BurmaNet News, November 26, 2008

[Editor]

November 26, 2008, Issue #3607


INSIDE BURMA
Irrawaddy: Trials and prison transfers continue in Rangoon
Mizzima: Mine casualties in Burma nearly double
Xinhua: Nargis-related tripartite core group holds roundtable in Myanmar
IMNA: KNU says delays at Zemi River checkpoint for safety; travelers
skeptical

ON THE BORDER
Express India: High security along state borders to ensure smooth Mizo polls

BUSINESS / TRADE
Myanmar Times: Gold market fluctuates sharply
Thai Press Reports: Myanmar timber export market declines

INTERNATIONAL
DVB: Betancourt urges more action to free Aung San Suu Kyi
VOA: Netherlands' foreign minister condemns Burma prison sentences

OPINION / OTHER
Kaowao: Toward a democratic change in Burma - Siri Mon Chan
Op Ed News: Burma and a task unfinished, considering the options - Saberi Roy

PRESS RELEASE
MSF: A preventable fate: The failure of ART scale-up in Myanmar



____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

November 26, Irrawaddy
Trials and prison transfers continue in Rangoon - Saw Yan Naing

The Burmese regime continued on Wednesday with its program of sending
newly convicted political dissidents to prisons in remote parts of the
country.

They included two Buddhist monks, Sandar Thiri and Kawvida, of Maggin
monastery in Rangoon’s Thingangyun Township, who were transferred from
Insein Prison to Buthidaung prison in Arakan State, according to reliable
sources.

A youth member of the opposition National League for Democracy, Thein Swe,
and Sithu Maung, a member of the All Burma Federation Students Union
(ABFSU), were transferred from Insein Prison to Sittwe prison in Arakan
State, while a third detainee, Htar Htar Thet, was transferred to Pegu
prison in central Burma.

The five had been given sentences of up to 19 years imprisonment.

More than 30 activists sentenced in the recent series of trials were
transferred on Monday and Tuesday from Insein Prison to isolated prisons
around Burma.

The Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)
says that more than 100 of the 143 dissidents convicted so far have been
sent to remote prisons.  By transferring the convicted dissidents to
prisons far from Rangoon, the regime is making it difficult for family
members and friends to visit them, isolating them still further from the
outside world.

Court proceedings continued this week against 13 members of the 88
Generation Students group, who have already been sentenced to terms of
imprisonment ranging from three to five years.

An ABFSU member, Dee Nyein Lin, who has already been sentenced to six and
a half years imprisonment, also appeared again in court in Htantapin
Township in Pegu Division on Wednesday. No additional sentence was
pronounced, sources said.

Court proceedings against 13 members of the 88 Generation Students group
are due to continue on Friday. Sources say about 40 dissidents, including
volunteers who distributed aid to Cyclone Nargis victims, are still
awaiting trial.

Burma’s best-known comedian Zarganar, who has received a sentence of 45
years imprisonment, will reappear in court in Insein Prison on Thursday,
sources said. Court proceedings against two who helped him in his relief
work, Zaw Thet Htwe and video journalist Thant Zin Aung, who both received
15 years prison terms, will also reappear in court on Thursday.

On Monday, Kyaw Oo and Saw Maung, two members of the dissident group known
as Generation Wave, were sentenced to eight year prison terms for offences
under Section 13/1 of the Immigration Act and Section 17/1 of the Illegal
Organization Act.

The severest punishment handed out by the Insein Court in the current
series of trials was 68 years imprisonment, imposed on the prominent
Buddhist monk Ashin Gambira, who led the nationwide uprising in September
2007. Fourteen members of the 88 Generation Students group were sentenced
to terms of 65 years imprisonment.

____________________________________

November 26, Democratic Voice of Burma
MWAF member says women lack protection - Htet Yazar

A senior member of the Kaytumadi township branch of the Myanmar Women’s
Affairs Federation who recently fled Burma has said the organisation is
unable to protect women in the country.

Thadar Soe was the head of women’s protection and the finance
sub-department of the MWAF in Kaytumadi township, Bago division before she
left the country for Thailand.

She told DVB she was frustrated by the way the organisation failed to give
effective help to women.

"In my personal opinion, I don't really think the MWAF was doing effective
work to protect women from violence – in fact, the organisation barely
took responsibility for most cases," she said.

"The organisation was collecting a lot of taxes and there was no right of
free speech," she went on.

"One of the reasons I fled to the Thai-Burma border is because we were
giving children a kind of education which is not very good for them and I
couldn't bear being suppressed anymore."

Thadar Soe gave an example of one case that the organisation was unable to
pursue because of obstruction by the military.

"There was one incident in our town where a 30-year-old woman was
gang-raped by four soldiers who were guarding the 903rd Support and
Transportation Battalion,” Thadar Soe explained.

“She came to us in tears and told us what happened,” she said.

“We wanted to seek justice for her but the army wouldn’t let us."

The MWAF is nominally a non-governmental organisation, but in reality it
has little independence from the regime and its branches are closely
linked to local officials.

____________________________________

November 26, Mizzima
Mine casualties in Burma nearly double

Reported cases of landmine casualties in Burma skyrocketed during the
course of 2007, with civilians accounting for the vast majority of those
injured or killed, says a report by an international landmine watchdog.

According to the Landmine Monitor Report 2008: Toward a Mine-Free World,
2007 witnessed at least 409 landmine related casualties in Burma,
resulting in a confirmed 47 fatalities. In contrast, the previous year saw
only 232 casualties and 20 deaths.

