sky-high, while people's incomes just don't change.

The junta is building dams for hydropower but the power hasn't arrived yet.

After years of being broken the power station hasn't been repaired because
they don't have any spare parts.

____________________________________

April 23, Irrawaddy via Associated Press
Burma's anti-junta protester dies after setting himself ablaze

A man who set himself on fire at Burma's most revered Buddhist temple to
protest military rule has died of his injuries, hospital officials said
Tuesday.

Kyaw Zin Naing suffered burns to more than 60 percent of his body in his
March 21 protest at the Shwedagon pagoda in the city of Rangoon, the
officials said on condition of anonymity because they could be punished
for revealing information about a politically sensitive matter.

The 26-year-old man died April 17, they said.

Kyaw Zin Naing's protest was the first known case of self-immolation in
Burma since the military took power in 1962. According to witnesses, the
man shouted "Down with the military regime," before dousing himself with
gasoline and setting himself ablaze.

His action came at a time of heightened political tension in Burma, which
has been preparing for a referendum on a new military-backed constitution.

The junta's critics charge that the charter—a stage on the junta's
so-called "roadmap to democracy"—was drafted in an undemocratic way, and
that it would perpetuate military rule.

The National League for Democracy party of detained opposition leader Aung
San Suu Kyi has urged voters to reject the draft constitution, but
long-standing restrictions on freedom of speech and harassment of
pro-democracy activists have made it difficult to mount a campaign against
the proposed charter.

Thousands of pilgrims were at the pagoda for a Buddhist holy day when Kyaw
Zin Naing set himself alight.

The Shwedagon temple has a history of being a center for mass political
gatherings, and was a focus for Buddhist monks and pro-democracy protests
last September. At least 31 people were killed and thousands more were
detained when the country's military rulers cracked down on the peaceful
demonstrations.

Burma has had no constitution since 1988 when the current junta took power
and scrapped the previous charter after violently quashing mass
pro-democracy demonstrations.

Suu Kyi's party won the last general election in 1990, but the military
refused to hand over power, instead stepping up its repression of
dissidents.

____________________________________

April 23, Irrawaddy
Military commanders join referendum “vote yes” campaign – Saw Yan Naing

Some Burmese military commanders have joined the government-sponsored
campaign to persuade people to vote in favor of the draft constitution in
next month’s referendum.

The head of Northern Command, Maj-Gen Ohn Myint, who is also chairman of
the Kachin State Peace and Development Council, recently toured Kachin
State urging local authorities and members of the pro-junta Union
Solidarity and Development Association to persuade local residents to vote
for the constitution, said a resident in Myitkyina.

Mobile phones were being promised to people who voted in favor of the
draft constitution in the May 10 referendum, the source said.

Legal action, including fines or imprisonment, was being threatened
against voters who opposed the constitution, he said.

A new law enacted by the military government provides for punishment of up
to three years imprisonment and a 100,000 kyat (US $91) fine for anyone
convicted of making anti-government statements or distributing posters
opposing the referendum.

Htay Aung, a researcher for the Network for Democracy and Development, who
lives in exile, said: “They [the Burmese government] plan on success for
their constitution because they have written it in their ‘seven-step road
map’. They have a sense of duty to win.”

In early March, local authorities in Rangoon, including members of
Township and Ward Peace and Development Councils, were ordered to lobby
residents to vote in favor of the constitution by the chairman of the
Rangoon Division Peace and Development Council, Brig-Gen Hla Htay Win, and
Home Minister Maung Oo, according to sources in the former capital.

‘Vote Yes’ campaigns are also under way in some townships of Mandalay and
in Shan State, according to reliable sources there. Sai Lao Hseng,
spokesman of the Shan State Army–South, said local authorities were using
threats in their appeals to local people to vote in favor of the
constitution.

Htay Aung said that if the referendum is free and fair the military regime
is sure to lose. “It is very clear that nobody wants to live under
dictatorship. If the people have a chance to vote freely and fairly, they
will vote ‘No,’” he said.

Since early March, local authorities in Rangoon and other regions,
especially in ethnic states, have been issuing temporary citizen
identification cards to residents over the age of 18 while urging them to
vote “Yes,” sources said. The cards were also being issued to government
soldiers, their families and members of major ceasefire groups to allow
them to vote in the referendum.

Members and soldiers of the Kachin Independence Organization and its
military wing, the Kachin Independence Army, the United Wa State Army, the
Democratic Karen Buddhist Army and the New Mon State Party have reportedly
received IDs.

Voting has already begun ahead of the May 10 referendum date at several
Burmese embassies in Asia, including South Korea, Singapore, Japan,
Thailand and Malaysia.

____________________________________

April 23, Mizzima News
Analysts apprehend vote rigging – Nay Thwin

Analysts and critics at home and abroad are concerned over the possibility
of rigging in the referendum seeking approval of the constitution on May
10. The apprehension has mounted following a junta brass statement on the
vote counting method.

Maj. Gen. Myint Swe, member of ruling military council, said during a
meeting held in Naypyitaw on April 9 that the voting results will be
announced from the junta's capital city Naypyitaw.

This meeting was attended by about 600 senior officials from government
and non-government sectors. During the meeting, Maj. Gen. Myint Swe said
that they would allow only 10 last voters in each polling station to
witness the vote counting in each station.

Thailand based Burmese observer and analyst U Win Min said that what Maj.
Gen. Myint Swe said was contrary to the referendum law and rule issued by
the Referendum Commission. He was worried about the method of counting
votes and the consequent results.

"According to the Referendum Law, there must be at least 10 voters as
witnesses in each polling booth. It means there may be 20, 30, 40 to 100
but it must not be less than 10. But Gen. Myint Swe said that they would
allow only the last 10 voters, which is contrary to the law", he said.

"So our people will have to wait till the end to be among the last 10
witnesses as voters. The government backed organizations like USDA will
manipulate to be among the last 10 voters by any means and at any cost",
he added.

U Thein Nyunt, NLD's lawyer is apprehensive about vote rigging more at the
Township level than at the ward level. He warned that vote counting should
be guarded and monitored by the people themselves to make sure there is no
foul play and vote rigging in the referendum.

U Thein Nyunt further said that there are many loopholes in this
referendum laws and rules. His party NLD is studying these laws and rules
thoroughly and will inform the people after studying it.

"In the 1990 general election, the poll results were announced from each
polling station after counting there. We could collect the result from
each polling station and add it up ourselves. In this way, we knew who won
in each constituency. We can do the same this time. We must try to send
our people to every polling station. For instance, we must send 100 people
to all 100 polling stations in Myitkyina. Suppose if we have 100,000 'No'
votes according to our own collected data, and then if this comes down to
10,000 according to the government result, it must be vote rigging. We
must lodge a complaint about this irregularity to the authorities
concerned, "U Thein Nyunt added.

"Each polling station will send the ballot boxes to the Township level
referendum commission. Then the votes will be counted at these township
level stations. In the prescribed vote counting form, there is no space
for witnesses. There are many questionable things and points as far as we
have studied", U Thein Nyunt further said.

Burmese observer and analyst U Win Min said the junta's announcement that
all the voting result will be announced from Naypyitaw suggests that the
referendum will be rigged.

"They can guess whether the result will be 'Yes' or 'No'. So they can
easily rig the referendum. They will announce repolling where there are
'No' votes. They can do anything. The point of concern is the announcement
of results from only one place, Naypyitaw, not from each polling station.
It is not in accordance with international norms. In Burma too, this
system has never been in use. Their intention is very clear -- poll
rigging," he observed.

The junta fixed the referendum for May 10 this year amid growing protests
and criticism at home.

Though the UN and opposition forces called for allowing independent
observers to monitor the referendum to make it more free, fair and
transparent, the junta turned down all these requests and demands.

____________________________________

April 23, Mizzima News
Opinion poll suggests Burmese are confused about referendum

Less than three weeks from the referendum meant to approve the draft
constitution, a large section of the Burmese population are still in a
state of confusion about what they are going to vote for. This despite,
the Burmese military junta's vigorous campaign seeking support for its
draft constitution.

In a random opinion poll, conducted by Mizzima on the forthcoming
referendum, most respondents said they are still undecided about what they
would vote in the referendum.

Out of the 226 random telephone calls across major cities in Burma, 24
people said they will not vote in the referendum while 55 people said they
have not decided whether to cast their votes.

