BurmaNet News, August 7, 2008

[Editor]

August 7, 2008 Issue #3529


INSIDE BURMA
DVB: ABFSU calls for a new uprising
BBC News: Burma comic charged over aid runs
AP: Suu Kyi's continued detention is rights violation, NLD says
Khonumthung News: Severe food shortages in Chin state focus of WFP meeting

ON THE BORDER
Reuters: Laura Bush tours camp to lift pressure on Myanmar
Bangkok Post: Burma beefs up border troops

HEALTH / AIDS
Xinhua: Myanmar stresses breast feeding for boosting health status

DRUGS
Kaladan News: Two drug smugglers arrested with 4000 WY tablets in Maungdaw

REGIONAL
Irrawaddy: Bush warm, knowledgeable on Burma, say activists
Philippine Daily Inquirer: Arroyo urged to push for democratic reforms in
Myanmar

INTERNATIONAL
UN News Centre: Top UN relief official draws lessons from Myanmar cyclone
aid effort

OPINION / OTHER
Irrawaddy: Bush, Beijing and Burma – Aung Din
The Nation (Thailand): Twenty years on, Burma's opposition lacks unity
Mizzima News: Understanding the Bush interest in Burma – Sein Win
DVB: Burma’s Saddam: General Than Shwe – Nyo Ohn Myint



____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

August 7, Democratic Voice of Burma
ABFSU calls for a new uprising – Khin Hnin Htet

On the eve of the 20th anniversary of the 8888 uprising, the All Burma
Federation of Student Unions has called on the Burmese people to rise up
again to bring down the military regime.

The ABFSU in central Burma made the call in a message yesterday.

"It has been 20 years since the 8.8.88 uprising and we would like to urge
students, youths, monks and the people to bring down the military regime
and to bring about democracy and human rights in the country by staging a
similar uprising," the group said.
The group said leaflets containing their message had been distributed in
universities and colleges in Mandalay, Kyauk Se, Monywa and Magwe
recently.

ABFSU members have said they will stage poster and leaflet campaigns
whenever there is a chance to fight for democracy and for the rights of
students and the people of Burma.

Security has been tightened in universities and colleges in central Burma
in the lead-up to the 8888 anniversary.

____________________________________

August 7, BBC News
Burma comic charged over aid runs

One of Burma's most popular comedians has been charged with several
offences, after he defied the military by giving aid to the victims of
Cyclone Nargis.

Zarganar faces charges including creating public unrest and unlawful
association for his activities during the disaster, his relatives said.

He appeared at a special court in Rangoon's notorious Insein Jail.

The move came one day before Burmese dissidents plan to mark 20 years
since nationwide pro-democracy protests.

Six weeks of rallies - which became know as the 8/8/88 protests - were
eventually brutally suppressed by the military.

At least 3,000 civilians were killed as the military tightened its grip on
power.

'Lost hope'

Many Burmese who have fled the nation plan to hold protests to commemorate
those who died.

But there is unlikely to be much dissent in Burma itself.

"I've totally lost hope that change will come through mass protests," Min
Aung, a dissident in Rangoon, told the Associated Press.

"It's difficult to organise protests now because most of the leaders are
in jail or in hiding."

Meanwhile, US President George W Bush and his wife, Laura, both delivered
speeches criticising the Burmese junta.

Speaking in Thailand, the president called for an "end to tyranny", while
Mrs Bush appealed for reform to allow thousands of dissidents to return
home.

Critical interviews

Zarganar appeared at the special court along with three others.

He fell foul of the regime when he began delivering aid to victims of
Cyclone Nargis in June.

The generals had insisted that all aid be delivered by the military - but
there were widespread reports that badly needed supplies were being
siphoned off by soldiers.

Zarganar also gave media interviews criticising the response to the
catastrophe.

The Irrawaddy, a magazine run by Burmese dissidents, reported that the
authorities raided his home on 4 June and seized a computer and about
$1,000 (£514) collected for victims of the cyclone.

____________________________________

August 7, Associated Press
Suu Kyi's continued detention is rights violation, NLD says

Aung San Suu Kyi's political party told a UN envoy visiting Burma on
Wednesday that the junta's decision to keep her under house arrest for a
sixth year violates her human rights.

The junta's ruling in May to extend Suu Kyi's detention by one year
sparked international outrage and Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy
party denounced the extension as illegal. Her party tried to fight the
case in court but the government has so far rejected its appeal.

During a 10-minute meeting with UN rights investigator Tomas Ojea
Quintana, three senior NLD members complained about Suu Kyi's treatment.

"Our party leaders told the envoy that rejection of the appeal against Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi's detention was violation of human rights," NLD spokesman
Nyan Win said.

Nyan Win also said the NLD discussed the continued detention of people
arrested in last year's demonstrations over rising fuel prices and their
concerns over the approval of a constitutional referendum in May that
paves the way for election in 2010. The constitution is viewed by many as
flawed.

It was unclear whether Quintana would meet Suu Kyi before he leaves Thursday.

Since his arrival Sunday, Quintana has met senior Buddhist monks, visited
the cyclone-devastated Irrawaddy delta and met five of the countries most
prominent political detainees inside the country's infamous Insein prison.