The contested district of Taungoo, in Pegu Division, accounted for nearly
60 percent of casualty figures for 2007, in cases where geographic
specific data was available.

Recorded numbers are almost assuredly below actual figures, as no reliable
system for data collection exists in the country.

For the year, Burma and Russia are singled out as the only two countries
in the world to have employed new anti-personnel mines. All but nine of
the known victims for 2007 were civilians.

Civilian casualties, for cases in which details are known, most frequently
occurred while: foraging for forest and jungle produce or collecting wood
(46), traveling (22), engaged in agriculture (19), portering (18), and
during instances of forced labor (16).

The International Labor Organization, active in Burma, received a number
of allegations from civilians regarding the Burmese Army's employment of
civilians for forced landmine clearing operations; allegations consistent
with information that Landmine Monitor independently collected.

Burma's Army has been chronicled to use mines to both dissuade villagers
from returning to their homes and to prevent villagers from wandering
beyond their isolated hamlets, given the situation at hand, according to
rights groups active along Burma's borders in neighboring countries.

As for non-state armed groups, mines are often reputed to be one of the
few weapons they have at their disposal to oppose the superior firepower
of the Burmese Army – with the detonation of a mine sometimes serving no
purpose other than to alert villagers to abandon their homes.

If unable to gain assistance from a nongovernmental organization, mine
victims are often left to fend for themselves.

"The high cost of healthcare was the biggest obstacle to receiving
treatment; ongoing conflict and travel limitations further hampered access
to services," according to the report.  Inadequate state facilities and
investment into the healthcare industry are also said to blame.

Domestically, Myanmar Defense Products Industries, a state enterprise in
Pegu Division, is known to produce non-detectable antipersonnel landmines.
Landmine Monitor, however, also calls attention to the foreign supply of
landmines in Burma, of Chinese, Indian, Italian, Russian and American
make.

Among the non-state armed groups named by Landmine Monitor as using
landmines during 2007, are the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), the
Karenni Army, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), the Shan State
Army-South (SSA-S), the Monland Restoration Party and United Wa State Army
(UWSA).

Landmines littering Burma's rural areas are concentrated along the
country's borders with Thailand, India and Bangladesh.

Since independence in 1947, Burma's central authorities have
intermittently come up against dozens of non-state armed groups, most of
whom operate in border regions.

Burma is not a signatory to the 1998 Ottawa Convention, or Mine Ban Treaty
as it is commonly known. China, India, Russia and the United States are
also among those countries not party to the Convention.

____________________________________

November 26, Xinhua
Nargis-related tripartite core group holds roundtable in Myanmar

A high-level roundtable of the Tripartite Core Group (TCG) involving the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Myanmar and the United
Nations (U.N.) opened here Wednesday to review the post-Nargis relief and
recovery efforts in the country.

The two-day roundtable at the Chatrium Hotel was attended by Myanmar
Deputy Foreign Minister U Kyaw Thu, who is also TCG Chairman, Bishow
Parajuli, United Nations Resident Humanitarian Coordinator,
representatives of TCG members and donor countries as well as foreign
diplomats.

Cyclone Nargis, which occurred over the Bay of Bengal, hit five divisions
and states -- Ayeyawaddy, Yangon, Bago, Mon and Kayin on last May 2 and 3,
of which Ayeyawaddy and Yangon suffered the heaviest casualties and
massive infrastructure damage.

The storm has killed 84,537 people and left 53,836 missing and 19,359
injured according to official death toll.

At the meeting, U Kyaw Thu, Bishow Parajuli and Thai Ambassador Bansarn
Bunnag, who represented Surin, made speeches.

The roundtable, which is the second of its kind, will report the progress
of activities that the TCG has embarked on immediately after the
assessment phase.

The TCG, along with Surin and the ASEAN humanitarian task force, met for
the first time in Yangon on June 24 ASEAN roundtable on Post-Nargis Joint
Assessment (PONJA) for response, recovery and reconstruction. The PONJA
Report was finalized and officially launched in July 2008 and the first
periodic review was launched in September this year.

The TCG, based in Yangon, was established at the ASEAN-UN International
Pledging Conference in Yangon in late May as a working mechanism for
coordination, facilitating and monitoring the flow of international
assistance into Myanmar's cyclone-hit areas.

____________________________________

November 26, Independent Mon News Agency
KNU says delays at Zemi River checkpoint for safety; travelers skeptical

Travelers on the Zemi river charge that delays enforced by a Karen
National Union (KNU) checkpoint are designed to earn extra income for
relatives of KNU members, while a KNU source says the delays are for
travelers’ safety.

Travelers and traders using the Zemi River must change boats at the KNU
checkpoint, say IMNA sources who recently made the trip. They are also not
allowed to depart from the checkpoint after 4pm. multiple sources among
travelers and ethnic-ceasefire groups surmised that the delays are
designed to encourage travelers to spend the night, and spend their money,
at shops near the checkpoint.

Mi Htaw, a passenger who recently traveled though the Kyun-chaung gate,
complained that though her boat arrived at 1pm, she was not allowed to
leave until nearly 4pm, when a new boat was ready. She and other
passengers expressed frustration, and said that they could easily have
continued on their previous boat.

Had Mi Htaw’s group waited a little longer, they would have been entirely
barred from passing; no boats are allowed to depart after 4pm.

Travelers waiting around at the checkpoint, especially those forced to
spend the night, must purchase food and water from shops near the
checkpoint. “They made us delay our trip and we had to spend our money for
food at the house boat shop,” said Mi Htaw.