The survey, which was a part of a larger opinion poll, was conducted
across a wide-range of Burmese society including, government employees,
street vendors, businessmen and traders, housewives, professionals,
members of the armed forces and retired people across Burma.

Of the 147 people who said they will vote, 55.1 per cent or 81 people said
they are still confused of what to vote. While 46 people said they will
vote in favour of the junta's draft constitution, 20 people said they will
reject the constitution by casting a 'No' vote.

Rangoon

Out of the 45 respondents in Rangoon, 26 people or 57.7 per cent said they
will vote in the ensuing referendum while 10 persons said they will
abstain.

But nine people said they are still confused of whether they should vote
or should stay out of the whole process.

Of the total, only one, an officer from the Burmese Navy, said he has read
the constitution while the rest said they have not read it and are unaware
of the contents.

While six people, all of whom are government employee in various
department, said they will vote in favour of the constitution, three
people said they will reject the constitution by casting a 'No' vote. Of
more than half of those who have decided to vote, 17 people, said they
were undecided.

Mandalay

Of the 32 respondents in Burma's second largest city, Mandalay, 68.75
percent or 22 people said they will cast their votes in the May
referendum, while 10 people said they have not decided whether to vote or
not.

More than half or 59 percent or 13 people out of those who decided to vote
said they will continue to keep a watch on the process of the referendum
before deciding on what to vote.

Three people – a street vendor, a college student and a company manager –
said they will vote in favour of the constitution by voting 'yes', while
six others said they will vote 'No' and reject the draft constitution.

But out of the 32 respondents, 22 said they have not read the draft
constitution while 10 said they have seen and read it and have a rough
understanding of the constitution.

Magwe Division

In a random call to three towns - Magwe, Pakokku and Yenan Chaung - in
Magwe division in central Burma, 61.5 percent or 24 people out of the 39
respondents said they will cast their votes in the referendum in May.

But while 12 of the respondents said they have not decided, three people
said they prefer to remain away from any of the junta's process.

Of the 24, who have decided to vote, five people said they will support
the junta's constitution while another five said they will cast a 'No'
vote as they have no idea of the constitution. But the remaining 14 said,
they have not made up their minds, and would decide later, though they
said they will vote.

Of the 39 respondents, only three said they have had a chance to view the
draft constitution, while the rest said they have not seen it.

Pegu Division

Of the 92 random calls made to Pegu, Pyi (Prome), Zegone, and Tharyarwaddy
towns in Pegu division, only 30 people responded. The majority of them
disconnected the phone, as soon as Mizzima asked about their voting plans
in the forthcoming referendum.

Among the 30 respondents, 26 persons or 86 per cent said they will cast
their votes in the referendum, and three said they are undecided, but one
person said he would remain out of the whole process and that he will not
cast a vote.

Eleven people from Pyi, Tharyarwaddy and Zegone towns said, they will vote
in favour of the constitution because it is essential that Burma has one,
while another eleven said they have not yet decided on whether to vote in
support or to reject the constitution.

But four people said, they will cast a 'No' vote rejecting the junta's
draft constitution.

"I cannot agree to what I have not seen," said an educated man of the age
50 in Tharyarwaddy town, complaining that the draft constitution has come
to their town recently.

Of the 30 respondents in Pegu division, only five said they have read the
constitution and have a rough idea of what it is.

Irrawaddy Division

Sixty respondents to Mizzima's calls to Hinzada, Ma Oo Pin, Basein,
Ngapuhtaw, Daw Pong, Myuang Mya, and Laputta towns in Burma's delta region
of Irrawaddy Division, and 66.6 percent or 40 people said they have made
up their minds to cast their votes in the referendum.

While four people said they have no desire to vote, as they are not aware
of what has been written in the constitution, 28.3 percent or 17 people
said they will watch the process and take a decision later.

Interestingly, while 34 people said they have not seen the draft
constitution and are not aware of the content, 26 people, mostly middle
class businessmen and government employees, said they have seen the draft
constitution and are fairly aware of the contents.

Sagaing Division

Of the 20 respondents from Kalemyo and Monywa towns in Sagaing division
nine people said they are ready to cast their votes, while five said they
have not made up their minds.

Another six people said, they will remain out of the whole process and
will not cast their votes as a boycott of the military regime.

Three people – a retired military personal, a USDA member (junta-backed
civilian organization), and an Army Major – in Monywa town said they have
no choice but to support the constitution as they serve the junta.

The other six out of the nine, however, said they would like to see the
process and hear people talking and then later decide on what to vote.

Of the 20 respondents, while 15 said they have not seen the draft
constitution and are not aware of the contents, another five said they
have seen the junta's draft constitution.

____________________________________

April 23, Narinjara News
National ID cards for Muslims in Arakan State

Government authorities in Arakan State have been luring Muslim community
members in Sittwe to cast "yes" votes in the upcoming referendum with
promises that it will issue them with genuine national ID cards, said a
politician.

He said, "The authority has conducted the plan in Sittwe through a group
of Muslim businessmen led by U Khin Maung Lat, who is pro military
government. The group is visiting all households in the Muslim community
in Sittwe one by one to organize people to cast "yes" votes in the
referendum, with the enticement of national ID cards."

Military authorities in Arakan State have been conducting the plan after
rumors began spreading in Sittwe that residents will be casting "no" votes
if they go to the polling booths.

"I think authorities will force people to cast "yes" votes, but there is a
problem of how they can covert "no" votes to "yes" votes, if the everyone
in Sittwe casts "no" votes in the referendum. So the authority has been
using a new tactic of giving many enticements to get people to cast "yes"
votes," he said.

The Burmese military government used to issue white national ID cards to
Muslims in Sittwe, but many Muslims have refused to accept them because
the cards are for resident foreigners, and not for Burmese nationals.

He said, "The authority knows well what the Muslim community needs from
the military government, so they have lured the Muslim community by
showing national ID cards for "yes" votes."

The Burmese military authority has issued temporary ID cards to
individuals who are over 18 recently for the referendum, but the temporary
ID cards are not substitutes for genuine national ID cards.

The authority is attempting to lure the Muslim community to Sittwe by
issuing genuine national ID cards if the community supports the draft
constitution by casting "yes" votes, the politician concluded.

____________________________________

April 23, Narinjara News
Minister level officials visit Arakan to organize residents

Nearly half a dozen minister level officials from Naypyidaw are visiting
Arakan State to mobilize Arakanese people to cast "yes" votes in the
upcoming referendum, according to a report.

The report said that Deputy Home Minister Brigadier General Pone Swe is
now arriving in the town of Kyauktaw, located on the upper Kaladan River.
He is visiting the area after completing visits to Buthidaung, Maungdaw,
and Rathidaung to campaign for the referendum.

On 20 to 21 April, Deputy Foreign Minister U Maung Myint also visited
Mrauk U Township to mobilize Arakanese people to cast "yes" votes in the
referendum.

On 20 April, General Thein Swe, who is in charge of Arakan State's Union
Solidarity Development Association, visited Pauktaw Township in the
accompaniment of Arakan State governor, General Maung Shin.

He also met several members of rural administrative councils in the
township at the town hall on 20 April and explained about the referendum
and it's importance in the future of Burma.

During the organizing trip, General Thein Swe also donated a school and
much cash to local residents.

On 21 April, Navy Admiral Soe Thein also visited the Danyawaddy navy base
in Kyaukpru to organize the navy sailors to cast "yes" votes in the
referendum, but there is not information on whether he met with local
people or not.

It has also been learned that the Burmese military government has sent
many high officials to locations around Burma to mobilize people to vote
in support of the draft constitution, as authorities are anxious about
losing the referendum.

____________________________________

April 23, AsiaNews
In the Burmese countryside, elderly and sick forced to vote "yes"

There has been early voting for these categories of voters: last Sunday,
dozens of election observers went to the homes of the elderly and sick,
requiring them to vote and to sign their ballots. In the state of Kachin,
the authorities offer rice and mobile phones in exchange for support of
the new constitution.

In the Burmese villages, the elderly and sick have been summoned for early
voting in the constitutional referendum, scheduled to take place on May 10
on the national level.  The voting was coerced by "volunteers" sent by the
military regime, and was not conducted in secret.  On April 20 - sources
outside of Mandalay tell AsiaNews - dozens of observers, including many
young students, went to the homes of elderly and sick voters and "made
them vote" for the "yes".  The citizens, moreover, were forced to sign the
ballot, so that each vote could be traced back to the voter.  The
population has been afraid for weeks that the junta might enact this kind
of strategy.  The lack of secrecy in the voting makes more concrete the
threats of "grave repercussions" issued by the authorities to those who
will not support the new constitution.

