BurmaNet News, October 30, 2009

[Editor]

October 30, 2009 Issue #3830


INSIDE BURMA
Mizzima: Eastern Burma: another Darfur?
AP: Detained Burma opposition leader unhappy about visitor restrictions
DVB: Burmese satirists could face death sentence
Mizzima: Burmese-American’s case transferred

ON THE BORDER
Irrawaddy: KNU, DKBA hold armistice talks

REGIONAL
Gulf Times (Qatar): China keen on Chittagong road link

INTERNATIONAL
Bloomberg: U.S. to send highest-level official to Myanmar in 14 years
Irrawaddy: Interview: Canadian Ambassador Ron Hoffmann
Irrawaddy: Include NLD, ethnic minorities in dialogue: US Sen.

OPINION / PRESS RELEASES
ALTSEAN Burma: 2010 Elections: A recipe for continued conflict
CPJ: Burmese authorities detain freelance journalist
RSF: Three journalists and bloggers arrested in crackdown
Express News Service: Review ties with Myanmar - Col Hariharan and D S Rajan



____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

October 30, 2009, Mizzima
Eastern Burma: another Darfur? - Mungpi

New Delhi - At least 75,000 people became refugees and more than half a
million were internally displaced in eastern Burma in the past year,
following increased militarisation, which strongly indicates crime against
humanity comparable to the situation in Darfur, said a consortium of
humanitarian assistance groups.

Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC), an alliance of 12 aid
organizations, in a new report titled "Protracted Displacement and
Militarisation in Eastern Burma" released on Thursday said, threat to
human security has been mounting as Burma’s ruling junta continues
militarisation in areas of ethnic minorities.

“The process of militarisation has been on in Burma for decades, and this
is the continuation of the tactics of controlling the population by moving
the Burmese Army into these [ethnic] areas and taking control by moving
people to relocation sites,” Sally Thompson, deputy director of the TBBC
told Mizzima on Friday.

Thompson said, militarisation in ethnic areas have been continuing and is
likely to further increase in the run up to the junta’s elections in 2010,
as the regime pressurises ethnic armed rebels to transform into the Border
Guard Force (BGF).

Since 1996, the TBBC said, over 3,500 villages, including 120 communities
between August 2008 and July 2009, in eastern Burma have been destroyed
and forcibly relocated.

The highest rates of recent displacement were reported in northern Karen
areas and southern Shan State with almost 60,000 Karen villagers hiding in
the mountains of Kyaukgyi, Thandaung and Papun Townships, and a third of
these civilians fleeing from artillery attacks or the threat of Burmese
Army patrols during the past year, the TBBC said in a statement.

In Shan state, a similar situation prevails with nearly 20,000 civilians
from 30 Shan villages forcibly relocated by the Burmese Army in
retaliation against Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), an ethnic Shan armed
rebel group, in operations in Laikha, Mong Kung and Keh Si Townships.

In late August, conflict between Burmese Army troops and Kokang rebels in
Northern Shan State forced over 30,000 Burmese refugees to flee to China.

Thompson said in July, a joint military campaign launched by the Burmese
Army and its ally the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), against the
Karen National Union (KNU), an ethnic Karen armed group, forced up to
4,000 people to flee to Thailand.

“We expect to see this pattern continuing in the ethnic and border areas
as we approach the [2010] elections,” Thompson said.

The TBBC, which has been helping Burmese refugees since 1984, is currently
providing food and shelter to more than 150,000 Burmese refugees living in
nine camps along the Thai-Burma border.

With increasing conflicts in Burma and the arrival of more refugees,
Thompson said these refugees will have no place to return until Burma has
national reconciliation through dialogue.

Thompson added that the junta’s planned elections is unlikely to bring
stability as it will have no credibility without the release of political
prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi and allow their participation.

But until there is any significant political change that can ensure the
return of refugees and internally displaced people, the international
community, particularly neighbouring Thailand should continue providing
assistance including shelter and food.

The TBBC, which currently is supported by 15 donor countries, also urged
the international community to increase their support as with the number
of refugees arriving on the Thai-Burma border, and increasing prices, it
is facing difficulties in consistently supporting the refugees.

