BurmaNet News, April 25, 2008

[Editor]

April 25, 2008 Issue # 3452


INSIDE BURMA
AFP: Suu Kyi party says Myanmar junta trying to force 'Yes' vote
DVB: Burmese authorities harass youth campaigners
DVB: Factory workers pressured to cast multiple “Yes” votes
Irrawaddy: USDA member killed over aggressive campaign tactics, residents say
Irrawaddy: Mon villagers unsure, indifferent about referendum
Mizzima News: Junta twists campaign slogan in Chin state
SHAN: Junta issues ID cards to Chinese citizens

ON THE BORDER
Imphal Free Press: Cross border arms smuggling in Manipur a serious threat
to internal security: official sources
The Hindu: Indian, Myanmar armies review situation in border areas
SHAN: Shan monks in exile: Seeking basic human freedoms

BUSINESS / TRADE
Mizzima News: Generals' stomachs full while government starves
Reuters: Malaysia's Astral Asia axes Myanmar plantation plan

REGIONAL
Mizzima News: Burmese PM to visit Thailand amid referendum preparation

INTERNATIONAL
AFP: US Congress to confer gold medal on Myanmar's Suu Kyi
The Earth Times: Germany doubles fee for visas, restricts Myanmar travellers

OPINION / OTHER
Asian Tribune: Ethnic tension and minority perspective on Burma’s problems
Far Eastern Economic Review: Burma's sham elections

STATEMENT
European Parliament resolution of 24 April 2008 on the situation in Burma


____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

April 25, Agence France Presse
Suu Kyi party says Myanmar junta trying to force 'Yes' vote

Aung San Suu Kyi's pro-democracy party said Friday that Myanmar's ruling
generals were doing everything in their power to force a 'Yes' vote at a
referendum on their proposed constitution next month.

The junta says approval of the charter in the May 10 vote will usher in
multiparty elections in 2010, but pro-democracy activists say it simply
entrenches the role of the military which has ruled since 1962.

In a detailed statement attacking the charter and the process by which the
generals are trying to get it approved, the National League for Democracy
(NLD) said the vote would fall well below international standards.

"The authorities are trying every way to make this referendum not free and
fair," said a statement from the NLD, which is headed by detained Nobel
peace prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

"For the people who have the right to vote, we would like to encourage
again all voters to go to the polling booths and make an 'X' ('No') mark
without fear."

The NLD and other pro-democracy groups in Myanmar have already publicly
called on people to vote "No" on May 10.

The NLD said Friday that the polling process was open to vote fraud,
citing a lack of transparency in the ballot count and the lack of a
provision holding vote officials to account for any wrongdoing.

It said full details of the constitution were not given on state TV and
press, people did not have enough time to study the 194-page law -- which
was only released on April 9 -- and it had not been widely distributed.

France said Friday it hoped the referendum would be held under clear and
transparent conditions.

"It is good that there is an election" but "it should be held under
transparent, clear and democratic conditions," Human Rights Minister Rama
Yade said during a visit to Cambodia.

While the junta's English-language newspaper the New Light of Myanmar
extols the charter in bold headlines, the NLD said its organisers had been
harassed, arrested and interrogated while trying to campaign against the
constitution.

"From studying it, the referendum law and related procedures, we found
there is no freedom and justice from the beginning," it said.

The proposed constitution reserves one quarter of seats in both chambers
of parliament for military members, while some key ministries including
home affairs would also be controlled exclusively by the army.

Aung San Suu Kyi would be barred from running for president under the new
constitution because she was married to a foreigner.

While the constitution needs a simple majority to be approved, amendments
must be approved by 75 percent of parliament, making it difficult for
civilian lawmakers to pass amendments without military support.

The referendum will be the first balloting in Myanmar since 1990, when
Aung San Suu Kyi led the NLD to a landslide victory that was never
recognised by the junta.

She has spent 12 of the past 18 years under house arrest or in prison.

____________________________________

April 25, Democratic Voice of Burma
Burmese authorities harass youth campaigners

The National League for Democracy has claimed its youth members are being
singled out for government harassment in the crackdown on campaigns for a
“No” vote in the national referendum.

Ko Myo Kyaw Thu, leader of the Hlaing Tharyar NLD youth wing, was detained
and warned by authorities on his way home for distributing pamphlets along
with eight other youths.

Myo Kyaw Thu was released after being interrogated, but NLD youth members
said the authorities confiscated the pamphlets distributed by the NLD
headquarters.

While the state-run media has been openly campaigning for a "Yes" vote in
the upcoming referendum, the military regime has been stepping up the
harassment, intimidation and arrests of "No" vote campaigners.

NLD spokesperson U Nyan Win said NLD youth members were being particularly
targeted for government harassment.

“All sorts of papers are currently being distributed in Rangoon and we do
not even know what all of them are – some are anti-government papers and a
great many others are pro-government,” Nyan Win said.

“Despite this, NLD youths are being singled out for persecution. I believe
that this is intentional.”

Nyan Win also called for independent election monitoring to guarantee a
free and fair referendum.

“What I would like to state emphatically is that even though a minister
has said the upcoming referendum will be fair, I am seriously concerned
and doubt it will be so,” he said.

“Hence, I would like to reiterate that international monitoring teams are
needed, as previously announced by our party.”

Despite the crackdown on "No" campaigners in Rangoon and also in Arakan
State, the Kachin students' movement is gaining momentum in Kachin State,
according to students.

The All-Kachin State Students Union was established during the “Saffron
Revolution” of September 2007 and has been actively distributing
anti-government and anti-dam pamphlets on a regular basis.

"No" campaign pamphlets were distributed in Bhamo, Mansi, Shwegu, and
Momauk townships in Bhamo District last week, one student said.

The pamphlets set out objections to the government’s project to force
people to grow physic nut and the Irrawaddy Myitsone Chipwe dam project,
and called on people to vote “No” to the draft constitution in the 10 May
referendum.

The student group has reportedly been putting up similar posters in
Myitkyina, Waingmaw, Momauk, and Bhamo since 14 April.

____________________________________

April 25, Democratic Voice of Burma
Factory workers pressured to cast multiple “Yes” votes

Factory workers in Rangoon have been pressured by Industry (1) minister
Aung Thaung to cast three “Yes” votes each in advance of the upcoming
national referendum.

A resident of Mayangone township in the former capital said female factory
workers had already cast three “Yes” votes per person in advance, as
directed by Aung Thaung via their factory employers.

"They were making the women cast three 'Yes' votes per person – one as a
member of the USDA, another as a member of the Myanmar Maternal and Child
Welfare Association and the other one as a Myanmar Women’s Affairs
Federation member," the resident said.

"It wasn't like they had to vote in person – the government officials took
their ID card numbers and addresses and then the votes will be cast by the
officials on their behalf."