Prices at the shop are unfairly high, sometimes more than double what they
should be, say travelers. According to Saw Tu Tu, KNU officer in charge of
the Kyun-chaung checkpoint, relatives of KNU members own the shops.

Saw Tu Tu denied keeping travelers at the checkpoint to make money at the
shops, and said rather that it was for their safety. Navigating the river
at night is dangerous he said in a phone interview with IMNA. “We worry
for the passengers, so we do not allow them to pass the gate after 5 pm. I
don’t think people face many difficulties from this arrangement.”
Travelers, however, reported being told at the checkpoint that they could
not depart after 4pm.

KNU policy is take responsibility for accidents that befall boats after
they pass through their checkpoint, which could be encouraging the group
to take particular care for traveler’s safety. In October, for instance, a
woman was compensated 600,000 kyat after her baby drowned in an accident
two miles from the Kyun-chaung checkpoint.

Water levels in the Zemi River have dropped since the end of the rainy
season, exposing large rocks and other obstacles to safe navigation.
Travel on the river, which is home to over fifteen gates operated by the
KNU, as well as the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, New Mon State Party
(NMSP) and Burmese army battalions, is set to be closed on December 6th
due to low water levels.

Passengers, however, expressed skepticism that the delays were generated
by concern for their safety. A number of villages and houseboats are
easily reachable in both directions from the Kyun-chaung gate, they
pointed out, offering ample places to stop and take safe harbor.

A source in the NMSP familiar with operations of the checkpoint also did
not believe the excuse proffered by Saw Tu Tu, and agreed that travelers
had plenty of places to safely spend the night should they be caught on
the river at nightfall. Instead, said the NMSP source, whoever is
operating the checkpoint is likely trying to make extra income.

The Zemi River saw unusually high rates of traffic during the 2008 rainy
season, said a report released by the Human Rights Foundation of Monland.
According to the report, an average of one hundred and fifty to two
hundred people passed through river checkpoints every day. This is up from
2006 and 2007, the report said, when daily traffic was closer to between
thirty and fifty people a day. The Zemi River becomes the primary transit
route to and from Three Pagodas Pass when roads are muddied and destroyed
by the rainy season.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

November 26, Express India
High security along state borders to ensure smooth Mizo polls

Additional forces have been deployed in the areas along the Mizoram's
porus border with Manipur in a run-up to December two Assembly elections
to prevent any insurgent activity.

"While one platoon of state armed police was deployed at the border hamlet
of North Chaltlang, patrolling by the armed personnel was also stepped up
along the sensitive pockets of the border in the wake of threats by the
ultras," L Hrangnawna Deputy Inspector General of police (northern range)
said.

"We cannot be everywhere and the boundaries are extremely porous. But we
are our best to seal the border," he said.

Additional police personnel have also been posted along the Mizoram-Assam
border areas to prevent any insurgent group sneak in and interfere in the
hustings.

While the state government has asked for 15 additional companies of
central para-military forces, the Centre have so far dispatched only five
companies. So the state had to manage from its own armed police strength,
the DIG said.

The state has three Mizoram Armed Police battalions and four India Reserve
Battalions besides policemen spread over eight districts.

The administration has deployed more policemen in the border areas in view
of threats by Hmar People's Convention (Democratic) received by village
leaders along the areas adjoining Manipur, last week.

The Assam Rifles-BSF personnel have been also deployed along the 722-km
long Mizoram-Myanmar-Bangladesh to seal the border during electioneering.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

November 26, Myanmar Times
Gold market fluctuates sharply - Yi Yi Htwe

Myanmar’s gold market, like the global market for gold, has shown sharp
fluctuations during the roller-coaster ride that commodity prices have
experienced over the past few months.

Despite the isolating effect of strict import and export restrictions, as
well as the traditional role of the precious metal in the local economy as
a repository of wealth and a valuable item of barter, the price of gold in
Myanmar broadly mirrors international price movements.

During the past several months, fluctuations in both the world market and
in the Myanmar domestic gold market have been rapid and severe.

Gold hit a peak this year with a March 17 price (on the London afternoon
gold price fixings) of US$1011.25 an ounce. By October 1 it had fallen to
$880, bottoming out at $712.50 by October 24. This week, the price of an
ounce of gold on the international market had edged back up a little at
$734.

Gold also reached its highest price in Myanmar this year in March, when it
touched K601,000 per tical. On October 24 the price hit a low of K516,000,
and has risen slightly this week to K519,000 a tical. (One tical is 0.6
oz)

As with the world market, the price volatility of Myanmar gold is
unpredictable.

Fluctuations can happen in minutes. During a recent interview by The
Myanmar Times with Maung Kain Gold Shop manager U Thar Naing, the domestic
price of gold changed three times, while the international price quoted on
the TV screen remained unchanged.

U Thar Naing, a member of executive committee of Yangon Gold Entrepreneurs
Association, said observers of the international market expected global
gold prices to fall to $700, and that the Myanmar gold price would also
gradually decline.

Though customers still come to U Thar Naing’s gold shops in Yangon and
Mandalay, they don’t buy as much as they did.

He said: “When we opened our shop in 2000, gold cost just K50,000 a tical.
By 2002, it was K190,000.”

“Sales have been falling for the past two or three years. Sales in Yangon
are worse because there are fewer gold shops in Mandalay. And sales
dropped significantly after last September [2007].”

Normally, gold sales are good in October (Thadingyut) and November
(Tazaungdaing), and prices are high. But this year, though sales are down,
prices have not followed, he said.