____________________________________


October 29, Associated Press
Detained Burma Opposition Leader Unhappy About Visitor Restrictions

Rangoon - Detained Burma opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is unhappy
about restrictions on the visitors she is allowed under house arrest,
including members of her legal team and an architect needed to help repair
her dilapidated lakeside home.

Nyan Win, one of her lawyers, said after meeting with her Thursday that
she complained that the ruling military junta is infringing upon her
rights.

Her complaint comes as the regime prepares for elections next year and
seeks more recognition from the international community. The United States
had isolated the junta with political and economic sanctions, but the
Obama administration decided recently to step up engagement as a way of
promoting reforms.

Suu Kyi "has asked us to send a letter to the authorities to allow all
four lawyers to meet her at once and to meet the architect," said Nyan
Win, who along with fellow lawyer Kyi Win met with her to discuss an
appeal of her most recent sentence of house arrest.

"She said this is her personal right and authorities had no right to limit
them," he said.

Suu Kyi said she would prefer to listen to the views of more lawyers and
that she needs an architect to help repair the two-story house where she
is confined, Nyan Win said.

The terms of Suu Kyi's current detention are less strict than her previous
term of house arrest, when the only outsiders she was allowed to see were
her doctor and, occasionally, visiting U.N. envoys.

Under an eight-point set of rules, Suu Kyi can now receive visitors with
prior permission from the junta, has the right to medical treatment by
doctors and nurses, and is allowed to see state-controlled newspapers and
magazines and state-run television. She recently met with several foreign
ambassadors stationed in Burma.

Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has spent 14 of the last 20 years
in detention. In August, she was sentenced to an additional 18 months of
house arrest for allowing an uninvited American to stay briefly at her
home earlier this year.

The sentence, which ensured that she would not be able to participate in
next year's elections, drew international condemnation.

Suu Kyi's legal team plans to appeal the sentence to the Supreme Court.

____________________________________


October 30, Democratic Voice of Burma
Burmese satirists could face death sentence - Ahunt Phone Myat

Comedians and performers who poke fun at Burma’s ruling junta could face
the death sentence, an article written by Burmese police has warned.

Performances which could sow “public hatred against the government” are
prohibited under Burmese law, said the article, published recently in the
Crime News Journal. The journal is the mouthpiece of the state’s Criminal
Investigation Department.

“Equipment used in such an act will be seized while those who violate the
law can face arrest and be sentenced from three years to lifetime
imprisonment or execution,” the article said.

According to Burmese central court lawyer Khin Maung Shein, the threat
relates to Act 124(A) of the penal code, which deals with defamation of
the government.

“Public performers have made remarks about the rulers since the times of
monarchy in Burma, and none of them were punished under the Act,” he said.
[The government] is changing the law the way they want it.”

The renowned Burmese comedian, Zarganar, is currently serving a 35-year
sentence after being convicted in 2008 of ‘public order offences’. The
sentencing came after he had given interviews to foreign media critical of
the government’s slow reaction to cyclone Nargis last year.

Zarganar was recently awarded the prestigious PEN/Pinter award, which
honours international ‘imprisoned writers of courage’.

He is currently detained in Myintkyina prison in Burma’s eastern Kachin
state, and was earlier this year reported to have been denied adequate
healthcare despite suffering from hypertension and jaundice.

Political satire is popular in Burma, where outright criticism of the
government carries heavy penalties.

“We comedians only make jokes to bring certain issues to the attention of
the senior government leaders so they can fix them for the sake of the
people,” said Lu Maw, from the Mandalay-based comedy group, Moustache
Bros.

“That is neither national treason nor an armed-revolution. The only tool
we have is our mouths.”

The government is expected to crack down on dissent in the run-up to
elections next year, with arrests of activists already said to be on the
rise.

Reporting by Ahunt Phone Myat

____________________________________

October 30, Mizzima
Burmese-American’s case transferred - Myint Maung

New Delhi – The case relating to the Burmese born American, Nyi Nyi Aung
(alias) Kyaw Zaw Lwin, has been transferred to Rangoon’s Southern district
court by the special court in Rangoon’s Insein prison on Friday.