Quintana's visit comes just before the 20th anniversary of an uprising
against the military junta. The government has already tightened security,
fearing pro-democracy activists could launch anti-junta protests Friday to
coincide with August 8, 1988, anniversary.

Burma has been under military rule since 1962. The current junta came to
power in 1988 after crushing a nationwide pro-democracy movement, killing
as many as 3,000 people. It called elections in 1990 but refused to honor
the results after Suu Kyi's party won overwhelmingly.

____________________________________

August 7, Khonumthung News
Severe food shortages in Chin state focus of WFP meeting

The severe food crisis in Chin state of Burma was the focus of the meeting
of international and domestic non government organizations held at the
World Food Program's (WFP) head-office in Rangoon yesterday. All present
agreed on the acuteness of the crisis and expressed fears about imminent
famine in Chin state.

In an e- mail sent to Khonumthung News , the director of Country Agency
for Rural Development (CAD), Joseph Win Hlaing Oo  says, " Many news
agencies are broadcasting there is famine in Chin state; so far famine has
not started,  but there is certainly a serious food crisis."

He further said the report of the Chin Human Right Organization on food
crisis in Chin state dominated the discussion in yesterday meeting.

Participants of the meeting agreed rat infestation and draught have badly
affected villagers in Chin state.

The WFP approved CAD's proposal of free distribution of food and
implementation of the food for work program. CAD believes these would help
people in affected areas.

The meeting was concluded with a resolution to work closely for more
concrete data and methodology on the food crisis in Chin state, Joseph Win
Hlaing Oo added.

A total of 12 participants from WFP, FAO (Food and Agriculture
Organization) , GRET (Groupe d'échange et de recherche technologiques),
Care, KMSS(Karuna Myanmar Social Services), CDRT, CAD and DFID (Department
for International Development) were present at the  meeting.

The food crisis which is about to assume proportions of a famine (local
known as Mautam) follows the flowering of bamboo plants. It is said to
have started in 2006 and plagued several parts of Chin state and caused
food shortage in the region.

Rats multiply after eating bamboo flowers and damage paddy and other
crops, which is the main food of the Chin people. The rats attack even the
barns where paddy stocks are kept.

According to Chin Famine Emergency Relief Committee (CFERC) the Chin
relief group based in Mizoram in northeast India , 100,000 of over 500,000
people in Chin state are facing severe food shortages.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

August 7, Reuters
Laura Bush tours camp to lift pressure on Myanmar – Jeremy Pelofsky

U.S. First Lady Laura Bush tried to boost pressure on the Myanmar
government to accept democratic reforms when she visited a large refugee
camp in Thailand just a few miles from the border on Thursday.

The Mae La camp, 10 km (6 miles) from the Myanmar border, opened almost 25
years ago and is filled with 39,000 refugees who are waiting to return
home or be resettled elsewhere.

Her visit came a day before the 20th anniversary of the August 8, 1988
uprising in Myanmar, when the army killed about 3,000 people in the
military junta's brutal suppression of protests.

"Twenty years have gone by, everything is still the same or maybe worse in
Burma," Bush told reporters after a two-hour tour.

"We know Burma is a very rich country, rich with natural resources and the
junta uses those resources to prop themselves up for their own benefit,
not for the benefit of the people of Burma," she said after the tour with
her daughter, Barbara.

Having ruled the former Burma for more than four decades, Myanmar's
military junta has refused to accept losing a 1990 election and has
cracked down numerous times on pro-democracy demonstrators, killing
thousands.

Bush also visited a clinic 4 km from the border where refugees are treated
and prosthetic limbs are fitted for those injured by land mines as they
tried to escape Myanmar.

The United States has pushed for democratic reforms and offered millions
of dollars in aid after Cyclone Nargis left 138,000 dead or missing. The
junta has largely shunned international aid and strictly limited aid
workers' efforts.

REFUGEES PREFER TO GO HOME

Bush said it was unclear if U.S. policy was succeeding in isolating the
junta because so many refugees were being resettled elsewhere, but efforts
to crimp leader Than Shwe were working.

"There are a number of sanctions aimed directly at Than Shwe and his
cohorts in the military ... we do think some of those are being effective,
that they're being squeezed out," she said.

Most refugees in the camp Bush visited live in open-air huts with leaves
for roofs and lack electricity and running water. One camp leader said
they would like to go home to Myanmar.

"Repatriation with dignity and safety is not possible right now," Mahn
Htun Htun told Bush.

Htun said a major concern among leaders at the camp is that roughly 13,000
new arrivals have not been registered and that there is not enough food.

Bush and U.S. officials said they could not confirm that number, noting a
census of the camp had not been done in years.

Until three years ago, U.S. law made it difficult for the so-called Karen
refugees from Myanmar to enter the United States but that has since been
changed, a U.S. official said.

Dennis Wilder, senior director of Asian affairs at the White House
National Security Council, said 30,000 refugees have been accepted since
2005.

Bush, a former school teacher, toured through open-air classes on English
and mathematics at the camp. She also met families about to depart for the
United States and others being interviewed to be relocated to America or
other countries.

