BurmaNet News, January 9, 2009

[Editor]

January 9, 2009, Issue #3628


INSIDE BURMA
DVB: Regional NLD members disillusioned with party leaders
Irrawaddy: Teenage activist transferred to labor camp
Mizzima News: Ethnic Kachin rebel vow to oppose junta held elections
Mizzima News: Visitation rights denied to families of political prisoners

ON THE BORDER
Mizzima News: Fresh offensive on Thai-Burmese border

BUSINESS / TRADE
Reuters: Fall in rice price hurts Myanmar exporters, farmers – Aung Hla Tun
Irrawaddy: Business roundup

HEALTH / AIDS
Xinhua: Myanmar steps up tight bio-security against cross-border bird flu

ASEAN
Straits Times: Asean summit among Kasit's top priorities; Ties with
Cambodia, Myanmar will also head Thai minister's list

REGIONAL
IPS: New Thai policies not junta-friendly

OPINION / OTHER
European Voice: Ban must visit Burma to begin the end-game – Thaung Htun
Irrawaddy: Nowhere to hide – James Forrest
Humanitarian Practice Network: ASEAN's role in the Cyclone Nargis
response: implications, lessons and opportunities –Yves-Kim Creac'h and
Lilianne Fan
New Light of Myanmar: All citizens must steadfastly uphold "Our Three Main
National Causes" to avoid recurrences of past bitter experiences



____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

January 9, Democratic Voice of Burma
Regional NLD members disillusioned with party leaders – Naw Say Phaw

Members of regional National League for Democracy branches are becoming
increasingly disillusioned with the party leadership for not acting on
their suggestions, according to an elected member of parliament.

Aung Soe Myint, the elected people's parliament representative in
Taung-ngu township's voting zone 1 in 1990, said many regional NLD members
felt the party's Central Executive Committee was not taking their
suggestions into account.

"Most of the NLD organising wing members in other townships outside
Rangoon are now less keen to attend meetings at headquarters as they are
frustrated with the CEC for not giving significant attention to what they
say," he said.

Regional NLD members had asked party leaders to include capable younger
members on the CEC and to convene a parliamentary conference.

"We want [party leaders] to be more enthusiastic as leaders of the group
and that's why we made this request to them to give positions to youth
members on the CEC," Aung Soe Myint said.

"We are not very happy with the results. We have been asking the committee
to call a conference for our people's parliament representatives, but they
rejected that idea because of the difficulties in getting all of us
together, government harassment and so on," he continued.

"But they never look for alternative plans. They can't just reject the
idea because there are difficulties because then it will never happen."

Myint Myint Aye, secretary of Meikhtila NLD, said morale was low in
regional branches.

"Now we have no work to do as we do not get any direction from the CEC,"
she said.

"We are depressed and morale is low. The NLD is slowly fading away in
every township in Burma."

NLD information wing member Nyan Win said party leaders were open to
suggestions from members.

"NLD leaders always welcome ideas and suggestions from them. But there are
just so many things to follow up at the same time," Nyan Win said.

"The leaders have to keep the ideas in mind and implement them when the
time is right," he said.

"But we can't just take up everyone's suggestions."

____________________________________

January 9, Irrawaddy
Teenage activist transferred to labor camp – Min Lwin

A teenage political activist, who was sentenced last month to three years
imprisonment for taking part in the 2007 monk-led demonstrations, was
transferred last week from Insein Prison to Shwe Tathay labor camp in
Twante Township, according to a source close to his family.

Prisoners in Burmese labor camps have to endure harsh conditions and
brutal treatment, and are compelled to work long days in chain-gangs at
highways, dams, irrigation canals, special agricultural projects and rock
quarries.

Kyaw Zaw, 19, a second year student at Yangon Eastern University, was
arrested some months ago by Burmese Special Forces at his residence in
Bahan Township, Rangoon Division, for his involvement in the 2007
pro-democracy uprising.

Sources in Rangoon said that in another case, political prisoner Zaw Naing
Htwe was transferred last week to Lay Mine labor camp in Taungoo Township.
He is currently serving a nine-year sentence for smuggling a letter from
his brother—political prisoner Kyaw Kyaw Htwe, aka Marki—out of Insein
Prison.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Thursday, Bo Kyi, the joint secretary of
Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma),
said that his organization is worried for the lives and health of the
political prisoners who have been transferred to labor camps across Burma.

“Several political prisoners, especially NLD party members, have been
transferred to labor camps,” said Bo Kyi. “Some were killed working as
porters during fighting at the front lines.

“Transferring political prisoners to labor camps is like pushing them into
their graves,” he added.

He said that prisoners at Burmese labor camps are exposed to terrible
health conditions and torture.

The Burmese military government has been exploiting prisoners in
chain-gangs since 1962, when they were forced to work on the Pale-Gangaw
road construction project. The junta later conscripted prisoners to work
as porters in offensives against ethnic insurgency groups.

According to Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), a
total of 17 political prisoners, including one Buddhist monk, who were
arrested after the 2007 protests, have been transferred to labour camps
across the country.

In September, a 28-year-old monk, Ashin Pannasiri, escaped from Lantalang
labour camp in Chin State while he was serving a three-year sentence.

Comedians Par Par Lay, Lu Zaw, U Htwe and U Aung were transferred in 1996
to a labor camp in Kachin State, where prisoners constructed the Myitkyina
Airport. Later, they were sent to Sumprabun labor camp in Kachin State to
build a road.

In 1997, the military authorities forced 18 NLD political prisoners from
Taungoo Township in Pegu Division to serve as military porters at the
front line of military operations in an offensive against the insurgent
Karen National Union. One prisoner, Saw Htun Nwe, 75, died of physical
exhaustion while other NLD members were severely wounded.

____________________________________

January 9, Mizzima News
Ethnic Kachin rebel vow to oppose junta held elections – Salai Pi Pi

The Kachin National Organization (KNO) in exile on its 10th anniversary
vowed to boycott the military junta's 2010 general elections.

Colonel Lamang Brang Seng, in-charge of the military wing of the KNO on
Friday said his group along with other Burmese pro-democracy outfits and
other ethnic nationalities plan to reject the 2010 election.

"Not only politically but also militarily we along with other
pro-democracy forces and ethnic nationalities, are going to fight against
the regime's plan to hold elections in 2010," Brang Seng told Mizzima
News.

The KNO does not believe that the junta's election will be free and fair
and will usher in federal democracy but only legitimize military rule, he
said.

"We don't think the election will be free and fair," said Brang Seng
adding that the elections and the junta's roadmap are designed to further
entrench military rule in Burma.