Defence lawyers said, the Mingalardon Township judge, who presided over
the court inside the notorious prison, on Friday announced that the trial
will now be held in the Southern district court. The next hearing is on
November 16.

“The judge did not give any reasons for the transfer of the case to
another court. Though it is not outside the procedure to transfer the
case, it also means that the case would be handled by a higher court,”
said Kyi Win, one of the defence counsels.

He added that while the charges remain the same, it is also possible for
the higher court to add more charges against the accused.

Currently, prosecutors – the Mingalardon Township Police – have charged
Nyi Nyi Lwin of fraudulence and forgery of a Burmese national identity
card. But the accused has pleaded not guilty.

Nyi Nyi Aung was arrested on September 3, when he arrived at the Rangoon
international airport from Thailand. He is currently detained in Insein
prison and his lawyers said he is in good health. However, family members
are still unable to meet him.

Nyi Nyi Aung was a student activist, who fled to Thailand in the wake of
the military crackdown on protesters during the 1988 nation-wide uprising.
He later resettled in United States and was naturalised as a citizen.

The US embassy in Rangoon has reportedly provided assistance, arranged a
meeting between him and an embassy official in the prison and provided
lawyers to defend him.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER


October 30, Irrawaddy
KNU, DKBA Hold Armistice Talks – Saw Yan Naing

Leaders of the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Democratic Karen
Buddhist Army (DKBA) held cease-fire talks on Oct 19 at an undisclosed
location on the Thai-Burmese border, according to Karen sources from both
sides.

It was the first time delegations from the armed groups have met since the
DKBA split from the KNU in 1994 and then signed a cease-fire agreement
with the Burmese military government.

Renowned fighter Maw Tho and leading Buddhist monk U Thuzana led the DKBA
delegation, while the KNU was represented by its head of Pa-an District,
Aung Maung Aye, and two high-ranking officers from its military wing, the
Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA): Commander in Chief Gen Mutu Say Poe
and Commander of KNLA Brigade 7 Brig-Gen Johnny, according to Karen news
organization Kwekalu.

Aung Maung Aye was quoted by Kwekalu as saying: “U Thuzana met with us
briefly. He brought with him a document and an inkpad to mark thumbprints
to confirm a cease-fire agreement between the KNU and DKBA. However, we
didn’t sign it as we thought the monk did not represent the entire DKBA.

“He suddenly stood up and left, so we did not get a chance to discuss what
we had come to talk about,” Aung Maung Aye reportedly said.

The Irrawaddy could not independently confirm whether there was a
misunderstanding or a dispute between the KNU delegation and U Thuzana.

The meeting between the delegations reportedly lasted 30 minutes and talks
mainly focused on a statement previously released by U Thuzana urging the
DKBA and KNU to cease fighting, according to a source close to the DKBA.

“The DKBA and the KNU agreed to further talks,” he said.

However, he noted, the most powerful man in the DKBA administration, Col
Chit Thu, did not participate in the meeting.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Friday, the DKBA source said he believed that
further negotiations between the two Karen groups is uncertain, because
all battalions belonging to the DKBA are obliged to confirm their
participation in the junta’s border guard force plan by Oct. 31.

Some sources said rumors had spread that U Thuzana was warned by Burmese
officials following the talks. Other sources, however, doubted the rumor
and said it was more likely that the Burmese military authorities were, in
fact, behind the talks.

Despite the proximity of the deadline for agreeing to the border guard
plan, several DKBA units are allegedly in dispute with the leadership and
do not want to join a force that will be dominated by Burmese military
commanders.

More than 100 members of the DKBA and another splinter group, the Karen
Peace Force, have defected to the KNLA since June, according to Karen
sources.

Meanwhile, another Karen breakaway group, the KNU/KNLA Peace Council,
released a statement on Oct. 20 saying they had rejected the junta’s
border guard force order.

“We believe that accepting military programs [border guard force role]
will only continue the confusion, fear and never-ending conflict resulting
in disruption to the democratic process for the year 2010,” the statement
said.