"My life in refugee (camp) is better than Burma but I don't have
opportunity to go outside of my camp," one student in an English class
wrote on a chalkboard.

(Editing by Paul Tait)

____________________________________

August 7, Bangkok Post
Burma beefs up border troops – Subin Khuenkaew

The Burmese government has reinforced its troops along the border with
Thailand to beef up security in the run-up to the 20th anniversary of
Burma's pro-democracy uprising, said a border source. The troop build-up
is said to have begun four days ago in the border areas opposite the
northern provinces of Tak, Chiang Rai, Chiang Mai and Mae Hong Son, the
source said.

It is estimated that more than 10 battalions have been despatched to the
areas.

In the Burmese border town of Tachilek, opposite Chiang Rai's Mae Sai
district, troops have also been deployed at key public establishments.

It is also reported that Burmese troops and artillery have been sent to a
disputed border area covering 32 square metres on Doi Lang mountain,
opposite Chiang Mai's Mae Ai district.

The security boost has been prompted by a report that violence might erupt
on the Thai-Burmese border to mark the 8/8/88 pro-democracy uprising, said
the source.

The prospect of violence has reportedly been heightened by US President
George W. Bush's visit to Thailand.


''The US president plans to address the problems in Burma, so this might
irritate the Burmese authorities,'' said the source.

It is reported that Burmese activists will rally in front of the Burmese
embassy tomorrow to demand the Burmese government release political
prisoners arrested over the past 20 years.

Meanwhile, Chaowalit Sirikij, commander of the Pha Muang Task Force,
yesterday said Thai authorities are unaware of the rumour about a possible
outbreak of violence at the Thai-Burmese border.

He added the military build-up along the border is Burma's internal affair.

Maj-Gen Chaowalit said the Thai-Burmese Regional Border Committee (RBC) is
scheduled to meet in Chiang Rai province today and tomorrow.

A security source said Burma is expected to make a protest over the
disputed border area during the RBC meeting.

Two months ago, Burmese soldiers arrested two Thai villagers for
trespassing over the border.

The villagers were later released after negotiations, said the source.

____________________________________
HEALTH / AIDS

August 7, Xinhua
Myanmar stresses breast feeding for boosting health status

A Myanmar high-ranking health official has stressed the implementation of
breast feeding project as a prime task in boosting health status of women
and babies.

Dr Paing Soe, Myanmar Deputy Health Minister, made the remarks at a
ceremony in Yangon Wednesday marking the World Breastfeeding Week, the
state newspaper New Light of Myanmar reported Thursday.

Paing Soe said that since the project started in 1993, a total of 445
hospitals in Myanmar were acknowledged as Baby Friendly Hospital
Initiative and 159 townships as Baby Friendly Home Delivery.

According to the health authorities, 42.4 percent of the country's
hospitals were covered by the breast feeding plan.

To promote dissemination of breast feeding information and education, this
years' world breast feeding week campaign has been launched across Myanmar
since the beginning of this month by the health ministry involving the
cooperation of United Nations agencies and domestic non-governmental
organizations.

Earlier statistics of the ministry indicated that 97 percent of mothers in
Myanmar breast fed their babies but only 70 percent are methodical.

The ministry has called for systematic breastfeeding habit to get benefits
derived from the feeding.

____________________________________
DRUGS

August 7, Kaladan News
Two drug smugglers arrested with 4000 WY tablets in Maungdaw

On August 2, two drug smugglers were arrested along with 4,000 WY tablets
by Maungdaw district police in Maungdaw Township in Arakan State ,
according to a police source in Maungdaw Town . They were let off later as
part of police-smuggler nexus.

On being tipped off Sergeant Maung Kye with three others including a
police officer went to Bomu Para in Maungdaw town and arrested two drug
smugglers along with 4,000 WY tablets from the Than Lwin's house, who
lives near Dr. U Khin Maung Hla. U Than Lwin is a broker used by Maungdaw
District police for smuggling of contraband drugs to Bangladesh .

This information was given to the police by the Sayadaw of Bangla
Monastery of Maungdaw town when the drug smugglers reached the monastery.
The Buddhist monastery was established in Myoma Kanyan Tan village of
Maungdaw Town with the support of the Bangladesh government.

The policemen, however, released the arrested drug smugglers after taking
Kyat one million without informing their boss at the police station. The
policemen kept the 4000 WY tablets.

Than Lwin is a civilian broker used by Sergeant Maung Kye, the broker
ordered the drug smugglers to carry WY tablets to Maungdaw Town .  He also
gave some money to the smugglers.  It is learnt that they had already paid
for 2,000 WY tablets. This money was from police Sergeant Maung Kye.

At present, in Maungdaw, a WY tablet is being sold at Kyat 2,000, said a
shopkeeper in Maungdaw town.