KNO, an exiled Kachin ethnic group with an armed wing, was established in
1999 and has an alliance with other exiled opposition groups.

KNO is also a member of an exiled based Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC)
which comprises of various ethnic political and armed groups from Burma.

____________________________________

January 9, Mizzima News
Visitation rights denied to families of political prisoners – Than Htike Oo

Family members of political prisoners have had to return from journeys to
remote prisons without ever having a chance to meet with those detained, a
result of the latest hardship brought against political prisoners by
Burma's ruling military.

In one example, the Myitkyinar prison authority in Kachin State only
informed visiting family members of noted comedian and film director
Zargana on the 2nd of this month about a ban on prison visits by family
members during the current month.

"They said that the ban is for all political prisoners, but only for this
month. Apart from that, they said nothing. The higher authorities ordered
them to do so, they said," Tayza, elder brother of Zargana, told Mizzima.

The decision greatly inconvenienced family members in Rangoon, who instead
of spending at least 120,000 kyat (approximately US$ 100) for return
airfare, opted to take a train to the northern city, a journey of some
three days.

The popular comedian is serving a 59 year prison term for multiple
charges, including committing disaffection towards the state and
government by using the Internet.

Similarly, family members of Sports Journal editor Zaw Thet Htwe and 88
generation student female leader Nilar Thein, who are serving their prison
terms in Taungyi in Shan State and Thayet prison in Pegu Division,
respectively, have had to return home without meeting their loved ones.

Thai-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – Burma (AAPP-B)
Joint-Secretary Bo Kyi said that such a ban on visits by family members of
political prisoners is but the latest punishment leveled against those
already wrongfully imprisoned.

"This is giving extra punishment to these political prisoners without
reason. They didn't commit any crime in the prisons. It seems personal
grudges against these political prisoners is behind the ban on allowing
meetings with their family members during prison visits," Bo Kyi said.

During monk-led protests in September 2007 in Rangoon, Mandalay and other
major cities, protesters requested the government to enter into a dialogue
with the opposition in the hope of putting an end to twenty years of
political stalemate inside the country.

However, military authorities instead responded with the arrest of
Buddhist monks, students, human right activists and National League for
Democracy (NLD) party members in connection with the demonstrations,
subsequently sentencing them to long prison terms in the final months of
2008 before sending them to remote prisons in Shan, Kachin and Rakhine
States.

According to statistics compiled by AAPP-B, the junta has handed down
sentences to a total of 410 political prisoners, of which 146 are monks,
126 women and 138 men. In all, the organization lists 2,137 political
prisoners being held in prisons throughout Burma.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

January 9, Mizzima News
Fresh offensive on Thai-Burmese border

A fresh offensive has broken out along the Thai-Burmese border between
ethnic Karen guerillas of the Karen National Union (KNU) and a joint force
of Burmese Army troops and those from the Karen splinter group Democratic
Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), sources along the border said.

The offensive is taking place opposite the Burmese border in the vicinity
Ohn Pyan village near the town of Mea Sot in Thailand's Tak province.
Observers said the offensive could be an attempt by the Burmese Army and
allied DKBA forces to occupy KNU controlled areas.

"The fighting has been continuing and they [the joint forces] have already
occupied some of the KNU controlled areas. And with March 27 approaching,
they are determined to take control over the rest of the areas," a source
told Mizzima, referring to Burma's Armed Forces Day which falls on March
27.

According to military sources, Burma's army is also planning to cross into
Thailand in order to execute a surprise attack against the Karen rebels.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

January 9, Reuters
Fall in rice price hurts Myanmar exporters, farmers – Aung Hla Tun

The fall in world rice prices is hurting exporters in Myanmar, who say
they are shipping grain at a loss, and is adding to the problems of poor
farmers struggling to recover from Cyclone Nargis.

"A tonne of our 25 percent broken rice now fetches only $250 in the
international market," one rice exporter told Reuters.

"With a 10 percent deduction for export tax, we get only $225 per tonne,
compared with about $260 a tonne we had to pay in the domestic market a
few months ago," the exporter said, asking not to be identified.

Vietnamese 25 percent broken rice, an Asian benchmark, was quoted at
around $335 per tonne this week. Rice from Myanmar is generally of
inferior quality because of poor milling. The main buyers are Bangladesh,
Sri Lanka and African countries.

After a bumper harvest in Myanmar, a tonne of 25 percent broken rice in
the domestic market now costs around $230.

That's a little better for exporters but not much good for farmers, who
say they are selling below cost price, with the result that some are being
forced off the land.

"With soaring costs for inputs and labour, and falling rice prices, it's
no longer commercially viable for us to grow rice," farmer Ba Tin from the
cyclone-hit Kawthmu Township said, adding some farmers in the region had
lost their land to private firms.

Army-ruled Myanmar earned $100 million from exporting 358,500 tonnes of
rice in fiscal 2007/2008 (April/March) -- a fraction of what it sold in
its heyday as the world's largest rice exporter, before independence from
Britain in 1948.

In its best year, 1934, when it was called Burma, it exported 3.4 million
tonnes. Thailand, today's top exporter, shipped around 10 million tonnes
last year.

Myanmar had stood to benefit from a jump in world prices and a panic about
supplies in 2008, when some big exporting countries restricted sales to
ensure their people had enough to eat.

In February 2008 it agreed to sell 300,000 tonnes a year to Bangladesh.

But then Cyclone Nargis struck in May, and the generals banned rice
exports from that month to preserve stocks.

Officials say the ban was eased from July and government data shows
Myanmar exported 127,600 tonnes worth $43 million in the first seven
months of the fiscal year from April to October 2008. Around 101,000
tonnes was sold in April, before the cyclone.

EXPORT DRIVE

Prices have since collapsed. Thailand's benchmark 100 percent B grade
white rice traded at $550 per tonne this week, barely half the record high
of $1,080 seen in April 2008.

Sein Win Hlaing, secretary general of Myanmar's Federation of Chambers of
Commerce and Industry, said the export market was being liberalised to
help the sector. Trade has until recently been controlled by exporters
close to the junta.

"We do realise the grave consequences of plunging rice prices. We have
relaxed some restrictions to forge the export drive. Small-scale exporters
are being allowed," he said.

But economists said problems were piling up.

"Falling rice prices in the world market are only partially to blame. The
main thing is we have to cut costs for the growers. We need to provide
them with soft loans and subsidised inputs," said a former Yangon
University economist, declining to be named.
The fall in domestic prices is not all bad news, though, with many people
in Yangon relieved at cheaper food.

