BurmaNet News, February 24, 2009

[Editor]

February 24, 2009, Issue #3658


INSIDE BURMA
Mizzima News: NLD clarifies its statement
DVB: Two ABFSU leaders transferred to remote prisons
Irrawaddy: Lack of proper equipment hampers Burma’s firefighters
Xinhua: Myanmar plans full coverage of public access centers in whole country

ON THE BORDER
Xinhua: Laos, Myanmar discuss increased military cooperation

DRUGS
SHAN: Over 350 kgs of heroin seized

ASEAN
Xinhua: Myanmar PM to attend ASEAN summit in Thailand

REGIONAL
Irrawaddy: Burmese prisoner release a ‘positive step’: Japan

INTERNATIONAL
Irrawaddy: Junta urged to send positive signals: Ban
Australian Broadcasting Corporation: Govt takes Burmese refugee case to UN

OPINION / OTHER
Asia Times: Democracy plan fuels war in Myanmar – Brian McCartan
Bangkok Post: Rohingya, the charter's first challenge – Sarinna
Areethamsirikul

OBITUARY
DVB: MP-elect Dr Maung Maung Latt dies at 59



____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

February 24, Mizzima News
NLD clarifies its statement – Salai Pi Pi

Burma's main opposition party the National League for Democracy on Monday
clarified its statement issued on February 17, saying it is not to be
misunderstood that detained party leader Aung San Suu Kyi is in agreement
with the ruling junta’s statement.

In its statement on February 17, the NLD urged for a dialogue between
Burma’s military supremo Snr. Gen Than Shwe and detained opposition party
Aung San Suu Kyi for a breakthrough in Burmese politics.

But the statement, in its reference to the ruling junta’s statement No.
1/2007, had mistakenly said, “Confrontation, utter devastation, economic
sanctions and total isolation, which are described in the paragraph seven
(7) of SPDC's Statement No. 1/2007, do not benefit the country or the
people,” conveying a wrong message that the NLD agreed with the junta’s
statement.

Nyan Win, NLD spokesperson, told Mizzima that they are clarifying the
mistake as it can be misunderstood.

In its ‘Clarification Statement’ released on Monday, the NLD urged readers
to correct the mistake and to read the paragraph as, “Paragraph seven (7)
of the SPDC’s Statement No. 1/2007 asserts that confrontation, utter
devastation, economic sanctions, and total isolation do not benefit the
country or the people.”

In 2007, Than Shwe released a statement saying that he is willing to
embark on a dialogue with the Burmese democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi on
the condition that she drop her confrontational stand, utter devastation,
call for sanctions and total isolation.
The NLD, in its statement on February 17 said, Aung San Suu Kyi had
conveyed a message to the junta’s Liaison Minister Aung Kyi that she is
willing to talk to Snr. Gen Than Shwe on his statement accusing her and
her party of choosing a path of confrontation, utter devastation, calling
for economic sanctions, and total isolation.

According to the NLD statement, the detained Nobel Peace Laureate also
said, she is willing to talk to Than Shwe if he is willing to come to an
agreement over the accusations and is also willing to issue a joint
statement after the talks.

With regard to Than Shwe’s accusation in his statement released in 2007,
Nyan Win told Mizzima, “We have nothing to withdraw, as the economic
sanctions were not imposed by us but are only concerned with the country
that imposed the sanctions. And we have not done anything that the junta
accused us of doing.”

Moreover, the NLD statement also reiterated its call for a talk between
Than Shwe and Aung San Suu Kyi saying, "We always keep the door open".

"Instead of arguments and counter arguments between these two VIPs, there
should be a dialogue for the sake of the country," the statement said.

____________________________________

February 24, Democratic Voice of Burma
Two ABFSU leaders transferred to remote prisons – Nan Kham Kaew

Two All Burma Federation of Student Unions leaders who were recently
sentenced to three years’ imprisonment each have been transferred to
remote prisons, according to their families.

ABFSU leaders Kyaw Ko Ko and Nyan Linn Aung were sentenced to three years
in prison by Mingalar Taung Nyunt township court in Rangoon earlier this
month under video laws.

Kyaw Ko Ko was among the political prisoners who met UN special rapporteur
Tomas Ojea Quintana during his recent visit to Burma.

Kyaw Ko Ko’s father Kyaw Aye said he had not been able to see his son
since the visit because political inmates are only allowed family visits
once every two weeks.

“My son met with Mr Quintana on the 16th but I couldn’t go and visit him
as I had just seen him on the 13th,” said Kyaw Aye. Kyaw Aye said he found
out his son and Nyan Linn Aung had been moved from Insein to other remote
prisons early on Saturday morning, but had not yet been able to confirm
where they have been sent.

“I went to a court in Tamwe [on 23 February] to show support for some
political activists on trial there,” he said.