If the Sergeant Maung Kye of Maundaw District police and the Sayadaw of
Bangla monastery are asked about it, it will be clear who the drug
smugglers are, said a trader in Maundaw town on condition of anonymity.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

August 7, Irrawaddy
Bush warm, knowledgeable on Burma, say activists – Wai Moe

US President George W Bush traded ideas about US economic sanctions on
Burma, humanitarian aid after Cyclone Nargis and Chinese foreign policy
during a private lunch with nine Burmese activists in Bangkok on Thursday.

 “On China’s Burma policy, Bush said although the two countries cooperate
with each other on many issues, the US and China have different interests
in Burma,” said Win Min, a Burmese political analyst.

The activists told The Irrawaddy after the lunch at the US ambassador’s
residence that Bush was very knowledgeable on Burma and the rest of Asia.

Bo Kyi, a joint-founder of the Assistance Association of Political
Prisoners-Burma, said, “He understands Burma and Asia. He also talked
about his concern for political prisoners in Burma.”

The US president came across as a likeable, warm person, said one of the
luncheon group, who represented a cross-section of Burmese interests
groups.

The hour-long lunch included Burmese exiles Aung Zaw, the editor of The
Irrawaddy and a former student activist; Kyaw Kyaw of the Political
Defense Committee; and Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese political analyst.

The activists said the meeting was also an expression of the president’s
wife’s personal interest in Burma. First lady Laura Bush on Thursday
toured a Burmese refugee camp on the Thailand-Burma border and visited a
free medical clinic that provides services to refugees.

When asked about the possibility of a six-party talk on Burma, similar to
that held on North Korea, Bush said it would probably not be possible in
Burma’s case, said one activist.

Michael W. Charney of the School of Oriental and African Studies of the
University of London, asked to assess the meeting, said while it was a
genuine expression of Bush’s commitment, it probably would lead to little
change, partly because of his limited time in office.

“Certainly, it will help to keep some attention on Burma and to do so from
within Thailand, which has of late been favorable toward the military
regime in Naypyidaw. It helps to make the latter’s position a little more
uncomfortable,” he said.  It would be more meaningful if the dissidents
had been talking to presidential hopefuls Barack Obama or John McCain, he
said.

“We will have to wait to see if there will be any new US foreign policy
initiatives that impact Burma, although I expect less change under McCain
than under Obama.”

Analysts said the meeting was probably intended in part to balance out
negative impressions from Bush’s participation in the opening ceremonies
of the Beijing Olympics, which will be held on Friday.

In a related event, more than 100 former Burmese activists, journalists
and others commemorated the 20th anniversary of the Burmese 8.8.88
uprising at the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Thailand in Bangkok on
Wednesday.

Four former student activists: Aung Moe Zaw, Aung Naing Oo, Aung Zaw and
Myint Myint San, as well as Toe Toe, an ex-Burmese migrant worker who was
four years old in 1988, presented a panel discussion. Dominic Faulder, a
journalist who has written on Burma since 1981, served as a moderator.

Aung Zaw, who was detained as a student activist in March 1988, said, “The
8.8.88 uprising was not event, not an uprising, but a process. It was a
political process in history.”

He said that he would like to honor the spirit of the people who died in
the uprising. “Our struggle, our destination continues,” he said.

A Burmese political analyst in exile, Aung Naing Oo, who was a student in
the English department of the University of Rangoon in 1988, said he
didn’t even understand the word “democracy” at the beginning of the
movement. “My brother asked me what was the meaning of democracy, and then
I had to look it up in a dictionary,” he said.

Reviewing the 20-year period since the uprising, he said it has been “20
years of hopelessness.”

Aung Moe Zaw, the chairman of the Democratic Party for a New Society, said
that in 1988 people had romantic ideas about democracy and freedom, and
now, he said, “We have lost opportunities.”

Thee Lay Thee, a Burmese comedy team, also performed and showed
photographs of the military regime’s crackdown in 1988.

____________________________________

August 7, Philippine Daily Inquirer
Arroyo urged to push for democratic reforms in Myanmar – TJ Burgonio

President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo should push for the inclusion of
democratic reforms in Burma in a future dialogue between China and the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations, a self-exiled Burmese lawmaker
said Thursday.

Khun Myint Tun said the Philippine government should not stop at demanding
the release of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, but push for political
reforms in the military ruled Myanmar.

“We like the President’s attitude and statement but to demand only the
release of Aung San Suu Kyi is not effective,” he said, referring to the
President’s vow to seek Suu Kyi’s release in her national address last
week.

“ASEAN should discuss Burma in a dialogue with China,” he said in a
briefing, stressing that ASEAN and China play a key role in restoring
democracy in Myanmar, also known as Burma.

“If there’s no dialogue, we will challenge the credentials of the SPDC
(State Peace and Development Council) at the UN. So the ASEAN, and
especially Philippine government should support us,’’ he added.

Myint Tun, a member of the Parliament Union who won but was denied a seat
in the 1990 national elections, made the appeal as Arroyo flew to Beijing
for bilateral talks with Chinese President Hu Jintao.

Supporters and allies of Suu Kyi are marking today the 20th anniversary of
the August 8, 1988 crackdown on protesting students and monks that killed
3,000 in Myanmar.

Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace laureate, has been held continuously by the ruling
military junta since 2003.