____________________________________

April 25, Irrawaddy
USDA member killed over aggressive campaign tactics, residents say – Aye Lae

An active member of the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development
Association (USDA) was stabbed to death in Sittwe on Tuesday because of
his aggressive campaigning for a “Yes” vote in the constitutional
referendum, local residents said.

Tun Thein, 26, was stabbed several times with a knife in his home by
19-year-old Tun Lin at about 8:30 pm in Sittwe, the capital of Arakan
State, according to a senior member of the opposition National League for
Democracy, who asked to be anonymous.

He told The Irrawaddy, based on information he had gathered, that Tun Lin
became angry because of Tun Thein’s aggressive efforts to get him to join
the USDA and vote “Yes” in the referendum on May 10. He said Tun Thein
also had reportedly harassed Tun Lin’s father, who works as a laborer in
the harbor.

A police officer at the No 2 police station in Sittwe said Tun Thein was
killed because of a personal disagreement with Tun Lin, who is in police
custody.

The USDA is notoriously well-known for its harassment of opposition group
members and activists. The volunteer group has been compared to a
vigilante organization, especially following the monk-led uprising in
September 2007 which it helped to put down.

Two USDA members were reportedly killed in Kyee Myin Daing and
Hlaing-Tar-Yar townships in Rangoon in recent months, according to local
sources.  No details could be confirmed.

USDA members played a key role in the deadly attack on democracy leader
Aung San Suu Kyi’s motorcade near Depeyin in 2003, in which an estimated
100 people were killed.

____________________________________

April 25, Irrawaddy
Mon villagers unsure, indifferent about referendum – Violet Cho

Many Mon villagers have not yet decided how they are going to vote on May
10 or know little or nothing about the referendum, according to a survey
by The Irrawaddy.

“I have no idea about this referendum,” said 19-year-old Chine Lon. “But I
will do exactly the same as the older people in my community do.”

Another resident of Halockani, near Three Pagodas Pass in Mon State,
unemployed Soe Aye, 25, admitted he too did not know anything about the
referendum, but would vote the same as his friends.

According to The Irrawaddy’s findings, most younger villagers in Halockani
expressed similar views and none had seen or read a copy of the draft
constitution. However, several older villagers expressed awareness about
the political situation in Burma and were clearer on how they would vote
on May 10.

“We are going to vote ‘No’ because the constitution is undemocratic and
does not represent the people,” said U Pinn, a leading member of
Halockani. U Pinn said he and other village elders recently attended a
debate about the draft constitution organized by the Mon Youth Progressive
Organization.

Siek Chan Oung, secretary of the Mon Youth Progressive Organization, said,
“People should know the consequences of legalizing the government’s
constitution. It is very important that people understand that the
constitution is undemocratic before they vote.”

The majority of people in Mon villages, such as Halockani, have similar
viewpoints, said Siek Chan Oung. They do not have experience in voting, he
said, adding that many Mon villagers are generally isolated from the
cities and have less access to information. He said that at the debate
they discussed the drafting of the constitution, the “Seven-step road map”
and the national convention.

Most Mon organizations, including the Mon Youth Progressive Organization,
have been campaigning for villagers to cast a “No” vote on May 10.

The Human Rights Foundation of Monland has been distributing leaflets and
VCDs compiled with information about the injustice of the military’s
constitution, according to coordinator U Mon.

During the New Year Water Festival an anti-referendum graffiti campaign
began inside Mon State when campaigners used red and white paint to cover
pro-junta billboards. Graffiti activists rewrote the word “No” over the
“Yes” on the billboards. They also sprayed walls, roads and bus stops.

Meanwhile, the Burmese junta has been broadcasting their “Vote Yes”
campaign daily in Mon State through official television channels and
newspapers.

____________________________________

April 25, Mizzima News
Junta twists campaign slogan in Chin state

The Burmese military junta authorities are hoodwinking and misleading
people into supporting the draft constitution during the referendum on May
10. In Chin state, northwest of Burma, it is urging people to vote 'Yes'
in the referendum 'if they want democracy in the country,' local residents
said.

Authorities in Chin state, led by Brigadier General Hung Ngai, Chairman of
Chin State Peace and Development Council, have been pulling a fast one on
locals by explaining that voting in favour of the constitution is the only
way to put an end to decades of military rule and for the restoration of
democracy.

"In Chin state most people, despite their ignorance, are against the
military and would definitely vote against the draft constitution. So, it
is possible that the authorities want to twist the campaign slogan," said
Myo Min Aung, Editor of the Khonumthung News Group, who specialises in
covering issues in Chin State.

Myo Min Aung added that authorities in several Chin villages and towns
have conducted demonstrations on how the people should cast their votes by
telling them that ticking or writing 'Yes' is the correct way of voting.

Despite the junta's vigorous campaign efforts, several people in Hakha,
capital of Chin state, voted 'No' in a mock-referendum conducted by
authorities on April 10, a local resident in Hakha said.

On April 10, authorities led by Hung Ngai conducted a mock-referendum,
where authorities called about 150 people to vote.

Pu Van Lian, chairman of Burma's opposition party – the National League
for Democracy in Chin State said, "I was told by one of the township
officials, who participated in the vote counting, that when they counted
the results, they found 'No' votes surpassing 'Yes' ballots".

In its aftermath, authorities started to accelerate the campaign with Hung
Ngai personally going to towns and villages in southern Chin state
including Matupi, Mindat and Kanpalet Townships, added Pu Van Lian.

____________________________________

April 25, Shan Herald Agency for News
Junta issues ID cards to Chinese citizens – Hseng Khio Fah

Junta authorities have provided temporary ID card to Chinese citizens
presumably to get more support for the junta drafted constitution in the
coming May referendum, according to sources from northern and eastern Shan
State.

Thousands of Chinese citizens across Namkham, Muse and Panghsai townships
in northern Shan State have received their white cards. "It is as if the
military is not sure about the support of its own people for its draft
charter," said an opposition source.
"By the look of things, it's likely the visitors (meaning Chinese) are
going to become residents and vice versa," said an informed native who
wishes to be anonymous. "Later they are going to control all the lands and
economy like they do in Mandalay."

In order to get more support from the people in the May referendum, junta
authorities had been issuing ID cards almost for free to people in Shan
State. But Chinese and Thai citizens of Chinese origins were paying up to
Y 1,000 ($ 150) in Mongla, opposite China's Daluo, and B 5,000 ($150) in
Mongton, opposite Thailand's Chiangmai.