____________________________________
REGIONAL


October 30, Gulf Times (Qatar)
China keen on Chittagong road link

China is keen to connect with the southeastern Bangladesh port city of
Chittagong via Myanmar. “We want to connect with Chittagong, Cox’s Bazar
via Ghundhum (Bangladesh-Myanmar border area),” Chinese Ambassador Zhang
Xianyi said at a media briefing at the Dhaka Reporters’ Unity auditorium
yesterday. Xianyi assumed office in March this year. He said the proposed
Bangladesh-Myanmar-China highway is under consideration of the three
governments. The envoy said his government was constructing highways up to
its border with Myanmar. China is keen to be connected with all its
neighbours through land and water routes, the ambassador added.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

October 30, Bloomberg
U.S. to Send Highest-Level Official to Myanmar in 14 Years - Janine Zacharia

Kurt Campbell, a top State Department official for Asia, will travel to
Myanmar next week to hold talks with the military government and Aung San
Suu Kyi, who leads the democratic opposition while under detention.

Campbell, the assistant secretary of state for East Asian affairs, will be
in Mynamar Nov. 3-4, a State Department official said today. Campbell will
be the most senior U.S. official to visit Myanmar in 14 years.

Madeleine Albright traveled there as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations
in 1995. President Bill Clinton sent two envoys a year later.

Campbell’s trip to the Southeast Asian nation is intended to build
momentum behind a policy shift by the Obama administration to deal
directly with the country’s military rulers in an attempt to push for
democratic changes.

U.S. Senator Jim Webb of Virginia, who has pushed for direct contacts with
Myanmar’s leadership, made a groundbreaking trip there in August and won
the release of John Yettaw, an American imprisoned after swimming
uninvited in May to the home of Suu Kyi.

Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, was placed under house arrest at her
home in Yangon in 2003. She has spent more than 13 years in custody since
her National League for Democracy party won elections in 1990, a result
rejected by the junta.

To contact the reporter on this story: Janine Zacharia in Washington at
jzacharia at bloomberg.net.

____________________________________

October 30, Irrawaddy
A United, Collective Voice

Canadian Ambassador Ron Hoffmann recently was posted to Bangkok to
represent his country’s interests in Thailand, Burma, Cambodia and Laos.
Ambassador Hoffmann has served abroad in The Hague, Johannesburg, Beijing
and London. His last posting was as ambassador to Afghanistan.

Question: How much of a priority will Burma be for you?

Answer: I arrived in Bangkok with clear directions to engage actively on
Burma. I intend to pursue an active dialogue with the fullest range of
stakeholders involved— in Canada, in Thailand and in Burma, to communicate
Canadian values and to understand and closely track evolving developments.

Q: Your last posting was in Afghanistan, a country high on Canada’s
foreign policy agenda. How high is Burma on that agenda? What level of
attention do you think Burma warrants from Canada and the international
community?

A: You’re right that I just left the role of ambassador for Canada’s
highest political, development and military priority in the world, but I
also know that this new set of relationships remains important to my
country and carries with it some profound challenges and complexities.
Canada’s foreign minister, the Honorable Lawrence Cannon, during his
speech to the UN General Assembly in September, reaffirmed the
pre-eminence of human rights, democratic development and the rule of law
as priorities for Canada, and Prime Minister Stephen Harper expressed his
strong personal support for these values to me on a recent visit to
Afghanistan. I believe Burma will be a major pre-occupation in the period
ahead for any country that adheres to these principles.

Q: In late 2007, after the “Saffron Revolution,” Canada imposed tougher
sanctions on Burma. Do you think that sanctions have been effective in
influencing the Burmese regime? Under what conditions would Canada lift
its sanctions?

A: Canada believes that its robust sanctions regime is not only of major
symbolic importance, but it has also had some tangible impact in reducing
Burma’s access to investments and trading partners. For these reasons,
coupled with the lack of progress on human rights and democratic
development thus far, Canada intends to keep its sanctions in place for
the foreseeable future. But we, like others, are also acutely aware that
our tough stance on sanctions alone has not made the kind of difference we
had hoped. The frustrating and sad reality is that countries like China
and India, in particular, are investing heavily in Burma and undermining
much of the effect sanctions could have.