"After Cyclone Nargis we were worried that rice prices would go up," food
stall owner Kyaw Myint said. "Now I'm very glad to be able to sell steamed
rice to my customers, all in the lowest income bracket, at very low
prices."

____________________________________

January 9, Irrawaddy
Business roundup – William Boot

Winners & Losers Among Burma’s Foreign Partners

A new study of Burma’s economy reveals several trends in terms of the
military regime’s foreign trading partners.

China is becoming increasingly influential, while Japan’s relevance is in
decline.

Singapore remains important to the regime’s economic affairs but is
“declining in relative terms,” said the study by Australia’s Macquarie
University.

However, despite China’s overall rising influence on Burma’s economy, the
regime continues to remain dependent in Thailand “as the principal market
for Burma’s exports”—notably gas.

Gas is Burma’s biggest single foreign income earner, but since the global
economic slump began gas revenues are declining due to a worldwide drop in
prices.

The fall in gas prices will continue at least into the first half of 2009,
says the report, “Burma’s Economy 2008/09: Decline, Disaster, and Ways
Forward,” authored by Prof Sean Turnell.


Offshore Drillings Bring No New Year Cheer

Two expensive exploratory drilling projects at opposite ends of Burma have
been abandoned as failures in the past few weeks.

Thailand’s overseas explorer PTTEP is writing off a US $27 million well
probe in its Burmese offshore M-7 block in the Gulf of Martaban.

In its first drill in the block, going down to over 3,500 meters, its
Janaka-1 well probe found petroleum-bearing deposits, but the firm’s
assessors decided it was not enough for commercial purposes.

The M-7 block disappointment is in contrast to PTTEP’s M-9 discoveries
also in the Gulf of Martaban, where at least 50 billion cubic meters have
been estimated.

The M-7 block covers 13,300 square kilometers in the Gulf.

PTTEP’s disappointment follows the abandonment of exploratory drilling by
South Korea’s Daewoo International in the Bay of Bengal, near the gas-rich
Shwe field, in waters contested by Bangladesh.

Daewoo was reported to be paying $125,000 a day for undersea probes in the
AD-7 block, an area of the bay which the Dhaka authorities claim is in
Bangladesh territory.

However, both PTTEP and Daewoo say they have not given up on finding
commercial oil and gas stocks and say they will continue drilling in
others areas of the two blocks.

The navies of Burma and Bangladesh had a brief confrontation late last
year over Daewoo’s drilling, and the territorial claims by both countries
remain unresolved.


Burma ‘Too Poor’ to Hold Potential as Untapped Consumer Market

A report suggesting that Burma offers huge potential as a vast untapped
consumer market for foreign companies has been put in perspective by an
expert on the country’s economy.

The CEO of Singapore-based consulting firm e.three, Eric Rosenkrantz, said
in a report this week that Burma offered “plenty of opportunities for
regional and international companies to develop or strengthen their
business.”

Rosenkranz, whose portfolio includes consulting with multinational firms
such as Proctor & Gamble, Mars, British American Tobacco and Thai
petroleum exploration company PTTEP, said Burma’s consumer goods market is
“ready to explode.”

 “What company can afford to ignore the potential of 50 million untapped
consumers?” he suggested.

But Sean Turnell, an economist at Australia’s Macquarie University who
produces a regular Burma Economic Watch report, said Friday that Burma’s
economy was closer to collapse than booming in consumer sales.

“The people of Burma want and need many things but their incomes preclude
making this demand effective simply because they cannot afford to buy
them,” said Turnell.

“Per capita GDP in Burma at the market exchange rate is less than a dollar
a day.”

Burma’s consumer market would be of rather less value to most makers of
international consumer goods than the smallest of America’s states or most
of their major cities, said Turnell.

Per capita GDP in Burma as of the end of 2008 was US $280.

“How many iPhones would this buy – assuming the military regime allowed them?

____________________________________
HEALTH / AIDS

January 9, Xinhua
Myanmar steps up tight bio-security against cross-border bird flu

The Myanmar authorities have stepped up tight bio-security against
cross-border bird flu, banning poultry import from neighboring Bangladesh,
the local Biweekly Eleven reported Friday.

Bio-security check is also being carried out at the Maungtaw border point
in prevention against mixing of home-breed poultry with migratory wild
birds which are moving into Myanmar in the cold season especially at this
time, the report said.

The Livestock Breeding and Veterinary Department (LBVD) has called on the
country's people to take preventive measures against cross-border bird
flu, saying that the avian influenza was found occurring intermittently in
neighboring countries in both the east and northwest and attributing the
phenomena to have been caused by the migratory birds, carriers of deadly
H5N1 virus from one place to another.

Migratory birds from different regions across the world used to fly over
Myanmar territory during the winter season period between November and
February, according to experts.

The authorities have also called for keeping awareness about the modes of
infection of the avian influenza and intensifying precautionary and
educational measures to prevent any occurrence in humans and birds.

Meanwhile, Myanmar is cooperating with the Food and Agriculture
Organization (FAO) and the United States Agency for International
Development (USAID) in prevention against avian influenza.

In April last year, the World Animal Health Organization (OIE) declared
Myanmar as a bird-flu-free country three months after the country was
proved that there was no residual bird flu virus remained over the period
since January.


>From February 2006 until the last in December 2007, there were numerous

outbreaks of the avian influenza in Myanmar covering 25 townships of six
states and divisions.

All of the occurrences were blamed for infecting from abroad especially
that the virus was carried into the country by migratory birds from the
cold regions in the world infecting local birds, according to the LBVD.

Myanmar reported outbreak of the avian influenza in the country for the
first time in some poultry farms in Mandalay and Sagaing divisions in
early 2006, followed by those in Yangon division in early 2007, in Mon
state's Thanbyuzayat and western Bago division's Letpadan in July and in
eastern Bago division's Thanatpin and in Yangon division's Hmawby in
October the same year.

Despite the declaration as a bird-flu-free country, the Myanmar livestock
authorities continued to call on the country's people to exercise a
long-term precaution against the deadly H5N1 bird flu.

____________________________________
ASEAN

January 9, Straits Times
Asean summit among Kasit's top priorities; Ties with Cambodia, Myanmar
will also head Thai minister's list – Nirmal Ghosh

Thailand's new Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya says his immediate priority
is to 'get the Asean summit going' and rebuild relations with Cambodia and
Myanmar.

The controversial 64-year-old career diplomat said in an interview with
The Straits Times: 'The substance and physical arrangements (for the Asean
summit) are more or less in place; in parallel, the series of meetings for
the terms of reference of the human rights body (under the Asean Charter)
is moving on schedule, and positively.'