There were many temporary ID cards of different colors that the
authorities had issued to the people such as pink, green and white. Wa,
Kokang and people in areas of ceasefire groups don’t' get access to hold
pink or green cards, which are considered to be temporary citizenship
cards. The white card cannot be used for evidence to prove one's
citizenship, it is explicitly stated at the reverse side of the card.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

April 23, Imphal Free Press
Cross border arms smuggling in Manipur a serious threat to internal
security: official sources

Giving details of the cross border arms smuggling and other cross border
activities of the insurgents operating in Manipur like the existence of
training camps, hideouts and transit routes in Myanmar, the Manipur
government has hinted at coordinated joint operations by the Myanmar army
and Indian security forces, as decided during a home secretary level talks
between Myanmar and India.

Yunan province of China is the main originating point of the arms and
ammunition found in Manipur and the main routes used for transporting it
are Thai-Myanmar border through Kachin state and Kalemyo-Tamu in Myanmar
and then onwards to Ukhrul district.

Arms and ammunition are also being smuggled into Manipur through various
routes, such as via Kasom Khullen, Moreh, New Somtal, Behiang etc. said
the agenda note for Indo-Myanmar border management which was placed before
the home secretary level talks between India and Myanmar at New Delhi in
the month of March this year, a highly placed official source said.

It added that the arms smuggling is usually done by individual smugglers,
well-organized groups and cadres of underground groups.

The existence of training camps, hideouts and transit routes in Myanmar as
well as the supply of arms from across the border are important security
concerns which have been creating adverse law and order conditions in the
state. It also threatens the internal security of the state, the Manipur
delegation further observed.

The porous and largely unmanned Indo-Myanmar border passing through
difficult jungle terrain with poor communication is an important security
concern which has created adverse conditions in the state of Manipur.

The problem of insurgency which afflicts the state by creating serious law
and order problem and threatening the internal security will be difficult
to control unless these security concerns are effectively dealt with, the
state put down while discussing agenda points on the impact of cross
border activities in Manipur.

Elaborately pointing out cross border arms smuggling at the Indo-Myanmar
border, it said that the border is inhabited by tribes of the same ethnic
origin.

The facility of free cross border movement for the people in the border
areas has been misused by the insurgents or the gunrunners who indulge in
illegal smuggling of arms and ammunition from across the borders.

Arms and ammunition found in Manipur generally originate from Thai-Myanmar
border, it said based on intelligence reports adding that the same are
transported along interior routes upto Kalemyo and Tamu in Myanmar.

Apart from this the arms, ammunition and other equipments are also brought
in from Yunan province of China through Kachin state of Myanmar to the
border area of Ukhrul district of Manipur.


>From here, it says arms are smuggled into Manipur through various routes,

such as via Kasom Khullen, Moreh, New Somtal, Behiang etc. Arms smuggling
is usually done by individual smugglers, well-organized groups and cadres
of underground groups, the source said quoting intelligence report.

The insurgency problem will be difficult to control unless existing
training camps, hideouts and transit routes are effectively dealt with.

The unmanned border has been misused by the insurgents or the gunrunners
who indulge in illegal smuggling of arms and ammunition from across the
borders, Manipur put down during the home secretary level talks between
India and Myanmar at New Delhi, an official source disclosed.

Inspector general of police (intelligence) LM Khoute represented Manipur
in delegation level talks of the 14th national level meeting at the home
secretary level, it added.

In the meeting, the state put other security related issues including
coordinated operation against underground elements, cross border drug
trafficking apart from arms smuggling and border fencing for discussion,
the source disclosed.

Exploring the future difficulties that are likely to be faced if not
effectively dealt with, state representatives urged for a coordinated
operation between Indian security forces and Myanmar army against the
underground elements.

Mention may be made that no coordinated operations so far have been taken
up jointly by the Myanmar Army and Indian security forces. Operations
against the insurgents are conducted independently and coordination
between the two forces is yet to be seen on ground.

In November 2001, in an operation conducted by Myanmar army, a huge cache
of weapons was recovered and a number of insurgents including senior UNLF
cadre Meghen carrying out prejudicial activities against India were
reportedly apprehended by them.

However, the Myanmar government reportedly turned down a request for
handing them over to the government of India.


____________________________________

April 25, The Hindu
Indian, Myanmar armies review situation in border areas

A 15-member team of Myanmar Army has discussed with their Indian
counterparts ways on further strengthening co-operation in areas of border
management to check trafficking of narcotics and arms and movements of
insurgents and anti-socials.

During the interaction on Wednesday, both sides reviewed progress made in
curtailing cross border insurgency, arms and narcotics smuggling and
maintenance of the sanctity of the international border, defence sources
said here.

The Myanmarese side was led by Brig Gen Tin Maung Ohn during the
deliberations at the Army's three Corps headquarter at Rangapahar near
Dimapur, held as part of the two-day biannual sectoral level liaison
meeting between the two sides.

The Indian side was led by Maj Gen T S Handa, GoC of Imphal based 57th
Mountain Division. The Myanmarese delegation also called on the GoC of 3
Corps Lt Gen M S Dadwal.

Such liaison meetings, held twice in a year in either country, helps
consolidating better understanding, promoting friendly relations between
the two neighbours and reducing menace of insurgency and trafficking of
arms and narcotics by joint efforts.

India and Myanmar share over 1,600 km-long border criss-crossing the north
eastern states of Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh.

The thick jungles of northern Myanmar with poor physical infrastructure
are being used by insurgents from North Eastern states as safe hideouts
and ethnic rebel groups of the neighbouring country.

The Myanmar Army will leave for Kolkatta on Thursday. The next meeting
between the two sides will be held in Myanmar.

April 25, Shan Herald Agency for News
Shan monks in exile: Seeking basic human freedoms – Antonio Graceffo

The young Shan monk told me that the first time he came to Thailand he
came illegally, to study Pali, the ancient Buddhist script. That was when
he was a novice of fourteen. Now, ten years later, he is still studying
Theravada Buddhism at one of the temples in Northern Thailand.

 “I had problems with immigration authorities, and had to return to
Burma.” So far, the story was a typical one. Many Shan young men come
across the border, seeing Thailand’s many Wats as their only opportunity
to obtain an education, which would be denied them in their home country.
When they are deported they either remain in Burma, suffering, or sneak
back over the border, finding what work they can, until they are
discovered again. Prah (I promised not to use his real name or say the
name of his temple.), Prah, on the other hand, had luck. After returning
to Burma he was able to obtain a Burmese passport, and reenter Thailand
on a legal student visa.

The undocumented hill tribes living inside of Thailand are, by and large,
undocumented, stateless people. The Shan living in Burma, on the other
hand, are technically legal citizens of Burma and entitled to the full
rights of citizenship, including a passport. For most Shan, however, these
rights exits only on paper. Inside of Shanland, the SPDC wages a war of
terror against the civilian population. Most Shan are extremely poor and
could never afford the fees and bribes necessary to obtain a passport.
Even if they had the money, getting a passport would me registering at the
police department and filing government paper work which could only serve
to bring unwarranted attention on themselves and their families.