Power gold shop owner Daw Latt Latt agreed the price is still higher than
it should be, given the slow rate of sales.

Daw Latt Latt also said domestic gold production did not meet local
demand, a factor that contributed to price instability, especially since
the Myanmar gold market was not directly linked to the international
price-setting system.

Sources from the Mandalay gold market, as well as executive committee
members of the Gold Entrepreneurs’ Association agreed that gold is rare in
the country.

The owner of a popular gold shop in Mandalay told The Myanmar Times that
Mandalay receives gold from Yamethinn, Singgu and Thabeikkyin. After the
Thadingyut and Tazaungdaing festivals, some of the mineworkers take leave
and return to their villages, while some mine owners are in protracted
negotiations with the government over the renewal of their licence. These
are both factors that can retard gold production, which tends to be
highest in the summer months.

According to this source, production was down by 30pc compared to this
time last year, and only about five to 10 viss of gold would come into
Mandalay (1 viss equals 1.6 kilograms or 3.6 pounds). Another source
disclosed that gold production at mines in Homalin, Katha and Wuntho in
Sagaing Division and Myitkyina in Kachin State, was down as much as 50pc
compared to last year.

Another factor in gold price instability is the turbulence of commodity
prices during the current economic and financial storms worldwide. In
years past, when the price of gold hovered around $200 an ounce, it could
take six months for the price to change by $1 or $2. These days, the price
can slump or soar $30 or $40 in a day. For instance, on the international
market, gold advanced from $730.50 on October 28 to $764 the next
afternoon. Sources say they have never seen such large swings.

But the disconnect between the world and domestic markets is such that,
for instance, as the price in London rose from $729.50 on November 1 to
$734 on November 17, the Myanmar price during that period fell from
K526,000 to K523,000.

If gold does not fall further, it will be, according to some gold
entrepreneurs, because it remains a safe haven for investors spooked by
the fragility of other investment options – cars, for example – and
distrustful of both stock exchanges and banks.

____________________________________

November 26, Thai Press Reports
Myanmar timber export market declines

Myanmar's timber export market has apparently declined as international
purchase power falls, triggered by the global economic crisis, reported
the local Weekly Eleven News Tuesday (November 25, 2008).

Quoting a recent paper reading session involving timber entrepreneurs, the
report said that in Myanmar's legal teak export market, India took up 38
percent, standing atop, followed by Europe with 20 percent and North
America 10 percent.

As such countries as India, China and European's are facing economic
crisis, Myanmar's timber export market are also being impacted, it said.

China stands as Myanmar's largest consumer of tropical wood, while India
lines up as the second.

Some experts also viewed that along with the increased large- scale
infrastructural construction in China, demand of timber would certainly be
high giving rise to more opportunity to Myanmar's timber export.

Meanwhile, as the market prices of teak worldwide rises, the inclusion of
teak in furniture shows remain with only about 5-10 percent, the paper
reading session said, however, adding that the teak prices remain steady
at 1.5-2.0 million Kyats (1,250-1,660 U. S. dollars) per ton.

According to market survey, parquet was priced as 4,500 to 5,000 U.S.
dollars per ton previously, while it is now quoted at only around 3,500
dollars per ton.

Myanmar held furniture shows occasionally since 2004 to introduce the
country's value-added wood products to the world market since export of
wood log is restricted and export of teak log by the private sector also
banned since 1992 when the government enacted the Forest law.

According to official statistics, Myanmar exported 399,596 cubic-meters of
teak and 1.12 million cubic-meters of hardwood in the fiscal year of
2007-08 which ended in March, gaining a total of 538 million U.S. dollars
of foreign exchange.

During the year, timber stood as the country's fourth largest export goods
after natural gas, agricultural produces and mineral products.

Myanmar is rich in forest resources with forest covering about 50 percent
of its total land area.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

November 26, Democratic Voice of Burma
Betancourt urges more action to free Aung San Suu Kyi - Than Win Htut

Former hostage Ingrid Betancourt has said the international community
needs to do more to bring about the release of detained democracy leader
Aung San Suu Kyi.

Speaking at the Norwegian foreign ministry last week, Betancourt said the
international community should not let economic interests prevent them
from doing all they can for Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Burma.

“If the international community had done enough, she would be free, so the
answer is we have not done enough and we need to do more,” she said.

“I think it’s very important that economic interests do not get in the way
of the struggle of the people of Burma.”

Betancourt was kidnapped while campaigning for the Colombian presidency in
2002 by rebels from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia and was
held for six and a half years.

Since her rescue in July this year, she has travelled the world
campaigning for an end to kidnappings in Colombia and violence against
women.

She has regularly spoken in support of Aung San Suu Kyi and called for her
release.

Betancourt said she had a deep admiration for Aung San Suu Kyi and hoped
to do more for her cause.

“I think that she is the soul of Burma, she is the hope of Burma,” she said.

“She needs to stay alive because it doesn’t matter how dark the night can
be; she is that light in Burma and we need that light to continue shining
until it becomes a very big sun.”

Drawing on her own experience in captivity, Betancourt said that Aung San
Suu Kyi should remain positive and look to the future.

“The only thing that I can tell her – and she knows – is that she has to
live it day by day, knowing that the day of freedom and of victory will
come for her, and that we will be there with her to rejoice,” she said.

“She needs to know that this will happen and that we are just waiting for
that moment to come.”