“They told me that my son and his colleague were no longer in Insein
prison ward 5 where they were previously detained.”

Kyaw Aye said he immediately went to Insein prison and was told by an
official there that Kyaw Ko Ko had been transferred to Taunggyi prison in
Shan state while Nyan Linn Aung was sent to Bhamo prison in Kachin state.

“I made a phone call to Taunggyi prison to confirm the news but they told
me Kyaw Ko Ko had not yet arrived,” Kyaw Aye said.

____________________________________

February 24, Irrawaddy
Lack of proper equipment hampers Burma’s firefighters

Lack of money and effective equipment is hampering Burmese local
authorities tackle an increasing number of dry season fires.

The official government newspaper The New Light of Myanmar reported a
total of 96 serious fires had broken out in Burma in January.

Fires so far in February include a blaze on Tuesday that destroyed a
plastics factory in Rangoon’s Dawbon Township and a disastrous one on
February 22 that swept through Kyaut Oe village in Sagaing Division,
destroying 85 homes. The 649 villagers left homeless by the blaze are
being sheltered at the local monastery.

A forest fire that began last week in a northeastern border region of
Burma has spread into neighboring Chinese Yunnan Province, according to
China's official Xinhua news agency. More than 200 hectares were ablaze,
the agency said.

More than 3,000 soldiers, armed police and villagers were marshaled to
fight the fire in the border county of Tengchong. The firefighters dug a
10,000-meter ditch on Sunday to keep the blaze from spreading, but a
combination of strong gales, dry weather and mountainous terrain made
their work difficult, Xinhua said.

Of the 96 serious fires registered in January, 74 were caused by kitchen
accidents and negligence, 14 by electrical short circuits and six by
arson. There was one forest fire.
The New Light of Myanmar report did not say whether there had been
casualties.
In 2008, more than 5,000 houses, 15 factories and workshops and 30
warehouses were destroyed by fire, according to official statistics. More
than 17,000 people were made homeless.

Firefighters in Burma are hampered by a lack of such essential equipment
as extension ladders and fireproof clothing, according to fire department
officials.

The country has 217 fire stations. There are an additional 328 auxiliary
fire stations, which rely on donations from local communities. “If you
want the firemen to put out the fire, you have to give them money,” said
one source.
____________________________________

February 24, Xinhua
Myanmar plans full coverage of public access centers in whole country

Myanmar has planned full coverage of public access centers (PAC) in every
township in the country to facilitate communication links, according to
the Myanmar Info-Tech Tuesday.

Over 400 PAC opened in 44 townships in Myanmar since 2004, the sources
said, adding that plans are underway to open more PAC in the remaining
townships especially in the rural areas.

According to the telecommunications authorities, the number of internet
users in Myanmar has reached over 300,000, up from merely dozens in four
years ago.

Myanmar has been striving for the development of ICT to contribute its
part to the national economic development. In December 2007, Myanmar's
first largest ICT park, also known as the Yadanabon Myothit Cyber City,
was introduced in Pyin Oo Lwin, a northern city of Myanmar in Mandalay
division.

The cyber city, which covers an overall area of 10,000 acres (4, 050
hectares), is located in the hilly Pyin Oo Lwin near a highway, 67 km east
of the second largest city of Mandalay in the north, and 20 percent of the
cyber city area produce software and hardware.

The internet of the cyber city not only links with the whole country but
also connect neighboring China, Thailand and India.

With the establishment of the cyber city, more and more local and foreign
information technology (IT) companies have sought investment in the cyber
city for the development of IT business undertakings.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

February 24, Xinhua
Laos, Myanmar discuss increased military cooperation

Lao President Choummaly Sayasone met Chief of Staff of the Myanmar Armed
Forces General Thura Shwe Mannin Vientiane to discuss the continued
exchange of border security delegations to ensure a secure shared border,
the Lao newspaper Vientiane Times reported Tuesday.

General Thura Shwe Mann, who is also Coordinator of Special Operations
(Army, Navy and Airforce) and a member of the State Peace and Development
Council, paid a two-day visit to Laos in response to an invitation from
Lao Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defense Lieutenant
General Duangchay Phichit.

General Thura Shwe Mann was earlier welcomed by a Lao delegation led by
Lieutenant General Duangchay at an official welcoming ceremony held at the
National Defense Ministry.

After the ceremony, the two sides informed each other about
socio-economic, national security and defense developments in their
respective countries.

Both sides reviewed bilateral cooperation efforts between the two armies,
which has facilitated trade across the shared border and helped to improve
the living standards of people in both countries.

The two sides discussed future cooperation efforts, particularly regular
exchanges of information regarding cross-border issues. They also
discussed measures to prevent the illegal passage of people, goods and
drugs across the two countries' border.