“There are two types of Shan crossing into Thailand.” Explained Prah.
“Some have passports. Some don’t. Most don’t have a passport. They are
here for work or escaping the war. But for people without a passport the
government only gives them a limited ID card with one address and one job,
and they cannot travel or change.”

“Most people who live here a long time are Tai Yai and get Thai
citizenship they already have family here they escaped from the war. Tai
Yai are not Burmese.”

Tai is the name of the ethnic group which includes the Shan people, the
Thai, and the Lao. In Thai, the Shan are referred to as TaiYai, or older
brother Tai. Tai languages is about 80% the same as Thai. The cultures are
nearly identical and apart from being even more attractive, the Shan look
very close to the Thai, and have NO connection to the ethnic Burmas who
control their home country. As a result, Shan people have been populating
northern Thailand for centuries. Those who are in their second or third
generation are generally citizens. They are politically Thai, but they
manage to maintain the unique aspects of their Shan culture through the
Shan Buddhist temples. Many of the undocumented Shan have family members
who are living legally in Thailand and will often seek out their help in
legitimizing their own stay in the Land of Smiles.

“Some of the monks in this temple have a passport, others don’t. They
don’t make a passport because it costs a lot of money.” Siad the Prah. He
became very sad. His eyes were reaching out to me, willing me to
understand the tragedy that is the life of anyone, of any ethnicity, born
in Burma.

“The Burmese live in poverty. You have to finish high school to get a
passport. Novice monks can’t get one, only full Buddhist monks. In
September there were  problems in the capital, but there have been
problems in the tribal areas for decades, especially for the Shan. There
isn’t enough education for monks or laypeople in the Shan State. The
government doesn’t provide enough education for the minority tribes. For
this reason they immigrate illegally into Thailand, in order to make some
money for their living.”

“The impact on my family was over a period of years, not just during the
protests in September 2007. The Burmese government doest help us. They
charge us a lot of taxes, and we can’t afford to live. You harvest rice
and the government takes one third of your produce.”

“That’s why there are so many Shan boy and young ladies working as
prostitutes in Thailand.”

In the wake of the protests and the subsequent crackdowns which left
hundreds dead and thousands missing, rumors flew around the exile
community that some of the monks had worked for the military, turning in
their fellow monks for arrest and torture.

“Possibly some monks were spies.” Said Prah. The Burmese junta is known
for its intense surveillance and control of the Burmese population, which
is carried out through an extensive network of chivatos (spies and
informants). “The Burmese government is controlling everything.”

“From the past till now, monks had an impact on policy. They influenced
the people indirectly. Normally, the monks always got out of the way of
government.”

But this time, the monks stood up, and the people followed.

Through a network of friends and family, Prah has information about
monasteries in the capital. “I heard that in one temple there were 1500
monks. After the protests, 1,400 of them ran away.”

“While the protests were happening in Burma they didn’t allow Buddhist
monks to enter the country because they were afraid they would support the
protests.”

The Shan State and Karen State of Burma lay on Thai border. So,
undocumented refugees and aid workers cross daily. There is, however only
one legal point of entry for tourists or monks with proper visas. You must
fly into Yangon. For this reason, it was easy for the government to bar
the entry of monks and foreigners during the troubles. As a standing rule,
all journalists and any person who has ever publicly spoken out against
the regime are banned from legal entry into Burma.

When the SPDC finally falls, it is my dream to see Mandalay and Yangon for
the first time, and to walk side by side with my Shan brothers, through
the streets of the forbidden cities.

I fear that I shall be very old before that happens.

“I would like to go back when I finish my PHD in religious studies and
help to revitalize the Buddhism in my country.” Said Prah, a young man who
had dedicated his entire life to study and his entire spiritual power to
his wishes for the good of his Shan people.

Prah knew that he could speak openly about Burmese politics, something he
would never dare in Burma. And yet, he wouldn’t take a harsh stance
against the SPDC. Perhaps it was a Buddhist lesson in compassion and
forgiveness.

“I don’t support or oppose any party in the conflict. I just pray that we
will have peace and democracy in my country.”

Antonio Graceffo is an adventure and martial arts author living in Asia.
He is the Host of the web TV show, “Martial Arts Odyssey,” Currently he is
working inside of Shan State, documenting human rights abuses, doing a
film and print project to raise awareness of the Shan people.


____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

April 25, Mizzima News
Generals' stomachs full while government starves

While Burma's top brass continue to line their pockets with kickbacks and
self-bestowed financial rewards, the country's government is facing a
burgeoning debt crisis.

Analysts and knowledgeable voices are in agreement that the top generals'
persistent refusal to put governmental interests ahead of personal gain
has created an economic environment inside the country where the
government is no longer able to service its debts or undertake fundamental
development projects essential to the state's wherewithal.

"The government is bankrupt and the generals have all the money," is the
terse assessment of the situation from a foreign employee of an
international non-governmental organization in Rangoon.

According to him, the government has been forced to unofficially push its
fiscal end-of-year date back from the end of March to the end of June, in
an apparent attempt at avoiding to have to settle debts with the private
sector. While typically the government has circulated reminders to private
businessmen to submit their receipts ahead of time in order to ensure
funds are received, this year there were reportedly no such notices
forwarded.

As the private sector continues to wait for their bills to be settled,
complaints from businessmen anxiously awaiting payment are rapidly
amounting.

In one example, the foreign aid worker reports that the biggest importer
of Japanese tires informed him that the government still owes him a couple
100 million dollars from bills left unserviced.

Additionally, a large construction company states that it no loner
receives remuneration for public sector projects undertaken, such as the
construction of university buildings.

Throughout the country, the financial crisis within the ranks of the
government is clearly visible with respect to infrastructure development
projects.

Win Min, a Thailand-based analyst, suggests that the cessation of the
Naypyitaw-Mandalay road construction project may be linked to the
government's need to save financial assets in anticipation of the holding
of country-wide elections in 2010. The uncompleted road project would
then, presumably, be dumped on whatever government assumed power following
elections.

A Burmese journalist in Rangoon concurs with this general trend, citing
the reduction of government resources devoted to its electrical power
project and the apparent fact that the government intends to soon sell off
almost all state-owned property.

Yet despite the economic plight of the government itself, the financial
coffers of the generals continue to amass wealth.

Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings, Ltd. (UMEHL), a principle receptacle
of the junta's financial interests, continues to expand in revenue
received even as the government sinks ever further into bankruptcy. Hardly
any of the money received through the holding company is in turn
circulated into the economy for governmental expenditure.

And the amount of money finding its way to UMEHL is by no means
insignificant. A single transaction involving the sale of a new Toyota
Landcruiser nets UMEHL, and the generals, approximately $380,000.