The junta, which took power in 1988, called elections in 1990, but refused
to recognize the results when Suu Kyi’s party won a resounding victory.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

August 7, UN News Centre
Top UN relief official draws lessons from Myanmar cyclone aid effort

All nations need outside help when faced by a major natural disaster,
according to the United Nations’ top humanitarian official, commenting
today on the relief operations following Cyclone Nargis in Myanmar.

“No nation, rich or poor, can go it alone when confronted by a natural
disaster of the magnitude of Cyclone Nargis,” John Holmes, the UN
Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs writes in an op-ed
published in The Washington Post.

“It would have been much better, not least for the survivors, if the
Government of Myanmar had recognized the value of an international
presence from the start.”

The cyclone, which struck in early May, claimed nearly 140,000 lives and
seriously affected some 2.4 million people.

Mr. Holmes stresses that the aid operation in Myanmar “had to be about
helping vulnerable people in need, not about politics.”

“In this post-Iraq age,” he writes, “I am concerned that humanitarians are
often pressured to choose between the hammer of forced intervention and
the anvil of perceived inaction. Was there a realistic alternative to the
approach of persistent negotiation and dialogue that we pursued? I do not
believe so. Nor have I met anyone engaged in the operations who believes
that a different approach would have gotten more aid to more people more
quickly.”

The Under-Secretary-General goes on to say that there can be a role for
humanitarian intervention, but it must only be used as a last resort,
“when all else has been tried and the only alternative is death and
suffering on a mass scale.”

Mr. Holmes also writes that the post-cyclone efforts also showed a new
model of humanitarian partnership, citing the cooperation between the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Government of Myanmar
and the UN.

“This may prove the most important – and, I hope, enduring – lesson of the
cyclone response, with implications for how we respond, anywhere, in the
future,” he writes. “Given that eight of the 10 worst natural disasters
last year occurred in Asia, this represents a life-saving investment,
where the United Nations is helping to build local capacity.”

The importance of disaster risk reduction and preparedness was also
highlighted in Myanmar, according to Mr. Holmes, who is also the UN’s
Emergency Relief Coordinator.

“Simple, low-cost measures – local evacuation plans, shelters, community
early-warning systems – have saved tens of thousands of lives in
neighbouring Bangladesh when it has been faced with similarly devastating
cyclones. We need to help the people of Myanmar strengthen their
resilience and reduce their vulnerability. Rebuilding better, to minimize
future disaster risks, is a top priority.”

Mr. Holmes says that he is confident that the overwhelming majority of
survivors of the cyclone have received help, even if many of them need
much more assistance. He also stresses that a much-feared second wave of
deaths from starvation and disease failed to materialize, which he
describes as no small achievement given the fact that 75 per cent of
hospitals and clinics were effectively destroyed in the affected areas.

“In coming years we can expect to see more, and more intense,
weather-related natural disasters as the effects of climate change become
more pronounced. We must be better prepared and must cooperate as
neighbours and an international community in meeting this challenge,” he
concludes.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

August 7, Irrawaddy
Bush, Beijing and Burma – Aung Din

One day before the Beijing Olympics begin, President George W Bush and
first lady Laura Bush meet with Burmese democracy activists in Thailand. 
The trip rightly draws attention to a matter China prefers the world would
ignore—it’s propping up of one of the world's most brutal military
dictatorships.

The trip also calls into question those in the United States, European
Union and many countries in Asia who have for some years placed great hope
in the idea that China will assume the role of a "responsible stakeholder"
as it is increasingly integrated in the international community.

In the case of Burma, these hopes couldn't be more divorced from reality. 
China serves as Burma's financial, political, military and diplomatic
backbone, working actively to derail international efforts at change.
Without China’s help, the regime would have been forced into peaceful
negotiations many years ago.

The stakes couldn't be higher for the Burmese people.  While not as
well-known as Idi Amin, Omar Al-Bashir, Adolf Hitler or Josef Stalin,
Burma's dictator Than Shwe rightly belongs in a rogue’s gallery of the
worst dictators in history.  Among other abuses, Than Shwe has locked up
nearly 2,000 political prisoners, along with the world's only imprisoned
Nobel Peace Prize recipient, Aung San Suu Kyi.

He has ordered and carried out the destruction of a staggering 3,200
ethnic minority villages in Burma, forcing millions to flee as refugees
and internally displaced people.  To put this in a comparative
perspective, this is twice as many villages as have been destroyed by
Bashir's Janjaweed in Darfur.  To make matters worse, when Buddhist monks
marched on the streets in Burma last September calling for peace in the
country, Than Shwe ordered his troops to shoot directly at the monks. Many
monks were killed; many more were arrested, disrobed and tortured, along
with leading dissidents and human rights activists.

I can personally testify to the horrors of Than Shwe's prison gulags.  I
was arrested and then imprisoned in Burma for more than four years, during
which time I experienced firsthand many of the Burmese military regime's
torture tactics.  Severe beatings, starvation and electrocution are the
order of the day.  I still have nightmares about what happens behind
Burma's bamboo curtain.