The annual confab, postponed from last month to Feb 27 to March 1 because
of political unrest in Bangkok, will be split into two parts. There will
be a first meeting for the 10 Asean countries, and a subsequent meeting in
April with the group's six dialogue partners, including China and India.

Mr Kasit, a former ambassador to Russia, Indonesia, Germany, Japan and the
United States who is known for his energetic style, said Thailand intends
to reinvigorate bilateral and multilateral consultations, negotiations and
commissions, renewing the country's participation after political
instability at home paralysed the previous government and forced months of
absence from international forums.

Developing a renewed relationship with the World Bank and other
international lending institutions is also on the agenda.

'This is part of our confidence-building measures - that we are a global
player and we do welcome the international business community,' he said.

In a reaction to previous years when foreign policy was driven primarily
by economic considerations that critics say often happened to benefit
former premier Thaksin Shinawatra's personal business interests, the new
government's policy is that 'there will be no mixing of private business
and diplomacy, there will be no vested interests in dealings with foreign
leaders'.

'We will deal with our immediate close neighbours on the substance of the
issues bilaterally, and in the Asean context, on the human rights body
which we have to finalise. Each country has to position itself to make the
Asean human rights body workable in accordance with the charter,' Mr Kasit
said.

On Thailand's relationship with Myanmar, a problematic member of Asean, Mr
Kasit said: 'We have to rebuild the whole governance of the relationship,
particularly on the cross-border issues and the various types of
trafficking - drugs, humans, antiques, plants, gems and jewellery.

'We have to talk seriously with Burmese leaders on migrant workers. The
big issue for Thailand is how to make it more systematic.'

Thailand will also look into the possibility of humanitarian and
development assistance for both Myanmar and Cambodia.

'On the larger picture of what's going on in Myanmar, I think one has to
recognise the different paces of internal development. And whatever
business we do in terms of energy exploration and development and so on,
the well-being of Myanamr's people will be the highest priority,' he said.

With the leaders of Myanmar's military junta, there would be 'many things
one can speak on privately, and I will leave that option open. But
definitely there will not be microphone (diplomacy), we will not be making
announcements through the media about what we do or do not like'.

The relationship with Cambodia would be reviewed, and an ambassador-level
negotiator would be appointed next week to restart talks on five boundary
disputes, he said.

Referring to eruptions of Thai nationalism which led to protests against
Singapore in 2006 over Temasek Holdings' purchase of Shin Corp, and
anti-Cambodia protests last year over the disputed Preah Vihear temple, he
said: 'It was not a nationalistic movement against the countries per se, I
think it was the consequences of the protests against the behaviour of the
then Thai government.

'This government will have not have any business dealings, no vested
interests, no double dealing. It will be purely on the substance of the
relationship, there will not be any cause for the people to come and
protest against the government because of seemingly corrupt practices. We
are going to show ourselves to be honest, transparent and accountable.'

On reconciling his current role with his vocal activism on behalf of the
royalist, right-wing People's Alliance for Democracy whose protests late
last year paralysed the government and severely damaged the economy and
credibility of Thailand, he said: 'I am proud to be part of the process of
trying to make Thailand a workable democracy.'

Whether the means justified the end, would be for history to judge, he said.

Since the end of absolute monarchy in 1932, there had been a struggle
between three groups - the military, professional politicians and, in the
last 10 to 15 years, civil society.

'I think civil society is gaining ground, to make Thailand more
participatory.'

____________________________________
REGIONAL

January 9, Inter Press Service
New Thai policies not junta-friendly – Marwaan Macan-Markar


Thailand's new coalition government in Thailand, headed by the Democrat
Party, plans to unveil a Burma policy that is expected to be a break from
what has largely prevailed since 2001 -- where Bangkok pampered the junta
with diplomatic niceties and offered a protective shield against
international criticism. Kasit Piromya, the new foreign minister, spelled
out what the Burmese junta could soon expect during a conference for
academics and diplomats held at a university here on the eve of his
appointment. ''We are a democratic society, an open society, and our
foreign policy should reflect this,'' said Kasit, a veteran diplomat who
has served in major capitals, including Washington D.C. and Tokyo. ''No
personal business deals will shape our foreign policy.

Our government will not mix business and politics,'' he added. ''When
there are no business deals with the military junta, we can talk. We will
not be blackmailed by economic interests.'' Kasit also asserted that
Thailand will observe human rights and environmental concerns. ''We shall
treat the Burmese as we do Thais. We will not do anything to jeopardise
the Burmese community.'' Such language is rooted in the diplomatic
policies of previous governments headed by the Democrat Party, the last of
which was from 1997 till 2000. When the Democrats were last in power,
their foreign policy was firm and had a clear direction aimed to be in
accordance with international norms, says Kavi Chongkittavorn, a senior
editor and columnist on regional affairs at 'The Nation,' an
English-language daily. The last Democrat-led coalition maintained
Thailand's support for democracy in Burma, Kavi told IPS.

It was also during that period that Thailand became one of the few
countries that placed human rights as a pillar of its foreign policy. In
fact that government, headed by former prime minister Chuan Leekpai, did
not conceal its reservations towards the Burmese junta known for its
oppressive rule and human rights violations. On one occasion, the Chuan
administration refused to fall in line behind Burma's military leaders
following a 1999 attack by Burmese dissidents on the country's embassy in
Bangkok. The Thai government described the dissidents as students fighting
for democracy, much to the rage of the Burmese generals who had condemned
them as terrorists. Another piece of symbolism was the refusal by Chuan to
visit Burma during his term in office.

Such coldness towards an immediate neighbour contrasted with the customary
visits he made to other members of the regional, 10-member Association of
South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN). In fact, the Chuan administration took
the lead in pursuing a Burma policy aimed at influencing democratic
change, which, at the time, appeared more assertive than the ASEAN
approach. This policy, unveiled in mid-1999, was dubbed flexible
engagement. On the other hand, ASEAN, whose members include Brunei,
Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and
Vietnam, in addition to Thailand and Burma, was more content with a policy
of constructive engagement. This regional policy served to cushion Burma
from international criticism and was defended in South-east Asian capitals
as a more prudent way of prodding the Burmese military towards democratic
reform. But a new foreign policy chapter between Thailand and Burma, or
Myanmar as the junta renamed the country, emerged in 2001.