____________________________________
DRUGS

February 24, Shan Herald Agency for News
Over 350 kgs of heroin seized

A massive manhunt has been launched by the Burmese Army following the
shootings on the Mekong last week which resulted in the seizure of more
than 350 kgs of heroin and a cache of B 217 million ($ 6 million),
according to a reliable source.

About 34 suspected members of the protection racket led by Naw Kham who
for more than a year has been active in the area were also detained. Naw
Kham, 48, himself is still at large.

The pursuit was launched under heavy pressure from China, local
businessmen say. “Naw Kham wouldn’t have escaped, if it were not for the
local Burma Army commanders,” said one.

At least three of them have accused the area commander of receiving
kickbacks from Naw Kham.

Tired of paying protection money, even the United Wa State Army (UWSA) had
despatched a contingent to deal with him last year but was reportedly
stopped by the Burmese Army. “Naw Kham has made a lot of bitter enemies
during the past year,” said a local militia member.

Among his enemies is the Shan State Army (SSA) South led by Col Yawdserk,
whose troops had been chased out of the area in 2007 by the Burmese
Army.

Naw Kham, a former Mong Tai Army officer who had surrendered in 1996 with
Khun Sa, became a pro-junta militia in Tachilek. In 2006, Chinese and Thai
information led to a crackdown where a large amount of Yaba
(methamphetamines) was seized from his home in Tachilek’s Tawng Kaw
village. Naw Kham got away but continued to be active in the area. His
racket reportedly collected B 5,000 per kgs of heroin and B 2.5 – 3 per
pill of Yaba.

On 18 February, a clash with a Burmese Army column on the Mekong resulted
in the damage of a Chinese cargo boat with a crewman dead and at least
three injured.

____________________________________
ASEAN

February 24, Xinhua
Myanmar PM to attend ASEAN summit in Thailand

Myanmar Prime Minister General Thein Sein will attend the 14th Summit of
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Hua Hin, Thailand in
the near future, said an official announcement from Nay Pyi Taw Tuesday
without specifying the date of his attendance.

At the invitation of his Thai counterpart Abhisit Vejjajiva, Thein Sein
will represent Myanmar at the summit.

Myanmar has urged its people to strive together in building the ASEAN
community, anticipating that the future emergence of the ASEAN community
by 2015 will benefit Myanmar citizens along with other regional members in
sharing the fruits of peace and stability, prosperity and socio-cultural
development.

ASEAN's three pillars are known as political security community, economic
community and socio-culture community.

Myanmar, which joined the ASEAN along with Laos in July 1997, ratified the
ASEAN Charter in July last year.

The last 13th ASEAN Summit was held in Singapore in November 2007.

ASEAN comprises Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the
Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

ASEAN's 10 leaders will meet at the 14th ASEAN Summit scheduled on Feb. 27
- March 1 in Thailand.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

February 24, Irrawaddy
Burmese prisoner release a ‘positive step’: Japan – Wai Moe

Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the release of 6,313
prisoners in Burma over the weekend as “a positive step,” although it
added that it would “take some time to get the whole picture of the
release.”

In a brief statement in English, the ministry said that Tokyo expects the
Burmese junta “to further promote its movement of releasing political
prisoners in the future and promote the democratization process in a way
that involves all parties concerned.”

A slightly longer version of the statement in Japanese added that,
according to Burma’s state-run media, the prisoners were released for
humanitarian reasons and to enable them “to participate in fair elections
to be held in 2010.”

The Japanese-language version also included information about the party
affiliation or other political involvement of 13 prisoners of conscience
who were freed as part of the amnesty.

According to the latest figures from the Thailand-based Assistance
Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), so far 24 of the released
detainees have been identified as political prisoners.

A Japanese researcher, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that it
was significant that the Japanese government quoted Burma’s state-run
media without any qualification.
Tokyo is widely seen as less critical of the Burmese regime than most
Western governments.

Last week, Burma’s main opposition party, the National League for
Democracy (NLD), reacted angrily to a joint statement by Japanese Foreign
Minister Hirofumi Nakasone and UN Special Envoy to Burma Ibrahim Gambari
that appeared to endorse the Burmese junta’s plans for an election in
2010.

“Even though there are few positive moves by the Myanmar [Burmese]
government, it’s a huge step for them to have announced that they would
hold a general election in 2010, compared with two past decades of silence
about its democratization process,” Nakasone said in the statement.

“If they take favorable action, the international community should react
in a manner that encourages more positive actions,” Nakasone added.

The NLD said that the statement departed from resolutions by the UN
General Assembly which honor the result of a 1990 election that the NLD
won by a landslide. The NLD captured more than 80 percent of seats, but
the ruling junta refused to respect its victory.