Many modern dictators who carry out atrocities on this scale are
immediately faced with action from the United Nations.  Peacekeepers may
be dispatched, the UN Security Council might demand changes or a global
arms embargo could be put in place.  Yet, China has prevented any
meaningful action at the UN via its veto power at the Security Council.

When France, the UK and the United States proposed a non-binding
resolution in early 2007 that called on Than Shwe's regime to end its
attacks against the Burmese people and engage in peaceful negotiations
with the democracy movement, China vetoed the move.

When the military regime opened fire on the Buddhist monks, China
permitted a truncated UN Security Council statement calling for change in
Burma, only to backpedal the very same day.

Beyond stifling UN efforts at jump-starting peaceful negotiations in
Burma, China has served as Than Shwe's key supplier of weapons for more
than two decades, including tanks and armored personnel carriers, fighter
jets, attack aircraft, coastal patrol ships, small arms and light weapons.
With Chinese arms and military equipment, Burma's regime has quadrupled
the size of its forces to 450,000 soldiers.

In return, Burma has granted China sweetheart deals on natural gas
extraction.  By some estimates, the Burmese regime ignored a superior
Indian offer by $8.4 billion for
Burmese natural gas; the cheaper deal went instead to China.  Unlike
China, India can offer no respite to the regime from the UN Security
Council.

Meanwhile, the regime continues to plead for international humanitarian
aid, shockingly siphoning off 10 to 15 percent for itself.  Even after
Cyclone Nargis recently devastated much of Southwestern Burma, the regime
continued to line its own pockets, stealing millions of dollars in foreign
assistance intended to help the most needed.

The President and first lady should raise these issues with President Hu
Jintao when they arrive in China on August 8th, the 20-year anniversary of
a massive popular uprising in Burma and the opening day of the Beijing
Olympics.

Specifically, the President should ask President Hu to inform the Burmese
military regime that unless Than Shwe enters into serious three-way
negotiations with Aung San Suu Kyi and the country's ethnic minorities,
China will end its support for the Burmese dictator at the UN Security
Council.

We hope the Bush meeting with Burmese dissidents—many of whom have been
through hell in their peaceful struggle for democracy—will inspire him to
press China to play the "responsible" role that the modern world expects.

Aung Din is the executive director of the US Campaign for Burma. A former
political prisoner in Burma, he served more than four years imprisonment.

____________________________________

August 7, The Nation (Thailand)
Twenty years on, Burma's opposition lacks unity – Htet Aung Kyaw

WHILE the whole world is busy watching the Beijing Olympics, many Burmese
are preparing for the 20th anniversary of the August 8, 1988 uprising, or
"8888". But the question now is how many Burmese can seriously review this
journey of 20 years and the goals of the democracy movement? There is no
sign of any big ceremony inside the country as all key members of the 88
Generation Student Group, including Min Ko Naing, are in jail.

Last year students and monks led a peaceful demonstration against
fuel-price hikes which lead to September's "saffron revolution", and many
Burmese activists around the globe plan to hold ceremonies to mark the
anniversary.

In Thailand, before they head to Beijing for the Olympics opening
ceremony, US President George Bush and First Lady Laura Bush will
encourage Burmese activists in Bangkok to fight on for their freedom. This
is significant support from the world's most powerful country but it is
not to enough to change the situation inside Burma. Obviously, the US has
tried to punish the Burmese regime though the United Nations Security
Council, but two decades of economic and diplomatic sanctions have not
worked. China, the main supporter and business partner of the Burmese
junta, uses its UN veto all the time to act against the US's desire.

"We want to urge the UN Security Council and world leaders to take action;
words are not enough," said Htun Myin Aung of the 88 Generation Student
Group in a telephone interview from his hiding place in Rangoon.

"The UN Security Council and the US urgently need to announce that they do
not recognise the junta's referendum result, as they did on Zimbabwe's
election result," the leader-in-hiding added.

If the UN can do this, the 88 Generation Student Group, 1990's election
winners and many activists believe there will be negotiations between the
junta leader Gen Than Shwe and detained opposition leader Aung San Suu
Kyi.

But a rival of the 88 Generation Student Group, Aye Lwin, does not agree.
"This is just their dream of outsiders helping. In reality, there is no
dialogue, only the need to try to win the 2010 election" the pro-junta
student leader said.

"They blame the Tatmataw [the Burmese Army] all the time but never try to
organise themselves. That is why they have not reached their goals or
achieved power in 20 years" the controversial said from his
government-backed figure.

There is no doubt that many activists, especially those in exile, will be
angry at his comments. Why? Is there any wrong fact here? Or is it just
too hard to recognise a different opinion from a rival group?

No matter whether we agree or disagree on that question, we need to
seriously review why we have not yet reached the goals set 20 years ago.
According to some activists and researchers, the main reason is a lack of
unity among the democracy movement's leaders. They point out that the
opposition had a chance to form an interim government during the power
vacuum after the 1988 uprising. Secondly, they also had a chance to take
power after the 1990 election, in which Aung San Suu Kyi's National League
for Democracy won 80 per cent of the vote.