____________________________________

April 25, Reuters
Malaysia's Astral Asia axes Myanmar plantation plan

Malaysia's Astral Asia Bhd (AASB.KL: Quote, Profile, Research) has
terminated a memorandum of understanding with two other companies to
jointly cultivate 170,000 acres (68,000 hectares) of oil palm plantations
in southern Myanmar, Astral said on Friday.

The agreement was signed with Myanmar Combiz Services Co Ltd and Green
Futue Co. Ltd, it said. (Reporting by Jalil Hamid; Editing by Clarence
Fernandez)


____________________________________
REGIONAL

April 25, Mizzima News
Burmese PM to visit Thailand amid referendum preparation – Mungpi

In the midst of hectic preparations for the ensuing referendum to approve
the draft constitution in May, Burmese military junta's Prime Minister
Lt-Gen Thein Sein will make a two- day official visit to Thailand in end
April.

Thein Sein, who is slated to visit Thailand from April 29 to 30, will meet
his counterpart Thailand's Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, and Foreign
Minister Noppadon, according to a Thai Foreign Ministry press release.

"The visit marks the cordial relationship between the two countries.
Moreover, the two sides will sign a MoU on cooperation in the promotion of
contract farming," the statement released on April 17 said.

Sources close to the Burmese military establishment said Thein Sein is
also expected to sign a series of contracts with his Thai counterpart
including the Tavoy deep seaport project which will include a four-lane
road from Thailand to Tavoy and two-lane railway lines.

"The contract will also include the Tavoy to Rangoon (five feet) gas
pipeline together with two gas plants in Tavoy and Rangoon," the source
added.

Win Min, a Burmese military analyst based in Thailand, said the trip seems
to be a follow-up of the Burmese junta's promise during the Thai Prime
Minister's visit to Burma.

"But, the timing is interesting given it is just before the referendum,"
Win Min said.

The Burmese junta has announced holding a referendum to approve its draft
constitution in May and is gearing up desperately to win supporting votes.

The approval of the draft constitution will allow the military dictators
of Burma to claim legitimacy both internally and internationally.

However, opposition groups and western nations have criticized the junta's
referendum process saying it will not be "free and fair", and apprehend
possible rigging and intimidation of voters to win supporting votes.

"The SPDC may be trying to lobby Thailand to support its referendum result
even if there is intimidation and vote rigging since many western
countries have criticized it already," Win Min said, referring the Burmese
junta by its official name State Peace and Development Council or SPDC.

He added that the junta is embarking on carefully-planned lobbying trips
to win the support of neighbouring countries including Thailand, India,
China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nation countries.

"The SPDC is planning to get support from neighbouring countries by giving
business concessions to get their support for the post-referendum
situation. They have sanctioned the Kaladan River way to India and the
Arakan deep seaport to China. Now, they're planning to give Tavoy deep
seaport to Thailand," said Win Min .
India and Burma signed a contract allowing India to develop the Kaladan
multi-modal transport project during the state visit by Burmese junta's
second in command, Vice Senior General Maung Aye to India in early April.

Meanwhile, the Burmese junta on Tuesday announced that it will auction
more than 20 state-owned business enterprises to private companies.

This move, again, is seen as the junta's inability to carry the burden of
maintaining it and also as part of a plan to mobilise Burmese businessmen
with business concessions in return for their political support.


____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

April 25, Agence France Presse
US Congress to confer gold medal on Myanmar's Suu Kyi

The US Senate unanimously agreed Thursday to confer the Congressional Gold
Medal on Myanmar's democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, following a similar
decision by the House of Representatives.

The 62-year-old widow is the world's only imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize
recipient, having spent more than 12 of the past 18 years under house
arrest.

The medal -- the highest civilian honor the legislature can bestow -- has
also been given to such diverse individuals as Winston Churchill, Pope
John Paul II, Mother Teresa, former South African president Nelson Mandela
and Tibet's spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama.

"The Senate today has approved a measure to award our nation's highest
civilian honor to Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of Burma's (Myanmar's)
democratic opposition," said Democratic Senator Dianne Feinstein, who
proposed the legislation with Republican Mitch McConnell.

"This Congressional Gold Medal is a tribute to Suu Kyi's courage and
conviction, and a symbol of solidarity with the oppressed people of
Burma."

Rights activists said Aung San Suu Kui is believed to be the only
recipient in the 232-year history of the award -- the first being
America's first president George Washington -- to be given it while
imprisoned.

Her latest period of detention began in 2003 after a deadly attack on her
convoy by supporters of the ruling military junta, and has been
periodically extended since, with little sign that the generals plan to
free her.

The generals have called for a referendum next month on a military-backed
constitution -- the first balloting in Myanmar since 1990, when Aung San
Suu Kyi led her National League for Democracy to a landslide victory,
which was never recognized by the junta.

"The Burmese military generals have tried to isolate Aung San Suu Kyi from
her own people and from the international community by keeping her under
house arrest for over 12 years," said Aung Din, co-founder of the US
Campaign for Burma and himself a former political prisoner there.

"However the generals, who control over 400,000 soldiers, are losing a
battle with a single, unarmed woman. Her only tools are courage and loving
kindness."

____________________________________

April 25, The Earth Times
Germany doubles fee for visas, restricts Myanmar travellers

Berlin - Germany is to double its fee for entry visas from 30 to 60 euros
(47 to 94 dollars) under legislation given final approval Friday in the
Bundesrat or upper chamber of parliament in Berlin. Officials said the
change reflected the increased costs of recording biometric data such as
fingerprints at German missions abroad. EU residents and tourists from
many western nations do not require visas to visit Germany.

The legislation also imposed an obligation on citizens of Myanmar to
obtain a transit visa for stopovers at German airports.

Berlin contends that too many Myanmar residents have demanded political
asylum during passage through Frankfurt International Airport. Passengers
who wait in the airport's sealed transit zone do not normally require any
Germany visa for the short stay.

Pro Asyl, a refugee aid group, criticized the law change, saying only 78
Myanmar residents applied for asylum this way last year and only 37 had
done so so far this year. It said that many were in fact granted asylum
after their cases had been heard.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

April 25, Asian Tribune
Ethnic tension and minority perspective on Burma’s problems – Nehginpao
Kipgen

When exploring the probable solution for the Union of Burma’s problems,
any analysis based exclusively on the present political development is
inconclusive. Burma has never been an ethnically and politically unified
country since independence from the British in January 1948.

The history of Union of Burma starts at Panglong in southern Shan state on
February 12, 1947, when 23 representatives from the Burman government,
Chin hills, Kachin hills and Shan states signed an agreement in the
presence of representatives from the Executive Council of the governor of
Burma, to form an interim government.

Prior to the birth of Union Day, all ethnic nationalities were separate
entities, and therefore, there was no question of minority or majority
issues. Even today, ethnic nationalities of the seven states are majority
in their respective states.