It came with the electoral triumph that year of the Thai Rak Thai (Thais
Love Thai TRT) party, led by the billionaire telecommunications tycoon
Thaksin Shinawatra. Within months Thaksin, the new premier, revealed his
affinity for business opportunities in Burma at the expense of pushing for
democratic reforms and strengthening human rights. Bangkok's warmer ties
towards its neighbour were described as forward engagement. This shift
paved the way for high-level visits between the leaders of the two
countries, new business ventures in Burma with investments coming from
Thailand and a more assertive defence of Burma's international critics by
Bangkok. Burma, in fact, was described as Thailand's best friend by a
ranking member of the Thaksin government early in this relationship. Such
ties did not fray during the over five years of the TRT administration,
when, on many occasions, human rights violations by the Burmese regime
were condemned by the rest of ASEAN.

In 2003, the Thaksin administration was the only government in South-east
Asia that came to the junta's rescue following its brutal assault and
subsequent detention of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. A similar
defence of the junta was mounted in early 2008 by Samak Sundaravej, the
prime minister who headed a coalition government led by the People Power
Party, a successor to the TRT, which was dissolved due to election
malpractice in 2007. When interviewed on a Thai television channel about
the brutality in Burma, Samak shot back: ''Killings and suppression are
normal there''.

The end of such a policy of appeasement is going down well with Burma's
pro-democracy activists living in exile in Thailand. ''It would mean a lot
if Thailand helps with the democratisation process in Burma after so many
years,'' says Soe Aung, spokesman for the Forum for Democracy in Burma, a
network of Burmese political activists living inside the military-ruled
country and beyond. ''We welcome the principled stand of the new Thai
government towards Burma,'' he added in an interview. ''The junta must be
having nightmares after learning that the Democrat Party is now in
power.''

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

January 9, European Voice
Ban must visit Burma to begin the end-game – Thaung Htun

A more active role by the UN's secretary-general is one of ways the
international community can deepen its engagement with Burma's problems,
argues the government-in-exile.
In backing a visit to Burma (Myanmar) by the United Nations
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, the EU's envoy, Peiro Fassino, in
mid-December added to the clarion call for the UN to take a lead role in
Burma.

The EU itself is already well engaged, via a range of economic sanctions.
It has opened channels of dialogue on Burma with interlocutors like the
Philippines. Just before Christmas it pledged a further €40.5 million to
aid efforts inside Burma, focusing particularly on victims of the Nargis
cyclone of last May.

But, the EU cannot enact positive change on its own. It needs concerted
action from the UN, starting with a high-profile, top-level, well-focused
visit by Ban himself.

Instead, the United Nations secretary-general seems to be waiting for a
miracle before he is prepared to visit Burma. Like a scientist afraid of
his own experiment, he aims to plot the result before he begins the
process.

He is seeking, he says, an assurance that there will be an outcome. This
is an untenable position, overly cautious by far for a situation as
critical as the one in which Burma finds itself. The UN is willing to
allow the Burmese military junta to ride roughshod over international
standards of human rights, political practice, economic sustainability and
foreign relations. The global body is allowing the regime to push on
towards a sham election in 2010, which will inevitably bolster their power
and defer the development of democracy in Burma.

While the shortcomings of the UN indicate a global system that is failing
Burma, the UN is not alone.

Regionally, a virtual free-for-all has erupted as investors from China,
Russia, Korea, Thailand, and elsewhere rush into Burma. A resources and
energy assets boom has given the military regime an opportunity to open
the flood-gates. Sanctions in place in the EU and the US have ensured
Burma's neighbours have few serious competitors, or watchdogs.

A step-by-step plan
The National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, as the legitimate
and mandated de jure government in Burma has outlined a step-by-step plan
for more focused and successful engagement with Burma.

The first vital and unavoidable step would be for the secretary-general to
visit the country – and to so as soon as possible. That would be an
opportunity to present and embody the international community's concern
over widespread human rights violations and the volatile actions of the
country's rulers.

Second, the UN's special envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, must go to Burma again to
meet officials and to establish the infrastructure to: a) ensure the
release of all political prisoners; b) facilitate open negotiations
between Aung San Suu Kyi, the victor in Burma's last democratic elections,
and the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), the name Burma's
military regime has given itself; c) to set a permanent liaison office in
Burma to pursue the direct intentions of the secretary-general and; d) to
bring solutions to Burma's economic crisis.

Third, a process of on-going engagement needs to be rolled out. The
generals need to be obliged to meet and engage appropriately with the UN
special envoy and must grant all relevant UN officers unlimited access
throughout the country.

Fourth, the UN should kick off a process of national reconciliation,
capitalising on the work already done in this direction by the National
Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), which I represent at
the UN. This process must be inclusive of all opposition parties, the
military and all ethnic groups. This must take place before the proposed
elections in 2010 to head off the usual ruses employed by the generals in
order to exploit international goodwill, to marginalise authentic
opposition voices in Burma and to ensure the irrevocably flawed 2010
election can never take place.

Fifth, all such processes need to have the full-backing of the UN and have
their agenda set by the UN. This needs the backing of the UN member
states, who must stand up and act on Burma more than they are, and should
be a priority as the run-in to the 2010 election looms closer.

Sixth, this process has to be fully open, the dialogue made public and the
results known to all, so as to ensure full accountability and the good
governance of the initiative.

These are concrete steps, not idle thoughts. Such a programme could bring
progress to Burma. The international community understands these
mechanisms and can work within them. And yet there is inaction, a sense
the rhetoric is there to knit a veil for international leaders.

Recently, Ban said that the actions of the junta are “abhorrent and
unacceptable” and called for “bold action” on the generals' part to move
towards democracy. But, the words will sink quickly unless they are
forcefully backed up by Ban himself.

This is not the time to be overly fastidious in the interests of protocol
or realpolitik, or to protect the perceived dignity of the
secretary-general's office. Our people are in grave danger.

We can only hope the EU will continue to provide weight to the growing
movement to begin the process of lasting change in Burma.

Thaung Htun represents Burma's government-in-exile, the National Coalition
Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), at the United Nations.

____________________________________

January 9, Irrawaddy
Nowhere to hide – James Forrest

They are constantly running and hiding from the Burmese army. One
62-year-old Karen man said he believed he had fled in fear more than 100
times in his life. They build makeshift shelters in the jungle wherever
they can and plant fields that might never see a harvest. With only the
clothes on their backs and a few tools in their hands, they build
schoolhouses from bamboo and try to give their children an education. More
than anything, the Internally Displaced People (IDPs) of Eastern Burma try
desperately to keep a candle of hope burning in their hearts.

It is extremely difficult to reach IDPs in conflict areas. Humanitarian
aid from NGOs and the UN World Food Program working in Burma does not
stretch to the people of Karen, Karenni and Shan states who require it the
most.