Q: The Obama administration recently announced that it would engage in
direct talks with the Burmese junta while maintaining sanctions. What do
you think of this approach?

A: Well, I think it’s important that the Obama administration realizes
that sanctions still have some role to play. It’s still valuable, I think,
that the Burmese regime isn’t rewarded until its words are matched by
meaningful, and enduring, deeds. But I also think that the new US
administration has come to a reluctant but important conclusion that the
tough line taken by principled countries has ultimately made little real
difference. Canada will be examining closely the US decision to apply a
more multi-faceted approach.

Q: There is some controversy about whether aid should be channeled into
Burma through Rangoon or across the border, primarily from Thailand. What
is Canada’s policy on providing aid to Burma?

A: Canada has generally heeded the advice of Burma activists inside and
outside the country who have asked us not to provide development
assistance through channels inside Burma. Cyclone Nargis was an exception,
when Canada worked through NGO and UN channels established inside the
country to provide some US $25 million of emergency aid, while ordinary
Canadians donated another $11.6 million. But I’m struck by the number of
credible anti-regime players who are starting to believe that space may be
emerging to work with domestic nongovernmental actors and local NGOs, at
least selectively.

I plan to look very closely at this question in the months ahead. In the
meantime, we feel that Canada’s work with groups based in the border
region of Thailand has had a significant positive effect to improve lives
within Burma itself.

Q: A Burmese delegation including Dr. Sein Win, the prime minister of the
Burmese government in exile, and Dr. Cynthia Maung, founder of the Mae Tao
clinic on the Thai-Burmese border, was warmly received by Prime Minister
Stephen Harper and other Canadian political leaders during a recent visit
to Ottawa. Over the years, how much support has Canada given to Burmese
exiles?

A: You’re right that Canada has highly valued its dialogue with Burmese
exiles, and my country will continue to engage this constituency very
closely. We also recognize, however, that we need to strengthen
relationships with all stakeholders, including those still struggling
against the military regime from within Burma and who are positioned to
play a direct role in possible future elections.

Q: In the ongoing military offensive against ethnic minorities and ethnic
rebels in Karen and Shan states, there have been numerous reports of
systematic human rights violations, including wanton killings and rapes.
The regime is trying to pressure the armed ethnic groups to transform
themselves into a border guard forces. How do you view these ethnic
issues?

A: Canadians are deeply disturbed by the human rights abuses we have been
hearing about and are highly concerned over the prospect of continued, or
even intensified, military offences against ethnic minorities leading up
to possible elections next year. It’s vital that we step up our
discussions with neighboring affected states, especially Thailand, but in
this case even China, to urge more united and forceful pressure on the
Burma regime to behave responsibly and respect the human rights of those
involved.

Q: Last year, Canada hosted a conference in Quebec City on how the
international community can support United Nations efforts in Burma. Do
you think the UN has been effective in promoting political reform in
Burma? Why has it had so little success in getting the generals to listen?

A: As with many issues, the UN can only be as strong as its membership
allows it to be, and in this case, the membership is divided. Several of
its agencies have been doing courageous work on the ground, improving the
lives of hundreds of thousands of ordinary Burmese. On the diplomatic
level, I personally think the high-level engagement, notwithstanding the
risks involved, has still had a net positive impact. Many NGOs I’ve been
speaking with agree.

Q: The appeal by opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi against her extended
term of house arrest was rejected by a Rangoon court. What is the Canadian
response to that court decision and has Ottawa any suggestions on how
greater pressure can be brought on the regime to release her and the
country’s more than 2,000 political prisoners?

A: Canada has consistently demanded the immediate and unconditional
release of Aung San Suu Kyi as well as the other 2,000-plus political
prisoners. The rejection of Aung San Suu Kyi’s appeal was disappointing
but not surprising. I believe that Canada and like-minded countries,
including the United States, need to ensure that their collective voice is
as united and unambiguous as possible, especially in the lead-up to
possible elections in 2010.