The successive Burman-dominated military regimes have been using
Burmanization policy and forced assimilation to marginalize other ethnic
groups. The concept of minority-majority is a deliberate move by the
military to undermine the non-Burman ethnic nationalities.

Today, the term ethnic minority is widely used as a natural phenomenon by
the international community to refer the non-Burman ethnic nationalities.
For the sake of the audience, I will use the term ethnic minorities to
describe the non-Burmans.

The military regime identifies “135 national races” of which the major
ones are Arakan/Rakhine (7 sub-groups), Burman/Bamar (9 sub-groups), Chin
(53 sub-groups), Kachin (12 sub-groups), Karen/Kayin (11 sub-groups),
Karenni/Kayah (9 sub-groups), Mon (1 group), and Shan (33 sub-groups).

The 135 races are categorized primarily on dialectical variations. This
classification is an attempt by the military to justify its centralized
‘disciplined democracy’ under the pretext of ethnic diversity. Ethnic
minorities constitute over 30 percent of the total population. However,
precise statistics is not available; the last census was in March 1983.

Burma’s total land area is 261,970 square miles. Ethnic minorities occupy
roughly two-thirds: Arakan/Rakhine state- 14,200 square miles, Chin state-
13,907 square miles, Kachin state- 34,379 square miles, Karen/Kayin state-
11,731 square miles, Karenni/Kayah state- 4,530 square miles, Mon state-
4,747.8 square miles, Shan state- 60,155 square miles.

Had not Aung San promised political equality and self-determination, the
Union of Burma might never have been born. The Panglong agreement was
aimed at establishing a federal government on the basis of equality and
self-determination for all ethnic nationalities.

Aung San’s assassination shattered the hopes of establishing a federal
government: the constitution was hastily drafted on the model of a
quasi-federal structure, categorically downplaying the visions of Panglong
signatories. This mischievous turn of events became a source of lingering
distrust between the Burman government and ethnic minorities.

There were frequent disturbances and political instability. The tension
has been primarily between the military and ethnic forces, and not amongst
the ethnic groups themselves. This explicitly clears any doubts of Burma
plunging into a civil war.

Ethnic armed groups like the Karen National Union (KNU), the Karenni
National Progressive Party (KNPP), the Kachin Independence Organization
(KIO) and the Shan State Army (SSA), etc. rebelled against the Burman
government for years. Although over a dozen of them have reached
cease-fire agreements with the military, groups such as KNU and SSA are
still fighting against the government.

The basic demand of ethnic minorities has been autonomy. After immense
pressure and demands from the federal movement groups, U Nu, the first
Prime Minister, agreed for a meeting in a so-called “federal seminar” in
mid-February 1962. The volatile situation gave General Ne Win the
opportunity for a coup d'etat on March 2.

In an attempt to pacify the longstanding grievances of ethnic minority
groups in states and regions, self-administered areas (zones and
divisions) are prescribed: five self-administered zones (one in Sagaing
division and four in Shan state) and one self-administered division (in
Shan state).

Historically speaking, ethnic Burmans have an attitude of chauvinism.
There has been ethnic hatred for a long time, and dates back to the
country's pre-independent era. One of the reasons for the rise of
insurgency problems, after independence, was due to hatred and
discrimination on the basis of ethnicity.

For example, in the mid 1940s, the Chins, the Karens and the Mons were
looked down upon by the Burmans as if they were little better than
barbarians or animals. The Karens were particularly despised by the
Burmans, and were referred to as uneducated people, who feed on wild yams
and small animals such as snakes, frogs, monkeys, etc.

Burmans aggression on the Karen people had begun before the British
occupation of Burma. Similar aggression also happened to other
nationalities, including the Arakans and the Mons who suffered miserably.

There has also been persecution and restriction on minorities, belonging
to religions other than Buddhism. In one gruesome incident, an ethnic Kuki
village called Nung Kam, a Christian village in Sagaing division, was
bulldozed in the beginning of 1993 on the ground that the villagers
refused to convert to Buddhism. After it was bulldozed, a new Burman
village known as Saya San was built.

Chapter X of the 1947 constitution gave states a right to secede from the
Union after 10 years of the constitution in operation. U Nu’s invitation
of Newin to form a caretaker government in 1958 was largely a premeditated
political maneuvering to prevent the Shans and Karennis from seceding from
the Union.

Contrastingly, chapter II of the military’s new constitution says: “No
part of the territory of the Union, namely regions, states and
self-administered areas etc. shall ever secede from the Union.” This is a
plan to consolidate the military’s iron-fist rule on ethnic minorities.

Ratification of the new constitution means nullifying the Panglong
agreement. As long as Burma fails to honor the principles of Panglong
agreement, the true spirit of Union Day will never be realized despite its
observance for the past 60 years. Therefore, every nationality in the
Union of Burma has the right to claim its pre-independent status.

While ethnic minorities waited years for a negotiated solution, the
military on April 9 announced that it will hold a referendum on the new
constitution on May 10, which will be followed by countrywide general
elections in 2010. The constitution was made public just barely 30 days
before the referendum.

With independent or international observers being barred from monitoring
the referendum process, use of fraud and coercion has become a great
concern. There are reports that citizens have been forewarned to vote only
‘yes’ in the upcoming referendum.

The military’s constitution drafting process was undemocratic. Among
others, the constitution was drafted by hand-picked delegates, excluding
the opposition groups. No debate on the constitutional principles was
allowed.

Moreover, 25% of seats in both houses (House of Representatives and House
of Nationalities) are reserved for the military. Amendment of constitution
requires the approval of more than 75% of votes, which could be construed
as a design to perpetuate military dominance.

The voice of the main opposition party National League for Democracy,
which won over 80% percent of parliamentary seats during the 1990 general
elections, is virtually silenced. Not the slightest consideration is also
given to a federal constitution drafted by Federal Constitution Drafting
and Coordination Committee in exile.

The military has not announced any definitive plan on what to do if the
referendum fails. During the 1990 general elections, the military expected
to win under a free and fair voting process. The justification for
nullifying the results was to have a constitution drawn first. We never
know what excuse lies ahead if the upcoming referendum fails.

Even if the State Peace and Development Council is successful in advancing
with its proposed roadmap, I am skeptical that it will bring a durable
solution to the country’s ethno-political problems.

To ethnic minorities, the struggle in Burma is fundamentally a two-stage
process – (a) restoration of democracy and (b) political autonomy. Any
democratic set-up sidelining ethnic minorities will not bring an end to
decades’ old political imbroglio.

Ethnic minorities have long advocated for tripartite talks involving the
military, 1990 election winning parties led by Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic
groups as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly since 1994, but
to no avail.

Meanwhile, the international community could consider a similar model of a
six party talks on North Korean nuclear issue. Due to geographical
proximity, enormous economic and diplomatic influence over Burma, China’s
participation is pivotal.