"Fear reigns in the villages and in the province following this news",
recounts a farmer in the southern part of the country, "we are angry and
concerned at seeing the methods used by the government to obtain what it
wants, but I hope that my countrymen will have the courage to vote 'no'".

Three weeks from the scheduled voting, the military junta is intensifying
its campaign to gather support.  The news agency Democratic Voice of Burma
yesterday claimed that the authorities are literally buying votes in the
countryside in the state of Kachin, where many Christians live.  "They
offer mobile phones and rice", says Lahpai Naw Din, director of the Kachin
News Group headquartered in Thailand and cited by the agency.  "The
religious leaders", he continues, "are asked to persuade their faithful to
vote 'yes'.  The military officials have an easy game of it in the areas
where the level of literacy is very low and access to the media is almost
nonexistent".  "In the area of the Maykha river", the journalist adds,
"they are manipulating the people as they please, they are sure they will
obtain a large number of votes here".

Since 1988, Burma has had no constitution.  The referendum is part of the
controversial "road map" toward democratic reforms proposed by the junta
during the 1990's.  It will be followed by "democratic elections" in 2010,
but experts maintain that this is only an attempt to consolidate the
status quo, making it unassailable on the legal level.


____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

April 23, Narinjara News
Two villagers killed for involvement in Saffron Revolution

Two village leaders from Kyaukpru Township in Arakan State were killed
after being arrested by police from a hiding place in the township,
reported their colleague who recently arrived at the western border of
Burma.

He said, "My friends Maung Ba Tin and Maung Saw Han were recently killed
by a police force from the Myo Chaung police station soon after they were
arrested from an abandoned place in Kyaukpru Township."

The victim Maung Ba Tin was 30 years old and hailed from Long Chaung
Village, while the other victim, Maung Saw Han, was 42 years old and
hailed from Mon Byint Village in Kyaukpru Township.

They were arrested and killed by police for leading people in village
tract number seven, in southern Kyaukpru, during the Saffron Revolution
protests in September 2007.

"The incident was known by everybody in the area and they had to kill them
six months after the Saffron Revolution. They were hiding in the jungle
after the Saffron Revolution due to fear of arrest by authorities," he
said.

The killing was committed by Police Sergeant Tin Win Shwe from Myo Chaung
police station, and they were killed on an embankment in Myo Chaung
Village after being severely tortured by police.

The family members of the victims have not had the chance to complain
about the murder to the township court of Kyaukpru because police have
barred them from leaving the village to do so, the colleague added.

____________________________________

April 23, Bangkok Post via Deutsche Presse Agentur
People as tourist magnets – Christiane Oelrich

The residents of the village of long-necked women in northern Thailand say
they feel like prisoners in a human zoo. The government says that is
absurd.

Kayan Tayar, Mae Hong Son (dpa) - When Mu La talks, her voice sounds
muffled because of the 27 heavy brass rings that the 44-year-old wears
around her neck.

But the message from the refugee from Burma - who lives in northern Mae
Hong Son province in a mock village purpose-built for tourists - is
crystal-clear: "We want to leave here, never mind where to, only away from
here. We feel like prisoners."

Visitors call the village a "human zoo," but Thailand's government rejects
the term as "absurd."

Mu La is a member of an ethnic group whose women wear brass rings around
their necks as status symbols. For them, the longer the neck, the more
beautiful the woman.

Their rings can weigh 10 kilogrammes or more, and over the years, the
weight pushes down the collar bones and shoulders, making necks appear
longer and giving the women their nicknames of "long-necked" or "giraffe"
women.

They are part of an ethnic group called the Padung in Thailand, but they
reject that term as denigrating and call themselves Kayan and their
village Kayan Tayar.

An Italian tourist couple has paid an entrance fee of 250 baht ($8) each
to visit Kayan Tayar, which lies at the end of an unpaved road north-west
of the provincial capital of Mae Hong Son.

The young woman shoots photos while repeatedly muttering, "Incredible,"
and getting as close to her subjects as her lens permits.

The village's oldest female resident, Ma Le, 80, was undisturbed. She is
used to such intrusions.

"Sometimes we receive three or four, sometimes up to 20 tour groups a
day," says Mu La, sitting on her wooden hut's veranda and weaving a scarf.

The village's huts are built on stilts because the dirt track in front of
them is regularly flooded in the wet season. There is no electricity.

"The tourists think we are primitive people," 23-year-old Zember says.
"The guides say they don't want to see good roads or clean villages or
anything modern, so we have to live like this to please the tourists."

When business is good and enough tour groups arrive, each of the 60 women
wearing neck rings receives 1,500 baht a month from the village's Thai
operators. The children and men get nothing at all, so the money has to
support all 260 villagers.

During the off season, they get nothing, the villagers say. They rely
heavily on donations from charities to survive.

Like most of her fellow villagers, Mu La fled her home country in the late
1980s to escape its brutal military regime.

"The soldiers came all the time," she says.

They forced the men to become porters on the front lines of the
government's war against rebel armies and drove the women ahead of their
ranks in case land mines were laid in their path.

She and many like her fled. Initially, she was sent to one of the many
refugee camps along the Thai-Burmese border.

But when Thai business people recognized the money-earning potential of
the exotic-looking women, they suggested they move to three artificial
villages near Mae Hong Son.

Some of the families aren't bothered that they have become "tourism magnets."

The village of Huay Sua Thao is populated mainly by economic migrants who
were enticed to settle there to create a tourist attraction. Most of the
villagers agree that their current lives are better than in Burma.

There also are people in the village of Huay Pu Keng who don't complain
about their lot.

"We hope that more and more tourists will come," 52-year-old Mu Nan says.

She weaves shawls and sells souvenirs in front of her hut. She has worn
her neck rings since she was a small child and says she has gotten used to
tourists gawking.

She intends to sit it out until "better times arrive" and then return to
Burma once peace returns, but Mu La in Kayan Tayar has given up hope after
almost 20 years as a refugee.

In 2005, she applied with 20 other people from the three tourist villages
for resettlement to New Zealand. The country accepted them and the United
Nations agreed to cover the air fare, but her plan to start a new life was
shattered when the Thai authorities refused to issue an exit visa.

"Those who don't live in the temporary shelters are not considered as
refugees," says Tharit Charungvat, a spokesman for Thailand's Foreign
Ministry in Bangkok. To grant the exit visas "would be unfair to those in
the camps who are waiting in line for resettlement," he says.

"Apart from that, they voluntarily went to live outside of their camps,"
he adds. "They are free and earn money."

But the term "free" leaves a bitter taste in the villagers' mouths.

If they are caught outside their villages, they are arrested, they say,
because they are not permitted to seek jobs elsewhere.

Kayan Tayar's women are particularly upset. They think the Thai
authorities might deny them exit visas so their country doesn't lose a
lucrative tourist attraction.

Disillusioned and angry, some of them decided to protest by removing their
neck rings. They say they hope this makes it easier to get exit visas.

One of them, Zember, recalls: "After I had learned English, I was shocked
when I finally understood the tourists' comments. They said they were
disgusted that we displayed ourselves for a little money like animals in a
zoo."

That was never the case, she insists. She remembers that she once was
proud of her neck rings and that she even wanted to wear more.

"I wanted to be a proud Kayan woman," she says.

Today, Zember looks like any other young woman. "I just want to lead a
normal life," she says defiantly.

Only her sloping shoulders belie her past years of wearing the heavy rings.

Mu La, a mother of eight, also contemplates taking off her 27 rings, which
give her the longest neck in the village.

"I am proud of our tradition," she says but concedes that she is willing
to sacrifice for a ticket to freedom.

"If that is the only way for me to leave here, I will take them all off,"
she asserts.

Ma Lo, another young woman, is equally frustrated and fed up with living
in the village. She took her rings off, too.

There is a picture postcard in circulation that shows her breastfeeding
her baby. Nobody asked her permission to publish the photo.

"I was so ashamed when I saw the postcard for the first time, but I
couldn't do anything against it," she says. "I don't want to be treated
like an exhibit anymore. I want some respect."