____________________________________

November 26, Voice of America
Netherlands' foreign minister condemns Burma prison sentences

The foreign minister of the Netherlands says he is outraged that Burma has
sentenced a well-known comedian to 45 years in prison.

In a statement Wednesday, Maxime Verhagen said the sentences that Burma's
military rulers have handed down for Zarganar and others defy belief.

Verhagen urged authorities in Burma to stop intimidating and arresting its
people for exercising their human rights.

Zarganar was arrested six months ago while running an aid campaign for
survivors of Burma's devastating Cyclone Nargis. He was sentenced last
week for violating the Electronics Act, which regulates all forms of
electronic communication. He still faces additional charges.

Over the past month, Burmese authorities have sentenced more than 100
political dissidents to prison terms ranging from less than a year to 68
years.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

November 26, Kaowao
Toward a democratic change in Burma - Siri Mon Chan

Burma is a multi-ethnic country. There are many ethnic nationalities such
as Chin, Kachin, Karen, Mon, Arakanese, Shan and Burmese reside in Burma.
Southern Part of Burma was occupied by the British in 1824, and the whole
Burma was colonized by the British between 1885 to 1948. Burma gained
independence in 1948, and until 1962, it was under the political framework
of liberal democratic parliamentary system. General Ne Win took power in
March 1962, and until 1988 General Ne Win under the political system of
“Burmese Way to Socialism” led Burma. In 1988, People Power movements
(known as 8888, 8 August, 1988) has successfully dismantled the one party
rule of Burmese Socialist Programme Party (BSPP).

At the time, it seemed that the February 1986 People Power Revolution in
the Philippines was about to be repeated in Burma. People in Burma
believed that the international community, especially the United Nations
and western governments, would somehow intervene on their behalf, since
the military-socialist regime had collapsed and the people had clearly
expressed their strong desire for a change. Unfortunately before a
transition to democratic system was successfully completed, Burmese
military led by General Saw Maung staged a coup on 18 September, 1988,
killing thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators.

Since 1988, Burma’s neighbours and, other significant powers did not
respond constructively to Burma’s political crisis. Despite the bloodbath,
Burma’s neighbours and the international community did not act in a manner
Burmese public expected. While western world and India condemned the
massacre and froze or cut back on economic relations, neighbouring
countries particularly China, Thailand, and Singapore, recognized the
military regime, SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council).  Many
Burmese believe, and still believe that if the international community,
including Burma’s neighbours and the UN system, withheld recognition, the
coup would have collapsed.

In a bid to ease the tension in the country, the military government
promised to hold a multi-party election on 27 May 1990, and in that
general election, National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Su
Kyi won a landslide victory (392 of 485- parliamentary seats). However,
the military government still refused to hand over power to the
democratically elected government. Instead , SLORC issued its Declaration
No. 1/90 on 27 July, 1990. The steps set out in Declaration No. 1/90
followed the refusal of the army since 1988 to concede power to civilian
under an interim constitution. Rather, the military government would hold
a National Convention to draft a constitution. The timing of SLORC
Declaration No. 1/90 was apparently intended to pre-empt the results of a
meeting of  NLD parliamentary members held in Rangoon on 28 and 29 July.

Responses from Other Asian Nations

In 1988, India was highly critical of the SLORC (State Law and Order
Restoration Council). But since Rangoon has played a very clever and
successful game with the two regional rivals, China and India, SLORC was
successful in manipulating New Delhi’s fear of a major Chinese military
presence in Burma and obtaining Indian cooperation on a number of issues.

In fact, since 1988 China was on of the a few countries that has exercised
the greatest economic and strategic influence in Burma. Steady Chinese
economic support to the SLORC, and then SPDC (State Peace and Development
Council) gives the junta the confidence to crush the opposition, knowing
that it can thumb its nose at foreign criticism and sanctions.

The absence of criticism of Burmese military regime’s actions by
neighbouring Southeast Asian governments and China has been underscored by
cross border collaboration and assistance from Thailand and China.
Expanding trade with these countries have been essential not only for
economic growth but also for military government status.

Japan’s policy of ‘quiet dialogue’ is essentially constructive engagement,
but sensitively tuned to the reactions of Tokyo’s allies in the west. It
is, in fact, the middle-of-the road brand of constructive engagement.
Unlike western countries, Japan has insisted that its lines of
communication remain open to military regime and that a Japanese economic
presence – in the form of very limited foreign aid and private investment
– is needed to prevent Burma’s isolation.

India’s response to Burma has been complex. In the wake of 1988 political
crisis and the SLORC’s crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators, India was
the only Asian country to express, through official channels, criticism of
SLORC and sympathy for the democracy movement. The state-owned All-India
Radio (AIR) broadcast strong criticism of the new regime in Burma, and
Indian government welcomed Burma Student refugees with far greater
hospitality than did Thailand.

By the mid-1990s,, however, New Delhi initiated a more conciliatory policy
toward its eastern neighbours. This was because, like Southeast Asian
countries and Japan, New Delhi also feared Beijing’s growing influence
over Burma and hence implement its ‘Look East Policy’.

Responses  From the US

On July 29 2003,President Bush signed into law the “Burmese Freedom and
Democracy Act” a much stronger set of economic sanctions than the
non-retroactive ban on American investments passed by President Bill
Clinton in 1997.  The 2003 sanctions comprise four main components;

1. an extension of visa ban on officials of the SPDC (the State Peace and
Development Council) and the USDA( the Union Solidarity and Development
Association),

2. a freeze on the US assets of Burmese officials,

3. a ban on financial transactions between American parties and “entities
of Rangoon Regime”,

4. an embargo on all imports from Burma to the US.