In the absence of a concrete mandate from the UN Security Council, special
envoy Ibrahim Gambari’s mission has become a symbolic exercise in
futility. Although it may be naïve to even consider it, the swiftest way
to bring change would be by military intervention, either by the United
States or by the United Nations.

Western sanctions, without cooperation from neighboring Asian nations, are
also not efficacious. The vacuum created as a result of sanctions has been
filled by neighboring countries. Conflicting interests of two different
approaches – sanction and engagement - will continue to prolong the
survival of military regime.

So far, the military regime apparently has withstood pressures from the
international community. Change from within the country is also unlikely
to emerge without support and cooperation from elements within the
military which has governed the country since 1962.

The Burmese opposition now basically has two choices to make – either to
accept the military’s seven-step roadmap as a step toward national
reconciliation or take a hardliner stance to remove the military
dictatorship by hook or by crook.

A long lasting solution to the conflicts in Burma needs the sincerity,
honesty and participation of all ethnic groups. Different ethnic groups
should be brought into confidence, and their legitimate demands should be
looked into. This process of democratization has to be an inclusive
approach.

Note: This paper was presented at a panel discussion on Burma/Myanmar: The
Four Crises - Economic, Social, Political, and Ethnic Minority at
Georgetown University, Washington, DC on April 23, 2008.

Nehginpao Kipgen is the General Secretary of Kuki International Forum and
a researcher o¬n the rise of political conflicts in modern Burma
(1947-2004).

____________________________________

April 25, Far Eastern Economic Review
Burma's sham elections – Benedict Rogers

Last September, as the demonstrations in Burma were growing, I was on the
India-Burma border visiting Burmese refugees. The stories I heard
illustrate the horror occurring on a daily basis inside Burma. I met a man
who had been arrested by the Burma Army, and hung upside down for an
entire night, with soldiers beating him and banging his body against a
pillar continuously. Another man was beaten so badly he is now paralyzed.
Yet another described how in Burma’s prison camps, prisoners are shackled
and chained, yoked like oxen and forced to plough fields. One refugee
who'd been to the prison camps told how a group of prisoners who had
attempted to escape were bound and hung above a fire, repeatedly stabbed,
and then placed in a tub of salt water.

These are the barbarities faced by the people of Burma who go to the polls
next month for the first time in 18 years. They will vote in a referendum
on a new constitution proposed by Burma’s illegal military regime. The
last time it held a vote, in 1990, the regime was shocked that despite all
its efforts to undermine the opposition and intimidate the voters, it
still lost the elections. This time, it has learned from experience—and
has introduced every possible means of rigging the ballot in advance.

It is difficult to imagine a more farcical charade. When the regime
rejected the United Nation’s request for international monitors during the
referendum, it lost any last semblance of credibility. What kind of
referendum is it where those who campaign against the proposed
constitution are subject to a jail sentence of at least three years?

Millions of Burmese are disenfranchised. Buddhist monks and nuns, who
number 500,000, are denied the vote—a price for their courageous
demonstrations last September which were brutally crushed. Religious
leaders from other faiths are also excluded. Over 500,000 internally
displaced people on the run in the jungles of eastern Burma, as well as
the 700,000 Muslim Rohingyas, treated as non-citizens and therefore
stateless, are banned from participating. Millions living in conflict
zones in the ethnic states, as well as refugees who have fled to
neighboring countries and exiles further afield, will also be excluded.

The junta’s game plan is not subtle. It plans to rubber-stamp its new
constitution which, in turn, will enshrine military rule. The constitution
drafting process completely excluded Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and
her National League for Democracy, as well as the major representatives of
the ethnic groups. Most of the members of parliament elected in 1990 are
in prison or exile, and Ms. Suu Kyi is in her 12th year of house arrest.
The National Convention, which drafted the guidelines for the
constitution, involved no debate among the handpicked delegates, and none
of the proposals made by the few ethnic representatives who did
participate were adopted. Law 5/96 imposed prison terms of up to 20 years
for discussing the constitution process.

The end product is a constitution which offers no improvement in human
rights and democracy—and simply enshrines military rule. The
commander-in-chief of the Burma Army will appoint 25% of the national
legislators. He will also appoint the minister of defense, who will report
to him. The army chief can seize power at any point, if he happens to
believe that national security is threatened. There will be no independent
judiciary, and the constitution cannot be amended for 10 years.

Political prisoners will be barred from contesting elections, and the
president must be a person with military experience who has not married a
foreigner. Ms. Suu Kyi is by definition ruled out.

The junta hopes that this sham will fool the international community into
a belief that it is changing, so that pressure will ease. The
international community, especially Burma’s neighbors, must not fall for
this trick. If the regime proceeds with this plan, and continues to ignore
calls from the U.N. for dialogue with the democracy movement, tough action
should follow. U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon should take charge of
Burma policy. Burma’s best friends—China, India, Russia, Thailand and
Singapore—should end their policies of appeasement. Other Asian nations,
such as Malaysia, Indonesia and Japan, must speak out more forcefully. A
universal arms embargo should be imposed, with their support. And the U.N.
Security Council should refer Burma’s military leaders to the
International Court for investigation into crimes against humanity.

This is a regime guilty of every possible human rights violation,
including a campaign of ethnic cleansing involving the widespread,
systematic use of rape as a weapon of war, forced labor, the use of human
minesweepers and the destruction of over 3,200 villages in eastern Burma
since 1996. There is arguably a case of genocide to be examined. Over
70,000 children have been taken off the streets and forced to join the
Burma Army—the highest proportion of child soldiers in the world. More
than 1,800 political prisoners are in jail, subjected to horrific torture.
Burma’s neighbors, and the rest of the world, should not be prepared to
tolerate this any longer.

Mr. Rogers works for the human rights organization Christian Solidarity
Worldwide, and serves as deputy chairman of the Conservative Party Human
Rights Commission. He has made over 20 visits to Burma and its borders,
and is the author of A Land without Evil: Stopping the Genocide of Burma’s
Karen People (2004, Monarch Books). The REVIEW will publish a longer
article on Burma by the author in our upcoming May issue.