____________________________________

April 23, Bangkok Post
DSI won't probe Ranong truck-deaths case – King-Oua Laohong & Penchan
Charoensuthipan

The Department of Special Investigation (DSI) will expand its inquiries
into all cases of human trafficking, but will not take over the
investigation into the mass suffocation of Burmese job seekers in Ranong.
Justice Minister Sompong Amornwiwat said he ordered DSI to investigate all
human trafficking cases now the issue had captured the attention of
foreign communities.

DSI chief Pol Col Thawee Sodsong insisted the department would not take
over the investigation involving the deaths of Burmese workers from Ranong
police, because it was not considered to be a case of human trafficking.

The DSI had become involved in the case to gather information about human
trafficking rings in preparation for the enforcement of Human Trafficking
Act, which will take effect in June.


>From the month of June the DSI will be authorised to investigate human

trafficking cases without seeking approval from the government's Special
Case Commission chaired by the prime minister.

DSI spokesman Narat Sawettanant said the Ranong case was considered to be
an illegal entry case, not a human trafficking case, since the 120 Burmese
in the cold storage truck, including the 54 who died, were neither lured
nor forced to come to Thailand.

Representatives from a network of 25 labour and non-governmental labour
organisations gathered at Government House yesterday and called on the
government not to deport survivors back to Burma.

It should instead care for them with a physical and psychological
rehabilitation programme and proper accommodation.


____________________________________

April 23, Independent Mon News Agency
Nay Pyi Taw sends team to investigate 54 suffocation cases

The military brass in Nay Pyi Taw has sent three delegates to look into
the 54 deaths of migrant workers who suffocated inside a container of a
ten-wheel truck while illegally going to Phuket and further south of
Thailand to seek jobs.

"From what I know the three officers went to Ranong jail in recent days
with a Mon interpreter. The team will talk to the 64 survivors," said a
source from Kaw Thaung military officers.

The Thai-Burma Border Committee from both sides plan to hold a meeting on
April 25, the source added.

The Burmese military regime has blamed Thai authorities for the incident.
According to the source authorities on both sides have arranged for
relatives to meet the survivors and bring back the bodies.

Families bringing back the bodies will get 70,000 Baht as compensation and
families who do not take back the bodies will get 3,500 Baht. But, the
families of five children who died are not being compensated.

Following the incident on April 9, Thai authorities have been taking
strong action after demands from rights groups. Currently, Thai
authorities are investigating both Thai and Burmese touts.

Some Burmese touts have been arrested. Three Mon touts who were involved
in the case have been already arrested in Thai territory.


____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

April 23, Shan Herald Agency for News
Wa farmers demand return to poppy cultivation

A growing number of impoverished farmers in the Wa region on the
Sino-Burma has been calling on the Wa authorities to allow a return to
poppy culture that was suspended almost 3 years ago, according to both
official and unofficial sources.

“We’ve been pleading with our local officials since August,” said a
middle-age elder from Pangyang, some 30 miles west of Panghsang, the Wa
capital. “They said they would forward our petition to the Central. No
reply has been received so far and we are quite desperate, especially when
our relatives in Mawfa (Burma Army controlled Wa territory since 1980, now
renamed Markmang aka Metman township) are boasting a good harvest.”

One official in Panghsang acknowledged the fact saying, “The world says we
are wicked when our people grow opium. But when we stop it, the Burmese
military government, although it has done nothing to stop in areas under
its control, is praised for doing a good job.”
All townships surrounding the United Wa State Army’s territory, designated
by Naypyidaw as Shan State Special Region #2: Hsenwi, Lashio, Tangyan,
Monghsu, Markmang and Mongkhark, except those under the control of Kokang
and Mongla ceasefire groups, have reported increased output.

Housewives are most articulate about the prevailing conditions:
“Before the ban, I was able to go to the market, held once every 5 days,”
said a mother of two children, “but now, only once a month. Every time I
go to the market, I see fewer buyers and fewer sellers. Many former
marketeers who are my friends say they can no longer make a living as
traveling salespeople so they are doing something else.”

Another housewife in Panghsang offered SHAN a different aspect of the
plight. “I used to send my kids to study in Monglem (known by the Chinese
as Menglien, across the border),” she said. “But now they all go to school
in Panghsang, because I can no longer afford the cost.”

There were 5 middle schools and 240 primary schools in the year 2000,
reported Tom Kramer’s The United Wa State Party: Narco-Army or Ethnic
Nationalist Party? (2007). Education beyond middle school is non-existent.

Other stories told by migrants from the surrounding hills to the fast
growing slums on the outskirts of Panghsang are more freakish:

“We were taught how to grow tea,” said a 54-year old ex-poppy farmer who
is now making a living by digging and transporting sand from Panghsang’s
Namkha river to the construction sites. “But they were even more delicate
than newborns and when it failed, our instructors were never seen again.”

“Those who have lowland paddy fields are luckier,” he added. “The aid
agencies bought them buffaloes to plow their fields.”

A mother in a makeshift hovel whose roofs leak when the rains come thought
she was lucky to have the job of looking after the rubber plantations.
“One of my friends, a divorcee with one child, was sold to a Chinese man
by her parents for Y 6,000 ($750),” she said.

According to a Wa official, there are 600,000 acres of rubber plants in
areas under its control.

Many other women are working in hotels, restaurants and homes. “Some are
luckier,” she said. “They have relatives across the border and get jobs
paying Y 200-400 ($25-50) a month.”

Several sources pointed out that most girls working as prostitutes on the
border, although they may have haild from the Wa region, are not Wa as
most people believe. “Most Wa have darker skin, which few customers
prefer,” said a Panghsang resident. “So the majority of those engaging in
this profession are those with fairer skin like Shans, although they may
be known as Wa to the outside world.”

An advertisement in a Chinese website last year boasted: “Wa men flaunt
their guns , while Wa girls flaunt their bodies.”

The ex-poppy farmers, on the other hand, are getting their regular rice
donations from the World Food Program (WFP) twice a year, 20 pay (66.7
liters) each time, which, if mixed with other edibles and carefully
rationed, lasts about 4 months. “So most are in dire straits for the
remaining 4 months of the year,” a Wa from the hills who had recently
moved to Panghsang said. “But here in Panghsang, we are close to the
authorities and the aid agencies, so our situation is not as bad as those
back in the hills.”

Taking stock, commented an educated native of the Wa territory, things
have not been getting better since the ban in 2005. “In fact, it is
getting worse each year,” he said. “But one might be fooled into thinking
that the situation may be getting better, because you are getting a less
number of complaints these days compared to the first two years, except
for the demand to return to poppy cultivation.”

The reasons are two-fold, according to him:

One, complaints do not bring improvements
Two, people are getting used to their sufferings after three years
“The generals in Naypyidaw are probably counting on it,” he concluded.


____________________________________
REGIONAL

April 23, BBC News
Burma migrants in Malaysia blaze

More than 60 immigrants from Burma have set fire to a building at a
Malaysian detention camp after their request for asylum was refused.

The migrants - who claim refugee status - torched the administration
building of the camp in the central state of Negeri Sembilan, according to
police.

More than 200 security personnel were called in, but there were no injuries.

Police said some detainees grew angry when they were not selected by the
UN for entry to a third country.

About 800 men and more than 200 women had been housed at the Lenggeng
detention centre, but they have now been moved to other camps. The
authorities said the rioters would be charged with arson.

Disputed status

Malaysia does not recognise political refugees and asylum seekers, and
treats them as illegal immigrants, who if caught are detained and can be
caned and deported.

But the UNHCR is allowed to send refugees to a third country.

It says around 39,000 registered refugees live in Malaysia, most of them
from nearby Burma.

Of the total, about 13,000 are members of Burma's Rohingya Muslim
minority, and another 12,000 are members of other minority ethnic groups.

The Rohingyas arrived in Malaysia in the 1990s, but the Burmese government
disputes their origin and refuses to let them return to Burma.


____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

April 23, Associated Press
UN draft calls on Myanmar junta to take urgent steps to start talks with
opposition's Suu Kyi

A revised draft Security Council statement circulated Wednesday calls on
Myanmar's government to take urgent steps to initiate a dialogue with
detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and allow her all other
political actors to fully participate in the May referendum on a new
constitution.

The revised statement, prepared by the United States, Britain and France
appeared to reflect their growing impatience with the failure of Myanmar's
military rulers to start serious talks with Suu Kyi and open up the
political process to all opposition parties. It was sent to council
members and obtained by The Associated Press.