The IDPs of Eastern Burma rely on cross-border aid and intrepid groups
such as the Free Burma Rangers (FBR) and the Back Pack Health Worker Teams
to deliver it. The logistics are very difficult and the conditions are
hazardous. With the dreaded Burmese army, or tatmadaw, controlling
checkpoints on all roads, FBR teams must stick to jungle trails and use
mules and porters for transportation.

It is a dangerous occupation. FBR teams have had eight members of staff
killed since they set up 10 years ago. The tatmadaw often operates a
shoot-to-kill policy in areas where villagers previously lived and
regularly plant landmines around the villages to deter them from
returning.

FBR teams travel into the most remote regions of Eastern Burma, as well as
in ethnic areas in the west of the country to help IDPs with supplies of
medicines, mosquito nets, blankets, tarpaulins and clothing. Sometimes,
the vital aid is supplemented by organisations, such as the Committee for
Internally Displaced Karen People or the Karen Office for Relief and
Development, but is not enough to meet the desperate needs of the internal
refugees.

Naw Eh Moo Paw, 30, from Thong He Der Village in Karen State, told FBR:
“My brother was 14 years old when the tatmadaw attacked our village in
1997. We all ran away, but he was not with us at the time and was too
young to know how to react. He ran the wrong way—toward the Burmese
soldiers. They shot him dead. When I think about him, I am sad. I want to
defeat the tatmadaw, but I cannot. And so when they come, I have to run
away.”

Some 48 full-time FBR teams are in operation around the country. The
volunteers are homegrown—drawn from the communities they serve—Arakan,
Lahu, Chin, Kachin, Karen, Pa-O, Shan and Karenni ethnic groups. FBR
teaches the volunteers how to navigate safely around the areas where they
operate, how to interview people and record their stories, and about
international human rights. They learn how to cross rivers with ropes and
how to disarm landmines. Some are selected to be trained in medicine where
they learn to treat the most common illnesses they come across, including
acute respiratory infections, malaria, anemia and skin diseases. Some
50,000 people—essentially IDPs—are treated by FBR teams every year.

FBR says its teams bring hope, help and a message of love to the IDPs. One
volunteer medic said, “I work with FBR because I want peace.”  Another
said, “I have known about the relief teams since I was a little boy and I
decided to help our people as best I can.”

It appears the FBR and the Back Pack teams’ tasks will be
ongoing—everywhere the IDPs set up home, the Burmese army reacts by
hunting them down, attacking them, burning their villages and abusing
them. Several organizations have recorded the staggering amount of human
rights abuses, killings and rapes that are perpetuated by soldiers of the
Burmese army against ethnic villagers in Eastern Burma, but no one seems
able to prevent them.

One young villager had this message: “We never think about going to the
refugee camps on the border, because we want to live in our own country.
Tell the Burmese regime to put a stop to the oppression, so we can move
back to our homes and live in peace.”

James Forrest is a volunteer who works with displaced people in Burma.

____________________________________

January 9, ODI - Humanitarian Practice Network
ASEAN's role in the Cyclone Nargis response: implications, lessons and
opportunities –Yves-Kim Creac'h and Lilianne Fan

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has in the past been
strongly criticised for its position on and relationship with Myanmar, in
particular for its policies of 'non-interference' and 'constructive
engagement'. In its response to the devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis,
ASEAN as an organisation took a bold step by proactively assuming a
leadership role, both in convincing the Myanmar government to cooperate
with the international community and in managing the response itself. In
so doing, it has helped to open up an unprecedented level of humanitarian
space. While much work still needs to be done, ASEAN's approach to the
post-Nargis response may well offer a model for other regional
organisations. Natural disasters such as Cyclone Nargis are likely to
become increasingly frequent, and expertise in responding to and managing
them will be needed in the future.

ASEAN's position on Myanmar

ASEAN was founded on 8 August 1967. Initially comprising five members
–Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand – by 1999,
with the accession of Cambodia, the organisation encompassed all ten of
the region's states, including Myanmar. The organisation was founded on a
set of core principles: non-interference in its members' affairs,
consensus, the non-use of force and non-confrontation. These principles
have governed ASEAN's relationship with Myanmar, and have been the source
of the harshest criticism of its stance towards the regime there, not only
from Western governments but also increasingly from pro-democracy forces
within its own member countries.

Throughout most of the 1990s, ASEAN's engagement with Myanmar consisted of
quiet diplomacy and confidence-building measures. Following the country's
accession, however, members increasingly presented their position as a
realist response in light of the country's isolation and xenophobia,
rather than as tacit consent with the policies and practices of the
regime. ASEAN's strongest and most united criticism of the junta came in
the wake of its brutal crackdown on civilian protesters in September 2007.
Following the crackdown, ASEAN members were divided over the degree to
which they should uphold the principle of non-interference in relation to
Myanmar. The decision to play a major role in the Cyclone Nargis response
gave ASEAN an opportunity to forge a common position.

Just after the cyclone struck, on 5 May, ASEAN Secretary-General Surin
Pitsuwan called on all member states to provide urgent relief assistance
through the framework of the ASEAN Agreement on Disaster Management and
Emergency Response (AADMER). Three days later, on 8 May, the Myanmar
government agreed to work in coordination with the ASEAN Secretariat to
assemble and deploy an ASEAN Emergency Rapid Assessment Team (ERAT), made
up of government officials, disaster management experts and NGOs from
member countries. In the first-ever such mission for ASEAN, ERAT was
deployed to Myanmar from 9–18 May. Its report was submitted to a Special
ASEAN Ministerial Meeting on 19 May. At the meeting, ministers agreed to
establish an ASEAN-led coordinating mechanism to 'facilitate the effective
distribution and utilization of assistance from the international
community, including the expeditious and effective deployment of relief
workers, especially health and medical personnel'. Over the next week, the
ASEAN Secretariat, in consultation with experts from member states, worked
on designing an appropriate mechanism. The result was a two-tiered
structure, consisting of a diplomatic body, the ASEAN Humanitarian Task
Force (AHTF), and a Yangon-based Tripartite Core Group (TCG), consisting
of ASEAN, the Myanmar government and the United Nations, to facilitate
day-to-day operations. The first concept paper for the mechanism was
circulated at the 25 May Pledging Conference in Yangon. A detailed terms
of reference for the TCG followed soon afterwards.

The ASEAN Humanitarian Task Force (AHTF)

The AHTF has 22 members, two from the ASEAN Secretariat, including the
ASEAN Secretary-General as chair, and two officials (one senior diplomat
and one technical expert) from each of the ten ASEAN countries. The main
function of the Task Force is to supervise and advise the TCG, including
on broad strategic planning, priorities and targets. The AHTF agreed to
meet at least once a month for the first three months and more regularly
if necessary.