Japan has been one of Burma’s main aid donors for many years. By 2006,
Burma’s debt to Japan had reached approximately US $2.5 billion.

Japan temporarily cut aid after a brutal attack by junta-backed thugs on
pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters in May 2003. It
also suspended aid following a crackdown on demonstrators in September
2007, but resumed loans after just two months.

Unlike the US and other major developed nations, Japan has sought to
promote democratization in Burma through engagement and dialogue with the
regime, according to Jürgen Haacke, an expert in international relations.

“Given its less vocal and punitive position regarding Myanmar, Tokyo has
thus, in theory, represented for the military an easier target [for aid
requests] than its Western counterparts,” Haacke writes in his paper,
“Myanmar's Foreign Policy: Domestic Influences and International
Implications.”

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

February 24, Irrawaddy
Junta urged to send positive signals: Ban – Lalit K Jha

Welcoming the recent amnesty of some 6,000 prisoners, UN Secretary-General
Ban Ki-moon urged Burma’s military government to send positive signals to
the international community at this time.

"This is the time for Myanmar to seize the opportunity before it to send
positive signals," Ban told reporters on Monday after a meeting with the
Group of Friends on Burma at the United Nations in New York.

"It would be disappointing if this were not followed now by meaningful
steps in response to the specific recommendations made by the United
Nations in the context of my good offices," Bans said, following the
meeting to discuss the current situation in Burma after the visit of
special envoy Ibrahim Gambari to Burma early this month.

This was the eighth meeting of the Group of Friends of Burma since it was
created by Ban in late 2007. Besides five permanent members of the
Security Council, other members of the group include Burma’s neighbors
India, Singapore, Indonesia and Thailand and major donor countries such as
like Japan.

Reiterating his call to release all political prisoners, including Aung
San Suu Kyi, and the resumption of dialogue between the junta and the
political opposition without delay and preconditions, Ban said he reminded
all participating countries that they have an important role to play, in
particular neighboring countries and Asean nations, which are best placed
to appreciate and help address the challenges and opportunities facing
Burma, he said.

"It is in the interest of the international community as a whole, however,
that we should collectively find ways to encourage Myanmar to move towards
meeting the expectations and concerns of the international community," he
said.

Ban said he disagreed with the viewpoints of several members of the UN
Security Council, who this week described Gambari's trip as a failure.

"The recent visit by Prof Ibrahim Gambari made a positive contribution to
our on-going negotiations and consultations with the Myanmar authorities,"
he said.

Asked about his proposed trip to Burma, which has been pending since last
year, Ban remained noncommittal.

"I will try to visit, but there may be some issues—first of all, I have to
discuss with the Myanmar government about timing, about agendas which I
would be able to discuss, but nothing has yet been discussed," he said.

"As a matter of principle, I am telling you that I am willing to make a
return visit to build upon what I had discussed last May, including the
political issues," Ban said.

Asked if he would visit Burma only if there is tangible progress in terms
of the release of prisoners, national reconciliation and more inclusive
government, Ban said: "It is the expectation of the whole international
community that we see the full democratization of  Myanmar [Burma]."

He said the military junta should take the necessary measures, on the
basis of what they have committed to, including the release of all
political prisoners. The international community is ready to provide
necessary support, socio-economic support to Burma, and there should be
positive measures taken by Burma, he said.

"But I would not say there should be any preconditions for my visit.  This
is a part of on-going consultation and negotiations and efforts by the
international community, and also entrusted to me by the General
Assembly," Ban said.

"Therefore, as I said, there are a broad range of issues which will be
very beneficial for the Myanmar authorities to discuss with me during my
visit, if that visit is realized," he said.

Gambari also briefed the participating member countries on his trip to
Burma. "The Group of Friends continues to express unified support for the
continuation of our good offices efforts," he said.

Ban said, "Our Myanmar interlocutors have also indicated the importance
they attach to the good offices' work. My special adviser is prepared to
extend the UN's political facilitation with both the government and the
opposition to build on these efforts."

Ban noted that following Gambari's visit, the junta announced an amnesty
which included some 23 political prisoners, including some individuals
whose names Gambari had discussed with junta officials during his visit.
____________________________________

February 24, Australian Broadcasting Corporation
Govt takes Burmese refugee case to UN

Australia has offered to help Indonesia deal with the Muslim asylum
seekers from Burma, who are living in camps in Aceh after being rescued at
sea earlier this year.

Immigration Minister Chris Evans says he has taken up the case of the
Rohingyas with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.

The peak political body for Burma's ethnic groups is also calling on
Australia to help set up a multi-national group to address the lack of
democratic progress in Burma.

The vice-chairman of the Ethnic Nationalities Council, Lian Sakhong, says
he is about to meet foreign affairs and immigration department officials
in Canberra.