Because most major economic enterprises, including banks, are owned by or
closely connected to the SPDC, the measures were designed to hit hard at
the military regime’s economic foundation in order to persuade it to
release Aung San Suu Kyi and make genuine progress towards democracy.

The purpose of US sanctions is two folds – (1) As a Symbolic Expression (
to express disapproval of the regime’s objectionable behaviour; giving
moral support to the democratic opposition), and (2) As Behaviour
Modification (to force the regime, through negative reinforcement, to
change that behaviour).

As a symbolic gesture, the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act was effective
insofar as it helped focus international attention on Burma. But, the
second dimension, behaviour modification, was not as effective as
intended.

It appeared that sanctions cannot work as ‘behaviour modification’ unless
they are universally enforced. On the other hand, the Asian commitment to
‘constructive engagement’ since 1988 has also no positive impact on Burma
either.

The United Nations Response

The United Nations system also did not work in favor of Burma’s change to
democracy. Russia and China always vetoes resolution on Burma. On 10
January, 2007, Russia and China vetoes a draft UNSC resolution that would
have urged Burma to ease repression and release political pressures. 15-
member Council, France, Italy, Belgium, Slovakia, Ghana and Peru joined
the United kingdom and the United States who put forward the resolution.
But South Africa Joined Russia and China in voting ‘No’. Three other
elected members, Indonesia, Qatar and Congo, abstained. A resolution that
would set out key actions Burma rulers must take to reduce the threat to
peace and security in the region and provide a better life for their
people. The draft resolution also called on the regime to cease military
attacks against civilians in ethnic minority regions. It also underscore
the urgent need for Burma to allow international aid organizations to
operate without restrictions.

Without effective and constructive response there is no sign of military
government making a move to a democratic change. The military regime went
ahead with its referendum amidst the UN and international community’s
calls to abandon after the devastating cyclone. The military regime claims
that 92.4 percent of voters approved a military back constitution held at
a referendum on 10 May 2008. The new constitution is widely regarded as
undemocratic and unconstitutional as the 25-precent of parliamentary seats
reserved for the military and the president of the country must have
military experiences. Important ministries such as Defence, Internal
Affairs and Border Affairs must go to the military.

In conclusion, it is apparent that both sanctions and ‘constructive
engagement’ policy are not a constructive response to the Burma’s
political crisis since 1988. For any sort of policy to be effective,
Burma’s neighbours and other significant powers need to work together.
Perhaps with the United Nations in a coordinating role, to develop a
unified policy that will reduce the military regime to play one country
off another like playing between India and China with its fear game.
Sanctions also cannot work  unless they are universally applied. On the
other hand, the ASEAN’s commitment to ‘constructive engagement’ since 1988
has also no positive impact on Burma either.

____________________________________

November 26, Op Ed News
Burma and a task unfinished, considering the options - Saberi Roy

Burma and its political conditions are documented frequently in
newspapers, websites and blogs across the world and the democratic
movements in Burma are supported worldwide, yet despite all the social
support, nothing concrete seems to be happening on the political front. An
effective political and social agenda would be necessary for the release
of Aung San Suu Kyi and the transfer of power to her political party.
There are two possible options that could now be considered for the
successful democratic transition in Burma. One is a political and
international option of possible military action against the junta and the
other is a social and regional option, a movement led by the Burmese
people and these options don't have to be mutually exclusive either.

The Democratic Voice of Burma has reported on monk leaders and student
activists being continually imprisoned and given long term prison
sentences. The junta has been cracking down on all forms of freedom of
speech and human rights initiatives by monks, students, support groups and
local people for allegedly 'inciting public unrest'. Ironically though the
Burmese junta itself is the greatest and only source of public unrest in
the nation and has been holding on to power illegally and it is high time
that the world leaders, the United Nations and other organizations take
action against such a criminal government. There has been no definite and
concrete action on the part of world leaders to free Aung San Suu Kyi and
her supporters and China and Russia have consistently downplayed the Burma
issue as regional rather than an international problem. China and Russia
seem to have their own political and diplomatic interests in maintaining a
military government in Burma but this is against the interests of Burmese
people and all supporters of democracy.

Among the recent resolutions passed by the UN on the situation in Burma,
the 28 February 2008 Resolution adopted by the General Assembly, reports
on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar. The Report mentions that the
UN General Assembly:

1. Strongly Condemns the use of violence against peaceful demonstrators in
Myanmar; and

2. Expresses Concern on the systematic violation of human rights and
fundamental freedom of the people of Myanmar.  The Report also calls upon
the military government of Myanmar to:

Participate in a dialogue with the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights; Put an end to military operations on
civilian targets; and Participate in a political transition process
engaging in discussions with ethnic minorities, and other political groups
including Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy.

As of now it seems highly unlikely that the military government of Burma
would engage in any form of dialogue with the UN or suddenly stop its
abuse on Burmese people unless a very strong and strict joint statement is
released by the UN and the world leaders to either free Aung San Suu Kyi
and all other pro-democracy activists or face dire consequences.  Since
the Burmese junta understands only the language of violence, maybe world
leaders and the US should consider a military operation as a last option
to free Aung San Suu Kyi and the other prisoners. Aung San Suu Kyi herself
is a follower of Gandhian principles and has opposed all forms of violence
in her political struggle.