The Tripartite Core Group (TCG)

The Yangon-based TCG was set up to oversee the coordination of resources,
operations, monitoring and reporting. The ASEAN component of the TCG
comprises a senior ASEAN member (i.e. an ambassador from an ASEAN country
based in Yangon), an official from the ASEAN Secretariat and an expert on
disaster management. The Myanmar component of the TCG is represented by a
senior member from the government, appointed by the Central Coordinating
Board, and two others. The United Nations component comprises the UN
Humanitarian Coordinator, the Resident Coordinator and the head of one of
the UN operational agencies, on a rotating basis. Additional technical
experts can be invited to provide technical support as required. The TCG
meets once or twice a week, and is perceived by aid agencies working in
Myanmar to be generally effective in overseeing and facilitating the
cyclone response.

The PONJA

At the International Pledging Conference, donors made two major demands:
the provision of full and unfettered access for relief workers, and the
preparation of an objective and credible needs assessment. This became the
responsibility of the TCG, which responded by commissioning the
Post-Nargis Joint Assessment (PONJA).

The PONJA was launched in Yangon on 8 June. It was a massive
multi-stakeholder joint assessment effort involving the Myanmar
government, ASEAN, the UN, international financial institutions and INGOs.
Using a spatially-clustered methodology, the relief and recovery component
of the PONJA was analysed through the Village Tract Assessment (VTA),
while the macro and long-term recovery component was reviewed through a
Damage and Loss Assessment (DALA). Over 300 people, divided into 32 teams,
spent ten days touring the cyclone-affected area. The World Bank seconded
some 20 experts to ASEAN, and technical experts were also brought in from
the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the UN Economic and Social Commission
for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP). Operational UN agencies and INGOs
contributed significantly to the PONJA, both through the assessment teams
(the VTA teams were coordinated by Merlin – see the following article,
which discusses the VTA process in more detail) and through the analysis
and writing of various components of the report (Oxfam lent two technical
coordinators to the PONJA writing teams for the water and sanitation and
early recovery sections).

The preliminary findings of the PONJA were presented at an ASEAN
Roundtable in Yangon on 24 June, and fed into a revised Flash Appeal,
launched in New York on 10 July, which requested $303.6 million. On 21
July, on the occasion of the 41st ASEAN Ministerial Meeting in Singapore,
ASEAN and the UN jointly launched the final PONJA report. Following the
launch, UN Emergency Relief Coordinator John Holmes paid a three-day visit
to Myanmar. 'In May,' he said, 'donors requested access for international
relief workers and a credible, objective assessment: these are both now in
place.'

Key findings of the PONJA report included:

- A total of $1 billion was needed for recovery over the following three
years. Damage from the cyclone was estimated at $4bn.

- Total economic losses amounted to about 2.7% of Myanmar's projected GDP
in 2008.

- Affected households were extremely vulnerable – 55% reported having only
one day of food stocks or less, and were reliant on the steady flow of
relief supplies.

- The scale of the impact was similar to that inflicted on Indonesia
following the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004.

- Over 90% of needs were at the community level and could be addressed
through community-based approaches.

Monitoring and review

Following the PONJA, ASEAN created a monitoring unit to measure the
progress of the humanitarian response, dispatched ASEAN personnel to
pre-established UN hubs in the field and commenced joint planning for the
early recovery period. Regular 'Periodic Reviews' (three are planned) are
designed to evaluate the progress of the recovery effort. To develop the
detailed methodology for the review, technical consultations are being
conducted with aid agencies, the Myanmar government and local NGOs. One of
the key advantages of the review process is that, like the PONJA, it
should capture the efforts of every stakeholder, from government
programmes to private sector initiatives and local spontaneous action, as
a complement to the cluster monitoring systems. It will also provide
independent and objective information to identify, verify and address gaps
in the recovery effort.

Implications, lessons and opportunities

ASEAN's role in the Cyclone Nargis response holds important implications,
lessons and opportunities for the international humanitarian community.
According Holmes, following a visit to cyclone-affected areas in late
July: 'Nargis showed us a new model of humanitarian partnership, adding
the special position and capabilities of the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations to those of the United Nations in working effectively with
the government'. ASEAN leadership, Holmes went on, was 'vital in building
trust with the government and saving lives'.

While ASEAN's actions have been acknowledged as key in providing
leadership, structure and legitimacy to the Nargis response, it took some
time for ASEAN and the Myanmar government to recognise the role of NGOs,
and the TCG does not include any NGO representatives. The organisation has
also faced criticism that the Periodic Review simply duplicates the
cluster approach and is redundant. This overlooks the fact that access to
the Delta was granted through the PONJA, and was the result of
intervention by ASEAN. While OCHA might have been a more natural home for
such a review process, it was not operational in Myanmar prior to the
cyclone and has only recently been allowed to establish a presence in the
country. ASEAN's hosting of the review ensures continuity, and the
organisation's mandate means that all stakeholders can engage in the
review process with commitment and accountability.

With the intensification of climate change, cyclones, earthquakes and
other natural calamities will become increasingly common. In this new
global context, there is an urgent need for effective regional mechanisms
to identify priorities in the early stages of an emergency response. Such
regional capacity will allow the quick deployment of disaster experts, the
establishment of appropriate institutional arrangements and a smooth
linking into existing emergency appeal mechanisms, to ensure that the
needs of victims are addressed in a timely and adequately manner, and that
the transition from relief to recovery is well-supported and effectively
managed.

Yves-Kim Creac'h (yveskim.creach at merlin.org.uk) is the head of Merlin's
Emergency Response Team, based in London. He was coordinator of the
Village Tract Assessment component of the Post-Nargis Joint Assessment
(PONJA). Lilianne Fan (lilianne.fan at gmail.com) is an independent
consultant on humanitarian policy, reconstruction and governance, based in
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Previously, she was Oxfam's Senior Policy
Coordinator for Aceh, and Humanitarian Policy Coordinator for Myanmar.

____________________________________

January 9, New Light of Myanmar
All citizens must steadfastly uphold "Our Three Main National Causes" to
avoid recurrences of past bitter experiences

Vice-Senior General Maung Aye addresses Graduation Parade of the Sixth
Intake of the Defence Services Institute of Nursing and Paramedical
Science

The following is translation of the speech delivered by Vice-Senior
General Maung Aye, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services
Commander-in-Chief (Army), at the Graduation Parade of the Sixth Intake of
the Defence Services Institute of Nursing and Paramedical Science at the
parade ground of the Defence Services Medical Academy in Yangon today.