China, which has close ties with Myanmar, had objected to the initial
draft circulated in early April. Since the revised draft is very similar,
it was unclear whether it would support the statement, which requires
approval from all 15 Security Council members.

U.S. Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad told reporters its very important that
the council sends «a strong message, a clear message» that the referendum
must be credible.

Asked whether China supported the draft, he noted that since the initial
draft was circulated, council members have watched to seen whether
Myanmar's regime would take «some of the steps that are necessary for a
credible process.» Myanmar's junta has not, he said, so a «strong message»
is needed from the council to the regime and to the people and to the
world.

«The council cannot be silent, should not be silent in the face of what
has happened and what has not happened,» he said. «The people of Burma
deserve support from the council, from the international community.

The previous draft, circulated in early April, called on Myanmar's
military rulers «to take, in a timely manner, concrete, meaningful steps
that result in genuine dialogue» with Suu Kyi. The revised draft stresses
the need for the government «to take, on an urgent basis, concrete,
meaningful steps that result in genuine dialogue» with the detained
pro-democracy leader.

The revised draft reiterates the call «on the government of Myanmar to
allow full participation of all political actors, including Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi» in the referendum process and elections in 2010 in order for it
«to be inclusive and credible.

«The Security Council further notes the commitment by the government of
Myanmar to ensure that the referendum will be free and fair and that all
will be allowed to participate on equal terms,» the revised draft
statement says.

The junta's critics charge that the constitution _ a stage on its
so-called «roadmap to democracy» _ was drafted in an undemocratic way, and
that it would perpetuate military rule.

Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, has urged voters to
reject the draft constitution, but longstanding restrictions on freedom of
speech and harassment of pro-democracy activists have made it difficult to
mount a campaign against the proposed charter.

Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962. The current junta
seized power in 1988 and refused to honor the results of a 1990 general
election won by Suu Kyi's party. The Nobel Peace Prize winner, who is
currently under house arrest, has been in detention without trial for more
than 12 of the past 18 years.

During a visit to Myanmar in March, U.N. envoy Ibrahim Gambari was
rebuffed when he proposed a a U.N. role in the May referendum _ and when
he suggested that the military junta amend its seven-point roadmap to
democracy to include input from the country's pro-democracy movement and
other political parties.

The junta has been under strong international pressure to make democratic
reforms, especially since it quashed peaceful pro-democracy protests last
September. The U.N. estimates at least 31 people were killed and thousands
more were detained in the crackdown.

The revised draft reaffirms the Security Council's «unwavering support»
for Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's «good offices mission» and for Gambari
_ and it adds a line urging the government and all parties to cooperate
fully with the United Nations.

It reiterates the previous draft's expression of regret at the military
government's «slow rate of progress» toward meeting the council's call
last September for a «genuine dialogue» with the pro-democracy opposition
and the early release of all political prisoners and detainees.

The revised draft for the first time acknowledges «the important role»
that Myanmar's fellow members in the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations, ASEAN, «continue to play in supporting a peaceful transition to
democracy, and supporting the United Nations' good offices mission.

It reiterates the Security Council's commitment to Myanmar's territorial
integrity, «and, in that context, to helping the government and people of
Myanmar to bring an early end to military rule and begin a transition to
democracy.

____________________________________

April 23, Agence France Presse
EU mulls new Myanmar sanctions, as constitution vote closes in

The European Union is preparing to extend and even boost sanctions against
Myanmar, the EU's Slovenian presidency said Wednesday.

"I hope that the sanctions regime will be extended for 12 months,"
Slovenian state secretary for European affairs Janez Lenarcic told members
of the European Parliament.

"Discussions are underway in the council (of EU ministers) for the biggest
possible financial sanctions," European Commission Vice President Jacques
Barrot told the assembly in Strasbourg.

The EU's sanctions, adopted on November 19, included an embargo on the
import of timber, gems and metals from Myanmar. It also extended the list
of Myanmar leaders and their relatives subject to a travel ban and assets
freeze.

EU foreign ministers are to debate them at a meeting in Luxembourg on
Monday and Tuesday, and could choose to broaden, them based on the
military junta's conduct in the future.

Lenarcic, whose country currently holds the EU's rotating presidency,
urged the regime to allow public debate on its new draft constitution, to
be put to a referendum on May 10, and end an opposition crackdown.

"The European Union continues to hope that the Myanmar authorities will
allow a free and fair referendum and that they will allow international
observers to be deployed," he said.

"Only a genuine, open democratisation process can lead to national
reconciliation, stability and prosperity," he said.

"We call on the authorities to cease condemning political activists and to
repeal the law banning criticism of the government," he added. "We also
expect the Myanmar authorities to release political prisoners."

The call comes just weeks ahead of the plebiscite on a constitution that
activists say was drafted with no public input, and simply enshrines the
military's role in the country it has ruled for nearly half a century.

____________________________________

April 23, Agence France Presse
US urges UN statement on Myanmar vote

The United States will Wednesday resubmit a draft statement in the
Security Council that will insist on a "credible" constitutional
referendum in Myanmar next month, its ambassador to the UN said.

Zalmay Khalilzad told reporters that he planned to resubmit the
non-binding text, which had earlier run into opposition from China,
because "there are disturbing signs that the process (in Myanmar) is not a
credible process."

"It is very important that given the upcoming referendum and elections,
the council sends a strong message, a clear message that the process needs
to be credible."

The military regime in Myanmar has said it will hold a referendum on May
10 to set the stage for multi-party elections in 2010.

Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD)
and other pro-democracy groups are calling for a "No" vote, but they have
little ability to campaign effectively because the ruling junta has
outlawed speeches and leaflets about the referendum.

The referendum will be the first balloting in military-run Myanmar since
1990, when Aung San Suu Kyi led the NLD to a landslide victory that was
never recognized by the junta. She remains under house arrest.

"The people of Burma deserves support from the council, from the
international community," Khalilzad said.

Approval of the non-binding text requires unanimity from the 15-member
council and US diplomats they would try hard to bring China on board.

China, one of the council's five veto-wielding permanent members, is a
major supporter of the Myanmar junta, supplying weapons and purchasing the
poor country's natural resources.

Khalilzad said council experts would pore over the text Thursday.

____________________________________

April 23, The Economist
Myanmar's awful choice

IN EMBASSIES abroad, voting has already begun in the referendum on
Myanmar’s new constitution, which will be held in-country on May 10th. The
ruling junta advertises it as an important step forward on its “roadmap”
to democratic, civilian rule. If only.

Rather the referendum is, in the words of Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, the
United Nations’ special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, a “ritual
without real content”.

Or perhaps it is even worse than that: a ritual with content, symbolising
and confirming the sheer misery of Myanmar’s plight and threatening to
make it permanent. A junta-appointed committee took 15 years to draft the
constitution, which offers nothing close to democracy.

It gives the army chief the power to intervene in politics at will.
Several cabinet seats would be reserved for army officers, as would 25% of
seats in both houses of parliament.

A bizarre clause is apparently tailor-made to bar Aung San Suu Kyi, the
detained opposition leader, from elected office. When Myanmar last held
elections, she was banned because of her foreign connections: she was
married to a foreigner and had spent much of her life abroad.

Her husband has since died, and she has been in Myanmar without
interruption—mostly under lock and key. Now, however, those whose
“children or their spouses” are foreign are excluded. Miss Suu Kyi’s two
sons are British, having been deprived of their Burmese citizenship.

Despite all this, some of the regime’s critics used to think the
constitution worth voting for: it is, after all, the only chance of change
that is on offer. And it does envisage some sort of political process,
with a parliament, which implies debate and even, perhaps, disagreement.

To be blithely optimistic, this process might gather a momentum of its
own. It might, for example, expose the undoubted rifts within the junta.

And, by bringing in the “ceasefire groups”—representatives of ethnic
insurgencies that are at present quiescent—it would bring a formal end to
some of the world’s longest-running armed conflicts.

Now, however, it is hard to find anyone outside the junta itself who
favours a “yes” vote. There are two main reasons for this. The first is
the junta’s brutal suppression of last autumn’s monk-led protests. A much
feared and loathed regime proved itself even more hateful.

Second is the strengthening of provisions in the draft designed to make it
hard to change it in future. Amendment will require at least 75% of the
votes in parliament—ie, including those of some of the soldiers—and 50% of
eligible voters in a subsequent referendum.