After the junta refused to recognise the result of the 1990 election, some
politicians and activists went to rebel-controlled areas where thousands
of students from the 1988 uprising had founded a self-styled student army.
But there on the Thai border, they similarly faced a lack of unity among
the leaders. The student army divided into two factions in 1991, while
their allies the Kachin and Mon armed rebels signed cease-fire agreements
with the junta in 1994 and 1995. The powerful Karen rebel group split in
late 1995 with the Buddhist Karen joining sides with the junta. The result
of the lack of unity among the leaders made for growing distrust of other
factions. Many students and activists, including some Karen rebels, left
their guns to go to third countries while the junta occupied many of their
former bases.

Back in Rangoon, the junta held a National Convention in 1993 but the NLD
walked out in 1996. Since then, the NLD has called for dialogue with the
junta but without success, although there were some meetings between Than
Shwe and Aung San Suu Kyi sponsored by ousted prime minister Khin Nyunt
before the 2003 Depeyin massacre.

The international community has called for the junta to respect the result
of the 1990 election and begin dialogue with opposition. There have been
at least three UN special envoys to Burma, including Gambari, who is
heading back to Burma later this month. Even though the UNSC discusses
Burma continually, there is no sign of Than Shwe changing his tune.

However, there is still an opening to deal with the junta in the wake of
Cyclone Nargis, which hit Burma leaving 135,000 people dead and missing
and millions homeless. The junta needs millions of dollars in urgent help
from the outside world, although it continues to berate the West in its
state-controlled media.

But the world body needs to remember that international aid is not the
first priority for the junta, but power. UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon
and other world leaders well know how badly the SPDC has dealt with the
aid operation to for millions of cyclone survivors. But Ban did not say a
word about politics when he meet Than Shwe in Naypyidaw; instead he
focused only on the humanitarian mission.

However, Than Shwe didn't listen to the UN's warnings but went ahead with
all his political plans: the constitutional referendum in May, the
adoption of the constitution in June and now the preparations for an
election in 2010.

In this scenario, can there be any opportunity left to reconsider the
SPDC-led seven-step road map before the 2010 election? Will there be any
dialogue as demanded by the 88 Generation Student Group and
representatives of 1990's election winners? There is no guarantee but the
chance is still open. But it depends on unity among world leaders,
especially the five permanent members of the UNSC. It also depends on
unity among the Burmese opposition leaders and on how much the junta wants
to maintain the status quo.

"We need action now. No more words," young activists will shout on
Rangoon's streets on the anniversary of "8888".

Htet Aung Saw took part in the 1988 student uprising and now works for the
Oslo-based "Dmeocratic Voice of Burma".

____________________________________

August 7, Mizzima News
Understanding the Bush interest in Burma – Sein Win

"President George Bush will meet Burmese activists during Thailand trip" –
dominated headlines among Burma's exile community. It appeared to offer
new hope after but the latest episode of sadness and frustration inside
their motherland – the military government's stubborn and incapable
efforts in the Nargis relief effort.

The message from the President spellbound and morally encouraged Burmese
everywhere; as one of the best known personages in the world would
personally be standing with the Burmese democratic movement. The message
was clear: "You are with me."

But in truth, this period is not a happy one. On the 8th of August,
Burma's democratic supporters will commemorate the 20th anniversary of the
8-8-88 people's uprising. Yet, two decades later, there are no distinct
signs of reconciliation between the military generals and opposition
camps. And in a further indication of the rift, both domestic and
international aid for cyclone victims is falling dramatically.

And wait a minute! What is even more is that Bush's term in office will
finish on January 20, 2009.

I cannot help but ask why Bush did not lunch with Burmese activists seven
years ago? Maybe I am being too cynical, but a lot of questions creep into
my mind regarding the motivation and impact of Bush's overture to Burmese
dissidents at this time.

The Bush administration's foreign policy clout was at its peak after the
September 11 terrorist attacks during the early months of his first term.
If he had acted then, he could have done much on promoting democracy and
freedom in Burma. However, a country like Burma was not a priority.

Additionally, back in Burma in 2001, Nobel Laureate and democratic
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi was freed from her second stint of
house arrest and negotiation talks commenced – even if of an
on-again/off-again nature. It could have provided the best opportunity
ever for a U.S.-led democratic consortium to pressure the Burmese regime
to hasten democratic reforms.

I have no doubt of Bush's well-intentioned and heartfelt agenda of
promoting democracy across the globe and "ending tyranny in our world."
However, he has failed to transform personal politics into an effectual
and prioritized state policy with regard to Burma.

Of course the President and First Lady, Laura Bush, have on occasion held
personal meetings and video conferences with some Burmese activists. But
the political landscape of the latter half of 2001 had since changed. The
Iraq war of 2003, which has proven a distinct failure in bringing
democracy and stability to Iraq, has caused the once unchallenged position
of the United States in the post-Cold War era to quietly, but
increasingly, be challenged by the likes of China and Russia.

It would be premature to say a multi-polar world has come into existence,
but China and Russia have reigned in the early days of a United States
taking the fight to the world's illiberal regimes.