Comrades,

On this occasion of the Graduation Ceremony of the Sixth Intake of the
Defence Services Institute of Nursing and Paramedical Science, I would
like to give guidance solemnly as to what you should be aware.

Comrades,

The aim of the Defence Services Institute of Nursing and Paramedical
Science is to produce skillful nurses, paramedical and pharmaceutical
professionals with physical and intellectual aptitude for the National
Tatmadaw which will safeguard Our Three Main National Causes.

Comrades,

With a view to providing training and education to you, more than 20
departments of academic subjects have been set up in this Institute. The
Directorate of Studies and the Department of Paramedical Science have been
effectively teaching Myanmar, English, Mathematics, Chemistry, Physics,
Botany and Zoology as foundation subjects, Anatomy, Biochemistry,
Physiology, Microbiology and Computer Science as supplementary subjects,
and Pharmacology, Pathology, Radiology and Physiotherapy as major
subjects. In addition, with regard to nursing, the subjects of Adult Care,
Family Care, Nursing Aid, Public Care and Psychiatric Care are also being
taught. Likewise, a library has been set up for trainees with an aim for
their broader studies.

To date, this Institute has already produced a total of 1,034 graduates,
and the number will reach 1,143 if your batch is concluded.

In terms of subjects, those graduates comprise 935 nurses, 54
pathologists, 52 radiologists, 46 physiotherapists and 56 pharmaceutical
professionals
.

Comrades,

If I may expound Our Three Main National Causes, namely Non-disintegration
of the Union, Non-disintegration of national solidarity and Perpetuation
of Sovereignty, these causes have been our national responsibilities
handed down by the history. You would have learnt bitter lessons from a
number of world events, in which certain States have become weaker after
disintegration of their union owing to the external intervention in the
midst of their conflicts resulting from the disintegration of national
unity as well as those which have become puppet governments after losing
their sovereignty.

Comrades,

If we look back to the origin of our national races, there were bodies of
evidences which showed that human races have inhabited in our country
since 40 million years ago. However, complex geographical location
hindering communication, divergence of climates has resulted in emergence
of various languages, and diverse costumes, cultures, customs, and
traditions and this has led to the emergence of more than a hundred
national races.

However, our national brethren, like a myriad of fruits stemming from a
single stalk, have lived in unity through weal or woe, with wisdom taught
by blood relations. They have been moving around for their livelihood in
the country as freely as they desire. In this way, our national brethren
have inhabited the length and breadth of the country maintaining the
undividable unity and solidarity. Notwithstanding their cohesiveness,
seeds of discord were sowed among our national brethren by colonialists
and colonial historians through their divide-and-rule policy, resulting in
separatist mentalities creeping into their minds since the colonial time.
This is why, as you all are aware, our independence was regained only
after forging national unity through painstaking efforts.

Comrades,

However, as national unity was not fully consolidated even after regaining
independence, armed insurgencies mushroomed accompanying the independence.

National development efforts were not able to be carried out as armed
insurgencies were rampant throughout the country. Development projects
were done in vain as the roads, bridges and schools constructed were
destroyed by the insurgents. Education and health levels of the national
races in the remote border areas were seriously affected as the staff in
these sectors were quite reluctant to serve in the border regions for lack
of security there. This is why the human resource development of the State
lagged behind to some extent.

Comrades,

After assuming the responsibilities of the State, the Tatmadaw has
systematically implemented the infrastructures projects in every corner of
the country including the border areas for the human resource development
and the development of the State. The Tatmadaw's relentless efforts for
the national reconciliation have achieved significant improvements. As of
now, 17 major national race armed groups and many small splintered groups
have returned to the legal fold and have been working together with the
Tatmadaw Government for the development of their respective regions.
Therefore, all the national races nowadays are enjoying the fruits of
peace and stability.

In order to avoid recurrence of the bitter experiences of the past, all
the citizens of the State must steadfastly uphold "Our Three Main National
Causes" as a national policy.

Comrades,

Let me continue to touch upon the physical and mental prowess. These twin
capabilities are qualities that must be acquired and exist together. As
patriotic Tatmadawmen, you must have physical strength and military
knowledge to be able to safeguard the State. Likewise, you must also have
courage, bravery and strong will to crush your enemies. You can carry out
your duties well in the battlefield with your medical knowledge and
expertise. Likewise, if required, you must be able to command your troops
to combat and to defeat your enemy. Therefore, you will be given further
training such as Platoon Commander Course, Company Commander Course and
Commanding Officer Course in compatible with the respective ranks.

Comrades,

There have been many fine examples of the members of the Tatmadaw Medical
Corps who were honoured for their distinguished bravery and sacrifice in
the battlefields since the pre-independence period. As you have already
committed to sacrifice the lives and limbs for the country, you must have
the right attitude in demonstrating your courage to sacrifice your life.
As you must work hand in hand with the infantry troops for the duties of
medical care in the battlefields, you must have the spirit of good
Tatmadawmen to learn combat experience willingly.

Comrades,

To become a good Tatmadawmen, you must strictly observe the codes of
conduct of the Tatmadawmen. Similarly, you must have the five basic
qualities such as spirit, discipline, loyalty, unity and three
capabilities which are of necessary requirements for each armed force and
Tatmadawman. You must also have the desire to carry on the twelve
traditions of the Tatmadaw. In this way, you will be able to fully serve
three major responsibilities of the Tatmadaw, namely to combat, to undergo
training and to carry out nation-building task for the people.

Similarly, in your primary duties of medical care, you have to keep
records of significant experiences. In encountering some difficulties in
the field, you have to learn from experts. In addition, your have to
provide continuous medical care to each and individual Tatmadawman, their
family members, and the public by systematically keeping their health
records.

Comrades,

Today, the Tatmadaw has exerted relentless efforts for the simultaneous
development of the whole country by laying down Three Special Projects.
They are Project for the Development of Border Areas and National Races,
Project for Development of Special Regions and Project for Development of
the Rural Areas. While serving duties at the assigned places, you will
have to take care of the health and well-being of the public in order to
contribute to the success of the health sector of the three special
development projects.


Comrades,

In conclusion, I wish to urge you to

-       Protect "Our Three Main National Causes" by sacrificing your own
lives,

-       Try to become a Tatmadawman with sound physical and mental prowess,

-       Strictly observe the codes of conduct of the Tatmadawmen,

-       Try to be endowed with the five basic qualities which are
essential requirements for every armed force and Tatmadawman,

-       Try to acquire much battlefield experience,

-       Serve the interests of the people by participating in the
development activities of the State, and

-       Continue your further study in nursing and pharmacology to become
specialists.