Yet the military junta does not seem to understand her language of
non-violence, so there could be only two possible solutions:

1. A Mass Uprising in Burma – by the people of Burma and this has to be
considerably large and consistent until the junta is left unable to
control the situation any further. The uprising by the people would need
the support of human rights groups, religious groups and activists all
around the world and there has to be a systematic call to this kind of
revolutionary change. Strong regional participation by the Burmese people
should be complemented by international support. This of course requires
effective leadership inside and outside Burma and proper coordination of
all Burmese democracy support groups and activists, so that there is a
force of 'collective action'. Violent resistance on the part of the junta
is inevitable but this could be defeated if the collective action of the
supporters of democracy is strong enough.

2. The Military Option – This seems to be the only effective political and
international option that could be considered as a last option if
dialogues are no longer possible with the Burmese junta and if a social
uprising also fails. US and other world leaders could use military force
to oust the Burmese military government and hand over power to the pro-
democracy movement of Aung San Suu Kyi. This again has its pitfalls as
military action results in civilian deaths as well and this is one option
that many supporters of democracy wouldn't want.  Considering the need for
peace and stability in the region, the first 'social' path to democracy
seems to be a better option and the Burmese people and international
activist groups, are almost working towards it, yet the strong
condemnation and action by world leaders and the UN are long overdue. It
is hoped that the hushed and directionless speeches on Burma by world
leaders and organizations including the UN, and the US and EU governments
will be replaced by stronger and clearer statements with promise of
concrete actions for democracy in the region.

____________________________________
PRESS RELEASE

November 26, Medecins Sans Frontieres
A preventable fate: The failure of ART scale-up in Myanmar

The situation for many people living with HIV in Myanmar is critical due
to a severe lack of lifesaving antiretroviral treatment (ART). MSF
currently provides ART to more than 11,000 people. That is the majority of
all available treatment countrywide but only a small fraction of what is
urgently needed. For five years MSF has continually developed its HIV/AIDS
programme to respond to the extensive needs, whilst the response of both
the Government of Myanmar and the international community has remained
minimal.

MSF should not bear the main responsibility for one of Asia’s most serious
HIV/AIDS epidemics. Pushed to its limit by the lack of other services
providing ART, MSF has had to make the painful decision to restrict the
number of new patients it can treat. With few options to refer new
patients for treatment elsewhere, the situation is dire.

An estimated 240,000 people are currently infected with HIV in Myanmar.
76,000 of these people are in urgent need of ART, yet less than 20 % of
them receive it through the combined efforts of MSF, other international
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the Government of Myanmar.

For the remaining people the private market offers little assistance as
the most commonly used first-line treatment costs the equivalent of a
month’s average wage. The lack of accessible treatment resulted in 25,000
AIDS related deaths in 2007 and a similar number of people are expected to
suffer the same fate this year, unless HIV/AIDS services - most
importantly the provision of ART - are urgently scaled-up.

The Government of Myanmar and the International Community need to mobilize
quickly in order to address this situation. Currently, the Government
spends a mere 0.3% of the gross domestic product on health, the lowest
amount worldwide, a small portion of which goes to HIV/AIDS. Likewise,
overseas development aid for Myanmar is the second lowest per capita
worldwide and few of the big international donors provide any resources to
the country. Yet, 189 member states of the United Nations, including
Myanmar, endorsed the Millennium Development Goals, including the aim to
“Achieve universal access to treatment for HIV/AIDS for all those who need
it, by 2010”. As it stands, this remains a far cry from becoming a reality
in Myanmar.

As an MSF ART patient in Myanmar stated, “All people must have a spirit of
humanity in helping HIV patients regardless of nation, organization or
government. We are all human beings so we must help each other”. Unable to
continue shouldering the primary responsibility for responding to one of
Asia’s worst HIV crises, MSF insists that the Government of Myanmar and
international organizations urgently and rapidly scale-up ART provision. A
vast gulf exists between the needs related to HIV/AIDS and the services
provided. Unless ART provision is rapidly scaled-up many more people will
needlessly suffer and die.

Myanmar is experiencing one of Asia’s most serious HIV epidemics, yet the
available care and treatment meets only a fraction of the needs. As a
result people are dying unnecessarily, people who are desperate to live
and contribute to their family, community and country. An estimated
240,000 people are thought to have HIV in Myanmar. Of these people, 76,000
are in urgent need of lifesaving antiretroviral therapy, yet less than 20%
of those in need of treatment receive it.

This is one of the lowest coverage rates for ART coverage worldwide. As it
stands, MSF provides ART to more than 11,000 people, which makes up the
majority of all available treatment countrywide. The Government of Myanmar
and other non-governmental organizations (NGOs) provide ART to around
4,000 people. While there are a number of NGOs working in HIV/AIDS in the
country, efforts are largely focused on the provision of care rather than
treatment. Although well meant, care alone can only support people in
dying, whereas ART can assist people to live. Having put significant
resources into its Myanmar programme, MSF can no longer continue to
scale-up ART provision, in the face of so little response by other actors.
Therefore, it has had to make the painful decision to restrict the number
of new patients it can treat. With few options to refer new patients for
treatment elsewhere, the situation is dire.

For the thousands of people unable to access free ART there are very few
other options open to them. The cost per month of the most commonly used
first-line ART in a private pharmacy in Myanmar is $29. This is far beyond
the means of most people who on average live on $1.2 per day. Even if
people can find a way to afford ART many often become indebted and are
soon forced to stop. This leaves families not only with the trauma of
losing a loved one, often the main income-provider for the family, but
also with crippling debt.

Alternatively, some patients are only able to source treatment
irregularly, when finances allow or family and friends assist. This can
lead to the rapid development of drug resistance.