In Burma too, 2003 was a fateful year. It was then that the Depayin
killings occurred. In the ensuing fallout, possibly the most moderate
general in the Burmese junta and a potential force for reform, Khin Nyunt,
was ousted by senior hardliners – who have since enacted an ever more
radical political line. Increasingly, it appears that Burma's generals can
hide, protected, behind neighboring big brother China within the context
of global politics.

The onset of active interest on the part of the President and First Lady
in the wake of the Depayin massacre demonstrated just how distant Burma
had been a foreign policy priority of the United States.

Laura Bush had to have a press conference with a Burma map in her
background, while the President struggled with the correct pronunciation,
and order, of Aung San Suu Kyi's name.

But the President and First Lady's outward interest in the plight of Burma
in the waning days of their time in the White House is not entirely an act
without potential long-term – and positive – repercussions.

The next United States administration can learn from the experiences of
the Bush years, and by raising the profile of Burma in the last months of
his administration, Bush has raised the political costs of the ensuing
President should he or she fail to follow-up on Burma. Lastly, Bush
himself – in his retirement – can keep fighting for democracy and
reconciliation in Burma through continuing and building on this agenda
through his democracy foundation.

Good things can materialize from this week's Presidential stopover in
Thailand. But it remains vital, especially for the Burmese opposition, to
assess the words and actions of this brief episode within their proper
context.

____________________________________

August 7, Democratic Voice of Burma
Burma’s Saddam: General Than Shwe – Nyo Ohn Myint

In the twenty years of iron rule of Burma since 1988, conventional methods
of developing democracy have not brought results.

Countries that are strong supporters of Burma are growing tired of
considering what strategies should be used. Urging compromise and asking
the generals to deal with opposition groups are fanciful ideas. In fact,
forcing the generals to review their role in supporting Burma’s absolute
power holder senior general Than Shwe might offer a solution.

According to information leaked from inside sources, officials within the
State Peace and Development Council are considering a future political
landscape for Burma: a Burma without senior general Than Shwe. For many
reasons, the regime is developing a political scenario which excludes Than
Shwe after the 2010 election.

Currently, the senior general undeniably dictates the SPDC’s future.
Disturbingly, Than Shwe’s tyrannical rule over Burma resembles the late
Saddam Hussein’s despotic rule over Iraq. While Saddam’s practices of
killing and torture were more visible and shocking to the international
community, Than Shwe has used marginally more civilized methods when the
eyes of the international community are upon him. But beyond the reach of
the media and witnesses, both can be equally blamed.

Than Shwe not only eliminates his opponents, but also eradicates
colleagues and subordinates who express an alternative view. Within the
SPDC, two major purges occurred when Than Shwe disagreed with and felt
threatened by other senior officials. First, the brigadier general Zaw
Htun’s recommendation for an alternative economic strategy resulted in his
retirement and disappearance from the SPDC lineup. Second, former prime
minister Khin Nyunt was sentenced to over forty years of imprisonment for
working in his own style. In addition to incarcerating Khin Nyunt, Than
Shwe had many of Khin Nyunt’s subordinates physically tortured, some of
whom were tortured to death. These harsh punishments gave Than Shwe even
more power.

Similarly, during Saddam’s rule, Saddam asked his cabinet for candid
advice. After health minister Ibrahim suggested that Saddam temporarily
step down to allow for peace negotiations during the 1980-84 Iran-Iraq
war, pieces of Ibrahim’s dismembered body were delivered to his wife the
next day. Although Than Shwe did not kill his senior ministers in the same
way, in the example of brigadier general Zaw Htun, Than Shwe severely
punished Zaw Htun as well as the entire military intelligence division.

As a Burma watcher explained when comparing Than Shwe to Saddam, “both men
refused to compromise and maintained power through reward and punishment.
The primary objective of both dictators was to maintain his interests and
dominance.” This reward and punishment system has caused administrators in
both countries to fear the dictator’s harsh punishment and thus provide
false information when competing for their leader’s approval.

Saddam’s cabinet members and aides competed for Saddam’s approval in their
genocide; they competed for who could kill more people, who could perform
the most gruesome torture and so on.

Similarly in Burma, the regional commanders, who are also military council
members, compete for Than Shwe’s approval. For example, commanders
competed during the referendum for the most votes in favour of the SPDC
constitution. The area commanders who presented less than 90 percent Yes
votes in their results were forced to retire or transferred to inactive
positions, said sources.

The recent referendum results demonstrate that Than Shwe’s subordinates
work to please their dictatorial leader. Certainly, Than Shwe enjoys the
pro-SPDC, pro-Than Shwe results that his subordinates falsely provide.
However, while the junta’s mouthpiece media attempts to please Than Shwe
by showcasing Burma’s new roads and bridges and the country’s
“prosperity”, Than Shwe may not realise that it was this kind of
misinformation and false representation of reality that resulted in the
demise of Saddam’s regime.

Even if both leaders claim to love their countries, they indisputably love
themselves and their power more. According to one Burma watcher, “Burma’s
authorities now primarily work to attain the senior general’s approval in
order to avoid harsh punishment. As long as the senior general continues
to use Saddam’s tactics, the other generals within the SPDC will fear
opposing him.”