Q: Most Burmese activists, political prisoners and those in hiding or
living as refugees along the Thai-Burmese border remain very skeptical
about the possibility of change in Burma. How do view their skepticism?

A: I think the skepticism of many refugees is deeply felt and
understandable. They have seen their lives destroyed and loved ones
harmed, with little meaningful improvement in conditions within Burma for
many, many years. I hope that the world’s vocal support and tangible help
to improve lives of those affected will at least give some comfort and
hope to them.

Q: Can you share your perspective on the 2010 election in Burma? What kind
of role can the international community, especially Western countries,
play in ensuring that the elections are fair, credible and inclusive?

A: I think our message to the Burmese leadership needs to be two-fold,
namely to encourage it to see its commitment to elections as an
opportunity to end its “pariah” status, but also that any elections will
not be considered credible while political prisoners are still detained
and opposition forces disenfranchised. If the Burmese regime delivers on
its own commitments, then the international community should also be ready
to acknowledge and further encourage their actions.

Q: How do you view Burma’s post-election political landscape?

A: The post-election political landscape in Burma is going to be
conditioned by the nature of the election itself and the degree to which
opposition to the regime can participate. If there are real choices for
the Burmese people, reflecting meaningful participation by opposition
parties and candidates, then it could be a significant step forward for
the country. These elections, even in a best-case scenario, are still
going to be less than ideal by virtue of the new Constitution’s guarantee
of a continued role for the military or its appointees in government, but
activists are also telling me that it could at least be a step in the
right direction by creating more openings for change in the future.

____________________________________

October 30, Irrawaddy
Include NLD, Ethnic Minorities in Dialogue: US Sen. – Lalit K Jha

Washington — A key US senator has called for the National League for
Democracy (NLD) and ethnic minority groups to be included in the US-Burma
talks.

"I believe that this interaction should not be limited to talks merely
with the SPDC but should also include discussions with the National League
for Democracy and representatives from Burma's ethnic minorities," Sen.
Mitch McConnell said on the floor of the Senate.

He said he is "not sanguine" about the prospects for engagement with the
Burmese regime, because the military junta has not shown any ability to
compromise on any issues that might jeopardize its hold on power.

"According to news reports, in July of this year, just weeks before the
unveiling of the new Burma policy, the state department at the highest
levels offered to drop the US investment ban against Burma if the regime
released Aung San Suu Kyi," he said.

"This was a major test of how the regime would respond to diplomatic
engagement, providing a golden opportunity for the SPDC to demonstrate
that it had indeed changed its spots. Instead of accepting this offer and
freeing Suu Kyi, the regime promptly sentenced her to an additional 18
months of imprisonment. That does not augur well for diplomatic
engagement," he said.

He said there are three significant tests of whether or not the junta's
relationship with the US has improved to the degree that it should
consider moving away from a sanction policy: first, the release of all
political prisoners, including Suu Kyi; second, a free and fair 2010
elections; and third, Burma's compliance with its international
obligations to end any prohibited relationships with North Korea.

"Short of tangible and concrete progress in these areas, the removal of
sanctions seems to make little sense,” said Sen. McConnell. “It is after
all the most significant leverage our government has over the SPDC.
Sanctions make clear that the military junta has not achieved legitimacy
in the eyes of the West."

He said the 2010 Burmese elections are fraught with problems. As a
preliminary matter, for the elections to be meaningful, the new
Constitution should be amended to provide for a truly open electoral
competition and democratic governance, he said.

"As it stands now under the junta's charter, if Suu Kyi's party, the NLD,
won 100 percent of the contestable parliamentary seats in next year's
election, it would still not control the key government ministries:
defense and home affairs. No matter what, they will remain firmly under
military control. Moreover, the NLD cannot amend the Constitution to
improve the charter because the military is guaranteed a quarter of the
parliament's seats," he said.

"That means the junta can block any Constitutional change. Finally, Suu
Kyi may not even hold a position in the government. She is excluded from
office by the charter. I would say to my Senate colleagues, this is hardly
a prescription for democratic governance," McConnell said.

He said there would need to be a profound change in the political
environment in Burma for the 2010 election to be meaningful.