On the one hand, Myanmar has a weak and under-funded state healthcare
system. The Government of Myanmar spends a mere 0.3% of its gross domestic
product on health, the lowest amount worldwide. In 2007 the Government
spent just USD$ 0.7 per person on health, with the 2008 annual HIV/AIDS
budget estimated at just USD$ 200,000 in total. With growing revenue from
oil and gas exports, the Government must invest more in its ailing health
system and specifically HIV/AIDS care and treatment.

On the other hand, overseas development aid (ODA) to Myanmar is the second
lowest per capita worldwide, after India. Compared to some of Myanmar’s
neighbouring countries it receives a tiny fraction of the ODA they do. Few
of the big international donors, such as the Global Fund, World Bank,
Asian Development Fund, and the President’s Fund invest in the Government
health system out of concern over the effective use of funds. Whatever
their reasons, there is a massive under-investment in assistance in
Myanmar and it is the general population who are suffering and will
continue to suffer unless this changes.

Other international actors, including NGOs, who could fund HIV/AIDS
treatment and care in Myanmar have been hesitant. This may be due to
concerns that the substantial improvements in the Government health system
necessary to facilitate an eventual hand-over of patients will not
materialize. Alternatively, organizations may be put off by the challenges
posed by working in a country like Myanmar, including official constraints
and difficult bureaucratic procedures. In some areas of the country, such
as Kayah state, MSF has not been permitted to start AIDS treatment. These
legitimate concerns however should not dissuade organizations from
providing assistance where it is most needed. MSF has proven that
providing independent and effective humanitarian assistance to people in
Myanmar is possible and more to the point critical if unnecessary deaths
are to be prevented.

MSF has provided essential healthcare services in Myanmar since 1993 and
began a programme to support people living with HIV/AIDS in 2003. Since
then, MSF staff has assisted thousands of HIV patients, working from 23
clinics, in five areas throughout the country. Services include
counseling, testing, treatment of opportunistic infections, nutritional
support, health education and most importantly antiretroviral treatment.

At the time of publishing this report, MSF provides ART to more than
11,000 patients. Patients are selected independently, purely on medical
grounds and without political interference. Medicines are distributed
directly to the patient. Monitoring of the program is done at the level of
the beneficiary; an essential element of the program that helps to
guarantee that the population benefits directly from MSF’s services and
that donor money is spent transparently.

Having made an enormous effort to respond to the overwhelming need for ART
treatment during the last five years, MSF can no longer take primary
responsibility for ART scale-up in Myanmar. Pushed to its limit by the
lack of treatment on offer by other care providers, MSF has recently been
forced to make the painful decision to drastically reduce the number of
new patients it can treat. With few options to refer new patients for
treatment elsewhere, the situation is traumatic for both patients and
staff.

MSF calls for all sectors to urgently and rapidly scale-up lifesaving
HIV/AIDS treatment in Myanmar, in the face of overwhelming needs. The
public sector, through the Myanmar Department of Health (DoH), must take
the lead and drive the scale-up of HIV/AIDS services, most importantly
ART, with the support of international donors and organizations.

During the last two years, the DoH has treated patients with ART in 22
hospitals around the country, treating an estimated 1,800 people. This
covers just a fraction of the needs, but is a good basis on which to
develop services. DoH is the only actor with long-term potential to
provide sustainable ART nationally. At present some of the DoH ART sites
have a limit of just 20 patients. Such low numbers are not cost-effective
and make the initial investment in set-up, training and ongoing drug
supply hard to justify unless numbers are increased considerably. Once a
site is established there need to be ambitious plans set to expand care
and treatment.

DoH has shown signs of wanting to develop its services in HIV/AIDS and
must be supported to realize these ambitions. Geographical coverage also
needs to be expanded, in areas such as Chin and Kayah states, which have
no ART programmess at all. In Kayah State, some AIDS patients are
attempting to access treatment in neighboring Thailand, which makes them
vulnerable to the development of drug resistance, since having to cross
the border frequently means that reliable adherence to the medication is
difficult.

For those who are lucky enough to be able to afford ART on the private
market, better advice and support needs to be available. Private
practitioners are not always properly trained in prescribing medication
for HIV/AIDS, which can cause serious problems for the patient. Therefore,
proper training in HIV/AIDS care and treatment, supported by the provision
of free-of-charge treatment, should be encouraged through the private
sector.
To make scaling-up possible the Government of Myanmar desperately needs to
invest more in its health infrastructure and specifically allocate funds
to tackle the HIV/AIDS crisis. Likewise, the international community needs
to provide increased support similar to that allocated to HIV/AIDS
programmes in other developing countries and in line with the needs.

Alongside the Government of Myanmar’s need to redouble its efforts in
scaling-up ART provision, it also needs to better facilitate the
international community’s supporting role. Specifically, it should remove
the constraints faced by NGOs which hampers them from implementing
HIV/AIDS programs and ensure improvements in bureaucratic procedures such
as the signing of agreements and import of goods.

In the year 2000, 189 member states of the United Nations, including
Myanmar, committed to working towards achieving the Millennium Development
Goals, including the aim to “Achieve universal access to treatment for
HIV/AIDS for all those who need it, by 2010”. As it stands, this remains a
far cry from becoming a reality in Myanmar. It is the responsibility of
all actors, national and international to stand-by their commitment to HIV
sufferers in Myanmar and urgently scale-up HIV/AIDS services – most
importantly ART, to put an end to the needless suffering and waste of
life.