"We would like to request the Australian Government to call for what we
call is multi-party talks on Burma and bring all international communities
to have a common policy towards Burma," he said.

"To put the pressure on the military regime so we can have a dialogue, we
need a negotiated settlement."

On January 7, 193 mostly ethnic Rohingya Muslims were found by Indonesian
fishermen adrift at sea off Aceh, which sits at northern tip of Sumatra
island.

They claim to have been abandoned by Thai authorities in boats without
engines or food after they were first detained and beaten when they landed
in Thailand after setting off from Bangladesh in mid-December.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

February 24, Asia Times
Democracy plan fuels war in Myanmar – Brian McCartan

At a November meeting of ethnic minority and pro-democracy groups in the
northern Thai town of Chiang Mai, a representative of the Danish
government development agency DANIDA called on the dissident participants
to take part in the political process inside Myanmar, including support
for the upcoming 2010 elections, or face funding cuts.

Those behind-closed-door remarks were followed in January by a visit to
Myanmar of Danish Development Minister Ulla Toraes and Norwegian minister
Erik Solheim. While officially presented as a visit to observe Cyclone
Nargis relief efforts, several Myanmar watchers questioned whether the
delegation breached a European Union prohibition on high-level visits to
Myanmar.

Meanwhile, the United Nations has been wishy-washy on its stance towards
the elections, with Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and Special Envoy to
Myanmar Ibrahim Gambari simply requesting that the ruling generals ensure
that the elections are free and fair. Amid growing calls for Ban to make
another visit to Myanmar, the UN has said little concerning what would
make the elections internationally acceptable or what actions the
international community should take if they are not.

Behind the silence is a growing notion among certain Western governments
and international aid agencies that the junta's controversial planned
elections will usher in a new era of stability to Myanmar. The reality is
that the junta's push to legitimize its electoral process is already
causing greater instability, especially along Myanmar's borders with
Thailand and China. Myanmar's various ethnic-based ceasefire organizations
are making moves to secure their power bases and territory in order to
either maintain their bargaining positions whatever government results
from the elections or, if push comes to shove, go back to war.

The elections represent the fifth step on the military regime's seven-step
"roadmap to democracy". The generals have said that before the elections
can take place the various ethnic insurgent ceasefire groups along the
country's border areas must disarm and become legal political parties.
Only once a "discipline flourishing democracy" has been established, says
the government, will the concerns of the various ethnic groups be
addressed.

With a year to go before the polls, ethnic insurgent organizations are
being forced to decide whether to carry on the struggle or become
state-controlled militias. Although Gambari was able to meet with certain
ethnic Shan politicians on his visit in early February, and UN Human
Rights Envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana met last week with members of the
Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), it is unlikely that these staged
meetings would have given either envoy a real sense of the dilemma facing
many of the ethnic organizations.

For many Myanmar analysts and ethnic leaders there is a real worry that a
military showdown is brewing between the generals and the ethnic groups
that could tilt the region towards fighting on a scale not seen in over 20
years. Increased government pressure to disarm has already resulted in
increased fighting along the Thai-Myanmar border as a Karen insurgent
group allied with the junta tries to create more space for itself.

With little faith in the central government and its post-election
promises, many other ceasefire groups say they will retain rather than
give up their arms. Since the first ceasefires were signed in 1989, ethnic
armies have resisted handing over their arms because they believe without
them it would be impossible to negotiate a final settlement on equal terms
or protect their people from a regime renowned for its gross human rights
abuses.

The junta's disregard for ethnic group representatives at the National
Convention to draft a new constitution, which was completed in 2007, and
the forced disarmament of several smaller groups has only intensified
ethnic distrust of the generals. Initial pressure to disarm, or at least
to become militias or border guards under the control of Myanmar's armed
forces, began prior to the completion of the National Convention.

That pressure intensified after the controversial national referendum held
in May that approved a new constitution, which paved the way for next
year's elections. The generals contend that under democracy there will be
no need for ethnic organizations to retain their arms and instead that
they should form political parties to represent their minority interests.

Electoral dilemma
Ethnic political organizations are caught on the horns of an electoral
dilemma: if they boycott the polls, their grounds for criticizing the
results will be weakened; by contesting, they will seemingly condone a
process which most observers, including several ethnic leaders, view as a
sham. Different groups are taking different approaches, though all have a
common thread: the retention of arms.

The largest ceasefire groups are based in northern Myanmar, along the
border with China. They include the United Wa State Army (UWSA) with an
estimated 15,000-20,000 fighters, the National Democratic Alliance
Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA-ESS) with around 2,500 and the Shan State
Army-North (SSA-N) with up to 10,000 men, and the Kachin Independence
Organization/Army (KIO/A) with between 3,000 and 5,000 soldiers in Kachin
State. The UWSA, NDAA and SSA-N all agreed to ceasefires in 1989, while
the KIO signed on in 1994.