So the constitution seems a way of entrenching eternal military domination.

Any hint of a campaign for a “no” vote in Myanmar has been
suppressed—those caught scrawling graffiti face long jail sentences;
T-shirts bearing the word “Nobody”, which were made in Thailand and which
Burmese had taken to wearing in discreet protest, are being removed from
shop shelves.

With no independent poll-monitors, even if there is a “no” vote, we might
never know. The generals will surely remember the embarrassment of being
thrashed in the election they held in 1990.

So the looming vote evokes in some activists not the hope of change,
however imperfect, but desperation over its impossibility. In that sense,
it is comparable to the role of the Beijing Olympics in Tibet—almost a
last chance to make a futile protest heard.

In a rare (if minor) incident of terrorism in Myanmar, two small bombs
exploded in the centre of Yangon on Sunday April 20th. The government has
blamed a group of exiled dissidents. But the one thing Myanmar is not
short of is angry, desperate people.
____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

April 23, Relief Web via Forced Migration Review
Burma's displaced people – Inge Brees


(From "Forced Migration Review" No. 30: Burma's displaced people)

This issue of FMR aims to help bring the crisis of forced displacement of
Burmese people back into the international spotlight.

With the 'Saffron Revolution' of September 2007, Burma was catapulted into
the centre of international attention. It was briefly headline news as
people monitored the regime's response and watched for hints of progress
towards democracy and the restoration of rights. With little action on
either front (and no visible resurgence of violence or protest), interest
has since waned.

The September protests, led by Buddhist monks, were sparked by a sudden
increase in oil prices which had a serious impact on the already
impoverished population. After a few days, the government violently ended
what it called the 'disruption of stability'. Governments around the world
condemned the crackdown and the UN Secretary-General sent Special
Representative Ibrahim Gambari to negotiate with the Burmese rulers. At
the same time, however, China and Russia used their right of veto in the
UN Security Council to block discussion of matters which they considered
to be internal to Burma, no 'threat to international security' – and
therefore outside the mandate of the Security Council.

Most reports on Burma explain that the conflict started in 1988 when the
Burmese junta cracked down on nationwide demonstrations. But is that
really when it all started? How about the moment when the army took power
in 1962? Or before that, after independence from the British in 1948, when
some of the ethnic minorities were granted autonomy while the plight of
others was ignored – who then, predictably, took up arms to fight this
inequality? Stating that conflict only started in 1988 ignores the call
for (cultural) autonomy by the ethnic minorities that started decades
earlier. What is certainly true is that refugee and IDP numbers rose
considerably at the end of the 1980s, in the aftermath of the
demonstrations of 1988, and with the loss of territory by the ethnic
armies and the country's growing economic emergency.

Today, displacement is widespread. In June 2007, the ICRC issued a rare
public condemnation of the Burmese military government's actions, saying
that they have 'helped to create a climate of constant fear among the
population and have forced thousands of people to join the ranks of the
internally displaced, or to flee abroad.' Close to half a million people
have been displaced internally over the last decade on the eastern border
alone. In addition, millions of Burmese have crossed into neighbouring
countries. In Thailand there are an estimated two million Burmese trying
to make a living. If they are fleeing armed conflict or political
persecution, they can receive protection and assistance in refugee camps.
Those who fled after November 2005, however, are ineligible for
protection, due to the moratorium on refugee registration. They have no
choice but to stay outside the camps, where they are considered illegal
migrants, subject to arrest and deportation.

There are good reasons why Thailand maintains such a strict demarcation
between refugee and migrant status. Those inside the camps not only get
protection and assistance but also have access to resettlement programmes
– a recognised pull factor. Thailand has had to carry the burden of
refugee inflows from neighbouring countries for decades and prefers to
keep tight control on its ability to respond according to its own
interests. That is why Thailand has still not signed the Geneva Convention
and why they call refugees 'temporary displaced persons fleeing fighting',
to emphasise that their stay in Thailand will come to an end as soon as
conditions in Burma are conducive to return.

The exact number of Burmese refugees in other countries bordering Burma is
unknown but Bangladesh, India, China and Malaysia have all had to deal
with substantial influxes of Burmese citizens. As Thailand receives the
bulk of the refugees and is the base for the vocal Burmese opposition,
many of the articles in this issue of FMR focus on the Thai situation and
the ethnic Karen. This should not be seen to underplay the plight of
Burmese refugees in other countries or IDPs in other areas inside Burma.
There is simply less information available on them – a gap that needs to
be addressed.

In terms of durable solutions for this refugee population, the current
focus is on resettlement. As a form of responsibility sharing, several
Western countries have agreed to accept groups of Burmese refugees. This
is resulting in largescale movements from the Thai camps to the West, with
some additional cases from Bangladesh and India. Several articles in this
issue explain how resettlement, while ensuring protection for the refugees
concerned, raises issues for community management of the camps and is
causing tensions within the refugee population.

Thoughts on other durable solutions, such as repatriation or local
integration, are missing, however. Even if repatriation is currently
impossible, agencies should at least consider the possibility of
unexpected changes in Burma which would lead to massive population
movements. Early planning is imperative. At the same time, more thought
should be given to the alternative solution of local integration. Although
most host countries are against this option, my own research indicates
that many Burmese people are already integrating, against the odds, and
are an economic asset to their host countries. An open debate on all
durable solutions and immediate improvements to the 'closed' camps are
urgently needed for the sake of both the Burmese refugees and their host
populations.

Given that Burmese people are displaced throughout the region, this
humanitarian crisis will require regional solutions. UNHCR could be
encouraged to set up a consultative committee involving all
refugeereceiving countries to discuss and coordinate a common approach
towards Burmese refugees – even if a comprehensive plan of action is
currently impossible due to the actions of the Burmese junta. But, as
Loescher and Milner state, this is only part of the solution: 'A
humanitarian response to the needs of refugees in the region is not a
substitute for engaging in the question of resolving the conditions in the
country of origin that continue to force refugees to flee.' (1) The
efforts of the UN Special Representative to push for dialogue between the
different stakeholders in Burma are essential if Burma's large-scale
displacement is ever to end. But from his latest visit to the country in
March 2008 it is clear that the prospects for genuine dialogue remain
gloomy.

In January 2008 the junta suddenly announced that the National Convention
had drafted a Constitution, on which the Burmese population has to vote in
a national referendum. Elections will be held in 2010. Finally a positive
move? Maybe so, but with a lot of caveats. Opposition to or campaigning
against the National Convention and the referendum are regarded as
treason, and incur a penalty of several years' imprisonment. Additionally,
opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize Winner Aung San Suu Kyi is barred
from taking part in the elections because of her marriage to a British
citizen. When Gambari requested that international monitors be allowed to
observe the referendum, this was immediately rejected and he was accused
of bias in favour of the opposition. The carving out of both humanitarian
and political space thus so far remains extremely difficult.

We would like to express our thanks to the numerous academics, UN
agencies, NGOs and human rights organisations who have written for this
issue – and to the refugees and IDPs themselves who wrote from inside the
conflict zones and the refugee camps to make sure their views were heard.
(2)

Inge Brees (inge.brees at ugent.be), guest editor for this issue, is a
doctoral fellow at the Conflict Research Group, based at the University of
Ghent in Belgium (www.conflictresearchgroup.be). She is currently
conducting research on livelihoods of both camp and self-settled refugees
in Thailand.

Notes:

(1.) 'Protracted refugee situation in Thailand: towards solutions'.
Presentation given to the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand, 1
February 2006.

(2.) For their protection, the names of most refugee contributors have not
been given; these articles have instead, at their request, been attributed
to their organisation.

Burma v Myanmar

Using the name Burma, rather than the official name Myanmar, is a
politically sensitive choice, as the opposition and several Western
countries refuse to recognise the name change instigated by the junta.
Most Burmese people still use the old name in private conversations, which
is why 'Burma' is used here. Contributors to FMR were free to choose which
name to use. The term 'Burmese' is used for any person originally coming
from Burma, while the term 'Burman' is used for people from the ethnic
majority group.

____________________________________

April 23, Inter Press Service
Plans readied to rig constitution referendum – Marwaan Macan-Markar

A rising star within the ranks of Burma’s military regime is reported to
have unveiled a plan to ensure the junta gets its way at the May
referendum for a new constitution, according to information revealed to
IPS.