____________________________________
STATEMENT

April 24, European Parliament
European Parliament resolution of 24 April 2008 on the situation in Burma

The European Parliament,

− having regard to its resolution of 14 December 2006 on the
situation in Burma(1) and its resolution of 21 June 2007 on Burma(2) ,

− having regard to the Council conclusions of 19 November 2007
adopting strengthened and additional restrictive measures against Burma(3)
,

− having regard to Council Regulation (EC) No 194/2008 of 25
February 2008 renewing and strengthening the restrictive measures in
respect of Burma/Myanmar and repealing Regulation (EC) No 817/2006(4) ,

− having regard to Rule 103(4) of its Rules of Procedure,

A. whereas the Burmese State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), led by
General Than Shwe, has announced that a referendum will be held on 10 May
2008 on a new constitution, with multi-party elections following in 2010,

B. whereas the SPDC continues to subject the people of Burma to appalling
human rights abuses, such as forced labour, persecution of dissidents,
conscription of child soldiers and forced relocation,

C. whereas the Burmese Government has rejected proposals made by the UN
Special Envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, to ensure the free and fair conduct of the
referendum, in the presence of international observers,

D. whereas the Burmese Government has included in the draft constitution
provisions which reserve one quarter of the seats in both houses of
parliament for military officers, give the country's military chief the
right to suspend the constitution at any time and bar candidates from
running for president if they have a foreign spouse or child (which would
apply to the detained opposition leader of the National League for
Democracy (NLD) and winner of the Nobel Peace Prize and Sakharov Prize,
Aung San Suu Kyi); whereas the draft constitution also offers impunity for
state agents for acts committed in office,

E. whereas, since announcing the referendum, the government has issued Law
No 1/2008, which denies voting rights to members of religious orders,

F. whereas the democratic opposition has not been involved in the
constitutional process,

G. whereas the majority of the Burmese opposition has decided to vote no
in the referendum,

H. whereas there are still around 1 800 political prisoners in Burma,
including Aung San Suu Kyi,

I. whereas the Burmese Government has failed to address in any meaningful
way the continued recruitment and use of children in armed conflict,

J. whereas the sanctions adopted by the EU against the Burmese Government
have not been effective so far,

K. whereas the Burmese Government continues to enjoy close political and
economic relations with neighbouring countries and with ASEAN,

L. whereas 30% of Burma's population, an estimated 15 million people, are
subsisting below the poverty line,

1. Deplores the fact that the constitutional referendum process is devoid
of any democratic legitimacy, as Burmese citizens lack all basic
democratic rights that would allow them to hold an open debate on the
constitutional text, amend it and subsequently freely express themselves
through a referendum;

2. Condemns the rejection by the Burmese Government of the proposals made
by UN Special Envoy Gambari, to allow an open and inclusive campaign in
the run-up to the constitutional referendum; calls on the Burmese
Government to act in good faith and to work constructively with the UN
Special Envoy;

3. Supports the democratic transition through an inclusive process of
national reconciliation and tripartite dialogue between the regime, the
NLD and ethnic representatives;

4. Seeks from the Burmese Government guarantees that it will convene an
independent election commission, compile a proper voter registration list,
lift long-standing restrictions on the media, allow freedom of
association, expression and assembly in Burma, revoke new regulations that
criminalise legitimate debate on the referendum, and agree to the presence
of international observers;

5. Calls for the immediate and unconditional release of political
opponents of the regime and of more than 1 800 political prisoners,
including Aung San Suu Kyi, the leaders of the "88 Generation Students,
and the leaders of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy arrested in
2005;

6. Calls for the regime to account for all casualties and missing persons
from last September's crackdown on protests by Buddhist monks and
democracy activists and to establish the whereabouts of missing monks and
nuns;

7. Urges the Commission, the Council and Member States to take every
opportunity to speak out in the international arena against the continuing
and persistent abuse of children in Burma, especially through the use of
child soldiers; condemns in the strongest possible terms the recruitment
of child soldiers in Burma, and calls on the UN Security Council to
thoroughly investigate the situation in Burma in this regard;

8. Notes that China has recently ratified the UN Optional Protocol to the
Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in
armed conflict, draws attention to the deplorable abuses perpetrated in
this regard by the Burmese military junta, and urges China to take action
in this regard;

9. Supports the good offices of the UN Secretary-General and Mr Gambari's
efforts to negotiate with the Burmese authorities; calls on the EU and the
Member States to work closely with the UN Special Envoy to ensure the
consistency of the international community's involvement in Burma;

10. Supports the efforts of the EU's special envoy on Burma, Piero
Fassino, to promote dialogue with ASEAN countries; urges ASEAN to put
substantive pressure on the Burmese authorities to bring about democratic
change;

11. Urges the Council to renew its targeted sanctions, and to broaden
them, focusing on restrictions on access to international banking services
for military-owned companies and for conglomerates and businesses that are
closely linked to the military or whose earnings benefit the military, and
restrictions on access to personal business opportunities, health care,
shopping, and foreign education for their children for selected generals
and their immediate families; urges the Council to comprehensively and
explicitly prohibit selected individuals and entities from making any
financial transactions that pass through clearing-house banks or otherwise
using financial services within the EU's jurisdiction;

12. Calls on the Council to ensure the effective application of targeted
sanctions, to adequately investigate potential targets of sanctions, to
allow for a review of decisions and ongoing monitoring, and to ensure that
the measures adopted are implemented;

13. Calls on the Council to continue to review sanctions against specific
human rights benchmarks that should include the following: the release of
political prisoners and all other persons arbitrarily detained for
exercising their basic human rights to freedom of expression, association
and assembly; the provision of an accurate official account of the
numbers, whereabouts and conditions of individuals killed, arrested and/or
detained by the security forces, including in the recent crackdown; a
cessation of military attacks on civilians; and a transition to democracy;
calls also on the Council to consider further targeted sanctions, such as
a complete ban on new investment, a ban on the provision of insurance
services for investment in Burma, and an embargo on trade in key
commodities that provide significant revenue to the military government;

14. At the same time, calls on the EU and the wider international
community to offer incentives for reform as a counterbalance to the threat
and/or imposition of sanctions and provide the military leadership with
positive motivation for change;

15. Notes that the EU arms embargo on Burma is ineffective, as the
military government purchases its military goods in China, Russia and
India; urges the EU, therefore, to campaign actively for a worldwide
embargo on arms exports to Burma;

16. Calls on the international community, Western governments and campaign
groups to scale up their humanitarian work, particularly through existing
programmes in the health sector, and to initiate new and broader
programmes to support basic education, reaching internally displaced
persons (IDPs) and others caught in the conflict zones, mainly along the
Thai border; in this context, calls on the Commission to extend its
humanitarian aid budget under the Development Cooperation Instrument (DCI)
for Burma (currently 32 million EUR for 2007-2010) and to invest more in
cross-border humanitarian aid for IDPs;

17. Calls on the Commission to create and expand assistance programmes
aimed at empowering disenfranchised groups, including women and ethnic and
religious minorities, and alleviating political, ethnic, religious and
other divisions;

18. Calls on the Commission to increase support for Burmese living outside
the country through the DCI programme on uprooted people and to look into
other ways of providing support;

19. Stresses that the provision of aid should be linked to benchmarks and
timelines, with a view to combating risks of corruption more effectively;

20. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the
Commission, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the
governments and parliaments of the ASEAN countries, the Burmese National
League for Democracy, the Burmese State Peace and Development Council, the
Government of the People's Republic of China, the Government and
Parliament of India, the Government of Russia and the United Nations
Secretary-General.