With a large and well-equipped army, wealth derived through legitimate
business as well as drug trafficking, and support from China, the UWSA has
historically played hard ball with the junta. In a move which observers
see as a test of the generals' commitment to their new constitution, the
UWSA has recently started stamping official documents as "Government of Wa
State, Special Autonomous Region, Union of Myanmar" and changed its
official office signs to read the same.

The constitution sets out a "Self-Administered Division" for the Wa and
the UWSA is in effect declaring its rule over the area. The move comes
amid increased tensions following a December meeting between UWSA officers
and Major General Kyaw Pyoe from the Golden Triangle Command based in
eastern Shan State. The general ordered the UWSA to disarm and reform into
a government-controlled militia, a request that was rejected out-of-hand
by the UWSA.

Underscoring that authority, a 30-man government delegation led by
Lieutenant General Ye Myint, chief of Military Affairs Security, or
Myanmar's military intelligence agency, was forced on January 19 to disarm
when it crossed into Wa-controlled territory. Ye Myint's main mission, to
discuss the upcoming elections, was instead limited to economic matters.
The UWSA has yet to comment on whether it will participate in the polls,
but recent moves to establish a factory for the production of small arms
and ammunition, suggest that the UWSA is instead readying for a fight.

The NDAA, which is closely allied with the UWSA, has also resisted
government calls to disarm and tensions have since grown with the Myanmar
army. Meanwhile, the arrest in February 2005 and continued detention of
SSA-N chairman Major General Hso Ten, along with several other Shan
leaders, has soured relations and SSA-N troops have since joined the
non-ceasefire Shan State Army-South along the border with Thailand. Both
groups are expected to resist rather than allow themselves to be disarmed
and become government-led militias.

In Kachin State, the KIO has declared it will not participate in the
elections, but recently gave its approval to civilians who wish to set up
a Kachin political party to contest the polls. The group has said that it
hopes to enter into a dialogue with a new democratic government. And in
the southern Myanmar areas of Mon State and Tenasserim Division, the New
Mon State Party (NMSP) declared after a recent congress that it will not
participate in the elections and would not disarm. The NMSP has been a
consistent thorn in the regime's election plans, including its move to
walk out of the National Convention in protest over lack of consideration
of ethnic issues and a March 2008 statement stating its opposition to the
national referendum.

Several ceasefire group leaders have remained coy about their preparations
for possible hostilities. On the ground, observers describe military
preparations including trainings and increased recruitment, as well as
growing apprehension among the civilian populace. The junta, too, appears
to be preparing for armed showdowns. It has for years increased troop
numbers in areas near ceasefire groups and recent reports suggest that
these troops are being reinforced with heavy weapons, including 76mm and
105mm artillery and with specialized troops, including Light Infantry
Divisions 66 and 88.

With those movements, reports are spreading along border areas that the
regime may move to rehabilitate various middle and senior ranking members
of the now defunct Directorate of Defense Services Intelligence (DDSI),
including former prime minister and DDSI head General Khin Nyunt. The DDSI
was responsible for brokering many of the ceasefires, but was dismantled
amid corruption allegations in 2004 which most observers saw as an
intra-junta purge against the increasingly powerful Khin Nyunt andhis
followers. The former top-ranking junta member is has been sentenced to 44
years and is now under house arrest.

Insurgent officers say Khin Nyunt's rapport with the ethnic groups has not
been equaled by the Military Affairs Security, which replaced DDSI.
According to one insurgent official, Myanmar army commanders have realized
that Khin Nyunt's men knew how to handle the ceasefire groups and have
even recently begun seeking out their opinions on how to bring ethnic
groups into the election process.

Their inclusion is necessary to give the elections legitimacy among the
international community and more importantly to bring all of the country's
territories under the generals' nominal control. Yet the only major group
which has so far agreed to the border guard arrangement is the
government-aligned Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), which controls
territories in Myanmar's eastern Karen and Mon States.

Economic lures
Viewed by some as a test case for how ceasefire groups may evolve under
Myanmar's new democracy, the outlook so far is not good for stability. The
DKBA was told at a meeting in the capital Naypyidaw in December that under
the new constitution they were to become a border guard force. Under the
terms of the agreement, which has so far not been made public, the DKBA
was promised control over border tax checkpoints and continued concessions
for transportation, logging and other businesses.

Sources close to the DKBA say the move was unpopular because it means
handing over political power over to a Myanmar-dominated regime - a
concession which goes against the founding principles of the Karen's long
struggle - and several officers threatened to resign as a result.