Lt. Gen Myint Swe told a meeting of some 600 people, which included senior
government officials, that only the last 10 people to vote at each polling
station will be entitled to monitor the counting of the ballots at the
station, revealed a well-informed source close to the military, who
attended the meeting.

Furthermore, the results of the votes counted at the local level will not
be revealed as and when the tallies are confirmed, Myint Swe is reported
to have added, the source said of the Apr. 9 meeting, which was held in
the former capital, Rangoon. The junta’s plan is to reveal the final
results in one announcement from the new capital, Naypidaw.

‘’This is to control the votes and rig the votes if needed,’’ says Win
Min, a Burmese national security expert lecturing at Payap University, in
northern Thailand. ‘’This is different from the 1990 elections, when they
announced the results by each polling station at the local level, which
makes controlling the result difficult.’’

At that election, the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) won a
thumping majority despite the heavy odds it faced and the strong campaign
launched by the junta to promote its own political party. However the
junta refused to recognise the results. It opted, instead, to establish a
national convention to draft a new constitution, a process that took a
record 15 years and is finally awaiting approval on May 10.

Members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a
pro-junta organisation, will be the ones sent to vote last at each polling
station to ensure access to monitor the vote count, Win Min added in an
interview. ‘’There have been widespread worries among the ministers,
regional commanders, light infantry division commanders and senior USDA
officials that they would be sacked if the referendum is lost in their
respective areas.’’

Another plan the military has in store is to compel civil servants,
university lecturers and school teachers to vote a week ahead of the
referendum date in the direct presence of senior military officers, an
order that ignores a voter’s right to secrecy.

‘’This is voter intimidation,’’ says Win Min. ‘’It shows that the
authorities are worried that these civil servants are likely to vote ‘no’
if they are free to do so.’’

The role of Myint Swe in this effort to swing the plebiscite the junta’s
way has broader implications, since he is known as a close confidante of
the South-east Asian country’s strongman, Senior General Than Shwe. Some
Burmese analysts concur that what Myint Swe says ‘’reflects Than Shwe’s
mind''.

In fact, the army officer, in his late 50s, has played pivotal roles in
the past to strengthen the military dictator’s grip on power in Burma, or
Myanmar, as the junta has renamed it.

In early 2006, in his capacity as the head of the military division in
Rangoon and as head of military intelligence, Myint Swe launched a
campaign to track down citizens in Burma who were feeding the
international media with information. This manhunt in an already oppressed
country included targets that ranged from businessmen and civil servants
to local journalists.

In 2004, it was Myint Swe who Than Shwe turned to when he wanted get rid
of Gen. Khin Nyunt, the prime minister and the intelligence chief at that
time. Myint Swe arrested Khin Nyunt at the airport after having ordered
the soldiers under his Rangoon division to arrest key men attached to the
Khin Nyunt’s intelligence office.

Myint Swe’s role to ensure an outcome favourable to the junta is no
different to that of another confidante of Than Shwe, Maj. Gen. Htay Oo,
the secretary-general of the USDA. The latter organisation, which Than
Shwe founded in September 1993, has been given the lead role in the
forthcoming referendum and the general elections to be held in 2010.

And Htay Oo’s role goes beyond ensuring that the USDA, which is officially
reported to have 23 million members out of the country’s 54 million
population, campaigns for a favourable vote. He is reportedly spearheading
a programme of intimidation in the run-up to the plebiscite.

Currently, an old racecourse in downtown Rangoon, the Kyaik-Ka-San
grounds, has been converted to a training centre for USDA toughs to learn
such skills as beating, threatening and arresting civilians identified as
opponents of the junta, says a Burmese source who has secured pictures of
such sessions.

‘’Htay Oo is very close to Than Shwe and he is part of the junta’s
campaign to intimidate voters into saying ‘yes’ at the referendum,’’ says
Zin Linn, spokesman for the National Coalition Government of the Union of
Burma, the Burmese government in exile. ‘’The training at the racecourse
is under Htay Oo’s control. No wonder the people regard them as a mafia.’’

‘’NLD members and pro-democracy activists have already been attacked by
these USDA members,’’ Zin Linn added in an interview. ‘’There is going to
be more force unleashed as the days for the referendum draw closer.’’

The USDA’s notoriety as another arm of Than Shwe’s oppressive regime was
on display in September 2007, when it joined the military and riot police
in the brutal crackdown of the pro-democracy protests, led by thousands of
maroon-robed monks.

In May 2003, the USDA was also implicated in a bloody attack on NLD
members, including its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, during a political
campaign in Depayin. Nearly 70 NDL supporters were killed by the mob of
USDA members and other junta supporters.

In fact, the military official who masterminded the Depayin attack --
aimed at silencing the universally popular pro-democracy leader Suu Kyi,
now under house arrest -- was Gen. Soe Win, another Than Shwe ally. He was
subsequently named ‘’the Butcher of Depayin’’ by Burmese dissidents for
his ruthlessness. But Than Shwe viewed his confidante differently,
rewarding him with the role of prime minister following Khin Nyunt’s
arrest.

Since it grabbed power in a March 1962 coup, the Burmese military has
regularly served up officers prepared to unleash acts of repression as a
pledge of loyalty to the dictator in power. Among the earliest in this
Burmese military tradition was Brig. Gen. Sein Lwin. As a young commander,
he gave soldiers the order to first shoot university students
demonstrating and then to blow up the students’ union building at the
Rangoon University with students trapped inside.

For such brutal acts in July 1962, Sein Lwin was dubbed ‘’the Butcher of
Rangoon’’ by the Burmese opposition at the time. Yet it hardly came in the
way of his rise within the military regime under Gen. Ne Win.

Sein Lwin was rewarded for implementing his master’s policies as Myint Swe
is being rewarded today. The latter is reported to be Than Shwe’s second
favourite after Gen Thura Shwe Mann, the third-most powerful military
officer in Burma and the one Than Shwe reportedly favours as his
successor.

____________________________________

April 23, Irrawaddy
Burma’s durable junta – Kyaw Zwa Moe

After nearly two decades in power, Burma’s ruling junta should be showing
signs of wear and tear. Indeed, observers are constantly on the lookout
for evidence of a split within the ranks of the regime’s top leadership.

Not surprisingly, they often find what they’re looking for. But rarely, if
ever, do these internal strains signal the sort of real weakness that
could undermine the junta’s hold on power.

Since it seized power in 1988, the current regime has carried out four
significant purges, each time emerging, if anything, stronger and more
united.

In each case, the motive for removing certain high-ranking figures from
their positions was personal rather than political: At no point has there
ever been any major disagreement among the top generals about what
direction the country should take.

The first change to take place in the regime’s leadership came in April
1992, when the head of the ruling military council, Snr-Gen Saw Maung, was
forced to step down, opening the way for the current leader, Snr-Gen Than
Shwe, to assume the position of head of state.

Saw Maung wasn’t dismissed because he had shown a willingness to hand over
power to the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy.
Actually, he refused to recognize the results of the 1990 national
elections, which had handed the party an overwhelming victory.

The real problem was Saw Maung’s health. “He was becoming increasingly
erratic and his public speeches were incoherent and rambling, covering
subjects such as dying tomorrow and sightings of Jesus in Tibet,” wrote
journalist Bertil Lintner in his book “Burma in Revolt.” Finally, he had a
nervous breakdown and his tenure as Burma’s supreme leader came to an
abrupt end.

In 1997, several junta members and senior ministers, including Trade and
Commerce Minister Lt-Gen Tun Kyi, Hotels and Tourism Minister Lt-Gen Kyaw
Ba and Agriculture Minister Lt-Gen Myint Aung were purged. All three had
previously been regional commanders notorious for abusing their power in
their respective regions of Mandalay Division, Kachin State and Irrawaddy
Division. They were removed from their ministerial posts on charges of
corruption.

In 2002, Secretary 3 Lt-Gen Win Myint and Minister for Military Affairs
Lt-Gen Tin Hla were sacked because “they violated the state policy.” There
was no evidence that political rivalry had played any part in their
ouster.

The most interesting and controversial purge happened in 2004, when Gen
Khin Nyunt was dismissed and arrested on charges of corruption. Khin
Nyunt, who for many years was one of the most influential figures within
the junta, is currently under house arrest with a suspended prison
sentence of 44 years.

Some foreign observers regarded Khin Nyunt as a “moderate” military
officer who had shown some willingness to move the country towards a
political transition. However, Burmese dissidents dubbed him the “Prince
of Evil,” as the person primarily responsible for the arrest and torture
of thousands of political prisoners.

The 2004 purge was due to Than Shwe’s suspicion of the military
intelligence apparatus, which had been under Khin Nyunt’s control for two
decades. Than Shwe ordered the dismantling of the military intelligence
services, but Khin Nyunt’s political legacy—the so-called “road map to
democracy”—remained in place even after he was neutralized.

Since last September’s monk-led protests, there have been persistent
rumors of discontent among field generals who disagreed with the top
generals’ orders to shoot monks and other peaceful protestors. However, no
evidence of a serious rift within the junta has yet emerged over its
handling of the demonstrations.

Instead, the 11 members of the junta and its powerful regional commanders
seem to be more unified than ever, especially since the announcement of a
constitutional referendum on February 9.

It is, in fact, very difficult to imagine military officials wanting a
radical political shift. They know that it is in their own interests to
stick together in order to hold on to their privileges. No high-ranking
military leader is going to put the good of the country ahead of his
family’s well-being.

There may well be a handful of far-sighted military officials who realize
that the current situation cannot continue forever. But these individuals
are in no position to seriously influence the country’s political
direction. The only choice before them is to obey and hopefully work their
way up the ranks, where they might be able to do some good. But the odds
are strongly against it.

Anything is possible, but there is little point in daydreaming that
Burma’s long overdue revolution could come about through a transformation
within the junta. Unfortunately for the Burmese people, the regime’s
ability to manage its internal conflicts probably means that it will see
no need to respond to external pressures for some time to come.

________________________________

April 22, Mizzima News
Is Thai minister just echoing Burmese regime? – Myat Thu Pan

As the world watched with disbelief the tragic deaths of 54 Burmese
victims of illegal human trafficking in Thailand, even more unbelievable
were Thai Foreign Minister Noppadon's remarks to the British Prime
Minister's Special Representative Mr. Michael Williams. In an amazing
copycat version of the Burmese regime's accusation of Western sanctions,
he said that human trafficking is largely the result of Western sanctions.

The Burmese regime is earning billions of dollars from Thailand and other
ASEAN nations and it is the responsibility of the Burmese regime to use
that income judiciously to create jobs for the population and to invest
the income to stimulate the economy. But it is no secret that the income
is squandered on sustaining an army of some 400,000 troops and on
haphazard modernization projects serving largely to fatten the general's
pockets. What is left for the people? Nothing. Healthcare is in a horrible
state. Education is in shambles. The infrastructure of the country is
still pathetic. Electricity only consistently works in Naypyitaw, with
vast swaths of the country completely denied access to electrical power.
Rangoon smells of sewage during floods while the regime and their cronies
bask in luxurious mansions. Hardly any of the billions of dollars earned
annually is invested in stimulating the economy or improving the quality
of life for the general population.

Supposing the West did lift sanctions without attendant political changes
or freedom for the people, would the situation still continue in the same
manner? Yes. The army would still be in power, as it will be after the
referendum or rigged elections. Further, the pattern of the ruling
general's spending and skimming off the national income will remain
unchanged. And the horrendous act of human trafficking and the deluge of
Burmese refugees seeking a better life in Thailand will still continue
unabated.

If Thailand and other ASEAN countries would like to see Western sanctions
lifted they can take one crucial action. That is act as a broker between
the Burmese regime and Western nations to gain political freedom for the
Burmese.

The regime we know will not talk to Aung San Suu Kyi or any democratic
group. They will only talk to the West about sanctions if there is a way
for an intermediary to broker a dialogue. This will save face for both the
regime and Western powers. But there needs to be a pathway worked out to
ensure political freedom in return for the lifting of sanctions.

Once a process like this is started it becomes a precedent. ASEAN is
becoming a powerful block and it is time for them to use their clout to
foster a better exchange between Burma and the West. It behooves ASEAN
countries to give it a try. When Burma is liberated it will relieve them
of a big burden they are now carrying and it will further raise them to
the position of global importance they are seeking.

I would say to Thai Foreign Minister Noppadon: Don't just accuse the West,
do something constructive for Burma for once.

__________________________________

April 23, The New Straits Times
No room for No amid the junta's Yes drive

The military rulers are not taking any chances as Myanmar gears up for May
10 referendum on a new charter. Dissenting voices are being silenced even
as the junta runs a campaign urging the people to vote 'Yes', writes MOE
MOE YU. IN military-run Myanmar, the junta's campaign for the proposed
draft constitution is in full swing while opposing voices are kept silent,
but many people are not convinced by the generals' promises.

Three weeks ahead of the May 10 referendum on the charter, front pages of
state press scream in bold headlines: Let's vote Yes for national
interest. Songs extolling the new proposed constitution, which was drafted
by a committee hand-picked by the generals, fill the prime-time airwaves
of government-owned television and radio stations.

The draft constitution book is now available in many bookstores in Yangon,
albeit at a price of nearly US$1 (RM3.1) - far beyond the means of most
people in this impoverished country.

Than Than, a 45-year-old housewife in the economic hub Yangon, has no
plans to splash out for the hefty 194-page basic law.

"We don't even need to read that book," she said. "Even a housewife like
me has enough experience under military rule. I think it was just prepared
to secure their power."

The regime says the referendum will pave the way for multi-party elections
in 2010.

But activists say the constitution was drafted with no public input, and
simply enshrines the military's role in the country it has ruled for
nearly half a century.

While barely a day goes by without the appearance in local press of poems,
cartoons and editorials urging people to vote "Yes", efforts by
pro-democracy activists to campaign against the charter have been quashed.

Detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for
Democracy (NLD) party is urging people to vote down the charter, but said
last week that their activities were being curtailed, sometimes violently.

In the western town of Sittwe on Tuesday, at least 23 people wearing
T-shirts bearing just one word - "No" - were arrested, the party said.

Official NLD documents were confiscated by authorities, they said, while
local party organisers had been detained and interrogated.

Amid the tense atmosphere, people were weighing up their choice in the
first poll to be held in Myanmar in 18 years.

"People are so stubborn," said a Myanmar engineer who works in Singapore.
"They should be aware that if we vote 'Yes' the military will step down in
two years, if not it will take another 10 years."

The proposed constitution reserves one quarter of seats in both chambers
of parliament for military members, while some key ministries, including
home affairs, will also be controlled exclusively by the army.

Aung San Suu Kyi would be barred from running for president under the new
constitution because she was married to a foreigner.

Win, a 73-year-old former socialist party member, said it reminded him of
the period after the military first grabbed power in 1962, headed by Ne
Win.

"Many army officials including General Ne Win changed uniforms and took up
positions in country's administration."

Many people in Myanmar were unwilling to discuss how they plan to vote out
of fear of repercussions from the regime, and some are afraid that their
votes too will be monitored by the junta.

"It would be dangerous for us if we vote 'No' because somebody might watch
what we vote for at polling places", said 59-year-old Ye Ye.

Analysts have warned that the generals will do anything to prevent a "No"
vote, and have cautioned that the poll will likely not be free and fair.

The last time the junta called open elections in 1990, the NLD won by a
landslide in a result the regime refused to recognise. Instead, the
generals kept Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest, where she has remained
for 12 of the last 18 years.

"I don't think they will clear out even if the result is 'No', but I just
want to show clearly that I don't want them any more," said a 38-year-old
woman.

"So although there is not much hope for voting 'No', I will just vote 'No'
anyway."

__________________________________
STATEMENT

April 22, US Department of State
Burmese regime fails to provide proper medical care to political prisoners
– Tom Casey

We condemn the failure of Burma’s authorities to provide proper medical
treatment to a number of prisoners, who may suffer irreparable damages due
to the lack of prompt medical attention. We have received reports that
pro-democracy activist and 88 Generation Students leader Min Ko Naing has
not received care for an eye infection that, if left untreated, could
cause loss of sight. In March, U Myint Thein, the National League for
Democracy spokesperson, died in Singapore from cancer that was left
untreated while he was imprisoned for his role in the September
pro-democracy protests.

We are also concerned that Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi still has not
received the monthly visits with her doctor as had been agreed with UN
Special Envoy on Burma Ibrahim Gambari.

We urge the regime to release all political prisoners immediately. The
intentional withholding of necessary medical treatment for political
reasons is a serious violation of human rights. While these individuals
are in the custody of the regime, they should receive the medical care
they require.