Rather than release statements or make a show of force, the group has
instead concentrated on seizing new territories particularly former Karen
National Union-controlled areas near Myawaddy and Kayin Seikgyi townships
across from Tak Province in Thailand, to gain administrative control over
lucrative border trades, including mining operations and cross-border
agribusiness projects, in the new democratic era.

For all its statements of representing the cause of self determination and
equality for the ethnic Karen people, the armed group is believed by many
to be motivated more by business opportunities, including drug
trafficking, it needs guns to maintain. The DKBA has so far not made any
statements about whether or how it will contest the 2010 elections. Three
Karen political parties currently exist, but none have any connection with
the DKBA and only one, the Karen State National Organization, won any
seats in the 1990 election. The election itself, according to rival KNU
vice president Saw David Thakabaw, may split the DKBA into competitive,
business-driven factions.

By playing ceasefire groups-cum-militias against other insurgent groups,
the junta could bid to keep ethnic groups weak and divided while building
its new nominally democratic power structure through elections.
Concessions such as the tax checkpoints promised to the DKBA provide some
incentive for joining the border guard scheme as opposed to renewed
fighting. These could yet be strong economic lures for some of the
ceasefire groups, particularly in relation to tentative deals with
neighboring and considerably wealthier Thailand.

Thai Army commander General Anupong Paochinda paid a two day visit to
Myanmar in mid-February where he met with junta leader Senior General Than
Shwe, Defense Minister Thura Shwe Mann and Foreign Minster Nyan Win. It is
perhaps significant that Anupong, rather than Thai Foreign Minster Kasit
Piromya, handled the meeting where border issues were on the agenda.

Several cross-border business schemes are in the works, but have not been
completed due to instability. For instance, an agreement was reached in
May 2007 for Thai agribusinesses to cultivate tax-free over seven million
hectares of land in Myanmar border areas. The agreement includes four
areas of Mon and Karen States designated for contract farming, totaling
some 300,000 hectares. Myanmar farmers were to grow under contract
cassava, rubber, oil palm, sugarcane, beans and corn for export to
Thailand.

The project appears to have stalled however due to complaints by Thai
investors over taxes levied by Myanmar government officials, as well as
the DKBA and KNU. Conflict over taxes on the corn harvest resulted in
fighting between the KNU and DKBA south of Mae Sot in October and
November, sources say. The fighting spilled over into Thailand on several
occasions resulting in the shooting up of villages, burning of food
storage barns, and at least one shootout between DKBA and Thai soldiers.
One Thai soldier was injured by a landmine in the skirmish.

Still the DKBA has been working on new roads leading north and south of
Myawaddy to service the plantations and commercial agriculture projects
along the border. Other cross-border projects envisioned include a border
trade zone at the border town of Myawaddy and industrial zones in Pa'an
and Moulmein. The projects, financed though loans and grants from Bangkok,
are designed to curb the mounting influx of Myanmar migrant workers into
Thailand, now estimated at over 2 million people.

But while the DKBA is angling for business opportunities, the rival KNU
has resisted Thai incentives to end fighting against the Myanmar army.
That's inhibited the group's armed wing, the Karen National Liberation
Army, ability to fight along the border and allowed the DKBA to seize
several of the areas it formerly controlled. A KNU official told Asia
Times Online his group had no plans for ceasefire talks and that it would
not participate in the 2010 elections. That means democracy is just as
likely to bring more, not less, instability to Myanmar's contested border
areas.

Brian McCartan is a Chiang Mai-based freelance journalist. He may be
reached at brianpm at comcast.net.

____________________________________

February 24, Bangkok Post
Rohingya, the charter's first challenge – Sarinna Areethamsirikul

Today "human rights" and "human security" are no longer new words in the
Asean lexicon. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations addressed the
human rights issue for the first time in its joint communique in 1993. Ten
years later, in 2003, ten Asean members endorsed the new regional values
of promoting democracy and protecting human security under the Bali
Concord.

Illegal labour: Rohingya migrants are brought to Ranong provincial court
in a police truck to hear charges of illegal entry on Jan 28, 2009.

Last year, all Asean members achieved the ratification of the Asean
Charter which promises the formation of the Asean Human Rights Body
(AHRB).

Interestingly, Asean members which are not democratic and have been
struggling with international pressures on human rights issues had
speedily ratified the charter.

On the other hand, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo of the Philippines
saw the connection between the Asean Charter and political progress in
Burma and squarely demanded the release of Aung San Suu Kyi before the
ratification, but to no avail. Concommitantly, Indonesian lawmakers
heavily debated on the detailed improvement of the charter's Article 14
-the creation of AHRB -but failed to influence other Asean members. Only
Indonesia and the Philippines have shown their concern over the charter
and made efforts to talk nuts-and-bolts.

The concept of human security places "people" at the centre of economic
development, international relations and political participation. As part
of human security, human rights is subject to protection. Protection of
human rights -practised by the schools of "freedom from want" or "freedom
from fear" -was promoted by the United Nations and the West in the early
1990s and has continuously gained international currency as a foundation
of development as well as political legitimacy at home and abroad.

Under the Asean Charter, Asean officially endorses the concept of human
rights, but several questions have remained lingering: whether Asean can
change its taciturn approach into a proactive role in promoting human
rights and democracy, and what types and functions of the human rights
body will be formed to improve the human rights situation in the region.

The Asean Charter chants the values of human rights, freedom and social
justice, while keeping the traditional principles of non-interference and
the so-called "Asean Way" -quiet diplomacy and consultation -at the same
time. The "flexible Asean Way" approach and the narrowing scope of
non-interference, proposed in the charter draft, were unsurprisingly
repudiated by the members. Now, the puzzle is how Asean will hold on to
its famous principle of non-interference while practising the new Asean
values of human rights.

This circumstance is a tug-of-war between the traditional Asean principles
(non-interference and the Asean Way) and the new Asean values (human
rights and democracy).

The most recent event to challenge Asean is the Rohingya issue. Rohingyas
are a Muslim ethnic group who reside in the Rakhine (Arakan) state of
Burma. The size of its population is estimated between 3 to 3.5 million.
Their physical appearance and language are closer to South Asians.
Arguments remain over their numbers, origins and ethnicity. The government
of Burma has denied nationality status to the Rohingyas. Apparently, they
are a "stateless people". No state claims to protect them from threats or
is willing to grant them basic human rights.

Regarding this issue, there are two aspects that will challenge Asean at
the Cha-am summit this week.

First, Asean will need to define the Rohingya people -who were brought as
labourers to Burma under British rule -whether they are "Asean people" and
thus covered under the Asean Charter.

The foreseeable argument could be a siding with the "traditional Asean
principles" in order to avoid conflict. Thus, the Rohingya issue could
simply be dismissed if Asean interpretes that the Rohingyas, since they
are not recognised by the government of Burma, are therefore not Asean
people.

Under the Bangkok Declaration in 1967, Asean framed its institution based
on a geographical platform -consisting of 10 countries at that time. Asean
stated that the association wished to be "one Southeast Asia" and every
Southeast Asian country had the right to join the association.

On the premise that every state which is geographically located in
Southeast Asia has the right to be granted Asean membership, does this
mean that people who were geographically born in Southeast Asia have the
right to become Asean people and thereby be covered by the Asean Charter?

Today's Rohingya people were born and have resided in Burma for
generations. Although they have no citizenship, are they Asean people?

What is the absolute basis for defining "Asean people": geographical
design, or state design?

Asean needs to address this technical concern in order to unravel the
Rohingya issue, the East Timor issue and other human rights violations.

Second, the origin of the Rohingya problem lies in human rights abuses
within Burma. This domestic issue has transformed into the cross-border
problem of human trafficking, refugees and illegal labour in neighbouring
countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand. This issue is thus no
longer an "internal affair".

No doubt the Rohingya issue is exceptionally complicated and difficult,
but it is not insoluble. It will be the first real challenge for Asean in
materialising its charter and proving itself to the international
community in its application of the new values and norms.

This historic charter has created high hopes for Asean people to witness
the development of Asean towards a regional community and a pro-active
institution regarding human rights protection.

At the 14th Asean Summit in Hua Hin, Thailand, between Feb 27 and March 1,
Asean heads of government will have an opportunity to tackle this issue.

The Asean Charter will be tested, to see whether it is a valuable tool to
integrate the peoples of Southeast Asia and its member states, or is it
simply a drop in the bucket.

The author received a PhD in Development at the University of
Wisconsin-Madison, USA.

____________________________________
OBITUARY

February 24, Democratic Voice of Burma
MP-elect Dr Maung Maung Latt dies at 59 – Khin Hnin Htet

The elected representative of Thaketa township constituency 2 in Rangoon
division, Dr Maung Maung Latt died on 22 February at the age of 59.

Dr Maung Maung Latt, also known as Dr Hlaing Ni, was suffering from a
disease of the brain.

National League for Democracy spokesperson Nyan Win said he would remember
Dr Maung Maung Latt fondly.

"He always fulfilled his duties as an MP. He was with us in the camp when
we were detained in 1998,” Nyan Win said.

“He did his duties with a good heart. He served in the NLD clinic twice a
week when he was well,” he said.

“He always sent food to NLD youth. I remember him as a kind man."

Dr Maung Maung is the son of Bo Yan Aung, one of the Thirty Comrades, and
Daw Hlaing Hlaing.

He is survived by his wife Mya Yin and four children. He is to be buried
at Yay Way cemetery in Rangoon at 10am on 24 February.