"With respect to next year's balloting, the NLD, the clear winner of the
1990 elections which the regime abrogated, faces a Hobson's choice,” he
said. “It can either participate in the elections which are almost certain
to be unfair and thereby legitimize the flawed Constitution or boycott the
elections and be treated as a member of an unlawful organization," he
said.

"Participation means casting aside its 1990 victory. Nonparticipation
means becoming outlaws. I am likely to support the NLD in whatever
decision the party makes in this regard though I am not blind to the
profound dilemma it faces," McConnell said.

____________________________________
OPINION / PRESS RELEASES

For Immediate Release: 30 October 2009

BURMA'S 2010 ELECTIONS WILL BRING MORE PROBLEMS TO REGION, SAYS HUMAN
RIGHTS GROUP

Bangkok, 30 Oct. - The Burmese junta’s proposed 2010 elections, the first
step in activating the 2008 constitution, will have disastrous impacts on
Burma and the region.

In a briefer titled "2010 Elections: A Recipe for Continued Conflict,"
regional human rights network Altsean-Burma states that the regime’s
preparations for 2010 have already had serious human security impacts on
the region - increased crimes against humanity and escalated armed
conflict caused 43,800 refugees to cross over into China and Thailand
within the past three months alone.

The 11-page briefer reveals serious concerns over the possible conduct of
the 2010 elections that is likely to disenfranchise an estimated 1.9
million voters. It also outlines the serious flaws in the 2008
constitution that will intensify the root causes of conflict that has
plagued Burma.

"In the past few months, Burma's State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC) has systematically dashed every hope for political space through
locking up viable opposition candidates, using violence against ethnic
nationalities and inflicting its usual strong-arm tactics on the
population. While the elections are expected to be a farce, the greatest
tragedy for Burma will be the constitution itself," said Altsean-Burma
Coordinator Debbie Stothard. The regime's oppressive constitution will
come into effect when 'elected' MPs convene the Parliament.

"The constitution grants the military immunity from prosecution and
freedom from public accountability. It also cements military control over
future constitutional amendments, rendering any electoral process useless,
no matter how free or fair it is. Worse still, the constitution
legitimizes military subjugation of ethnic nationality communities," she
explained.

The briefer proposes solutions to turn the situation around and presents
indicators to assess progress. It asserts that immediate steps forward
must be centered on changes to allow constitutional amendments by a
majority of civilian legislators and ensuring that all people of Burma,
including political prisoners, can participate as voters and candidates.

"2010 Elections: A Recipe for Continued Conflict" is available in both PDF
and Word format at http://www.altsean.org/Reports/2010Electionsbis.php

ENDS

Enquiries: Debbie Stothard, Cellphone +668 1686 1652
____________________________________

Press Release
CPJ: Burmese authorities detain freelance journalist

New York, October 29, 2009—The Committee to Protect Journalists strongly
condemns and calls for the immediate release of freelance journalist and
blogger Pai Soe Oo, who was detained by government authorities on
Wednesday for questioning.

Pai Soe Oo was arrested by six officials at his apartment complex in the
former capital of Rangoon at around 9 p.m., according to a Mizzima News
story that quoted one of the reporter’s housemates. Officials searched his
home and seized one of the journalist’s notebooks, the report said.

According to the exile-run Web site Mizzima, Pai Soe Oo is a former
reporter with the Favorite and Pyi Myanmar weekly news publications as
well as a blogger. He was also reportedly a member of the volunteer relief
group Lin Let Kye (“Shining Star”) that was active in the aftermath of the
2008 Cyclone Nargis disaster that left 140,000 dead or missing and
adversely affected an estimated 2.4 million Burmese, according to United
Nations estimates.

Lin Let Kye was spearheaded by blogger and comedian Maung Thura, also
known as Zarganar, who was sentenced to 59 years in prison in 2008 in part
for communicating with exiled dissidents and giving interviews to foreign
media that criticized the military-run government’s disaster relief
efforts. Under intense international pressure, his sentence was reduced
earlier this year to 24 years by a Rangoon Divisional Court.

The notebook seized in the raid of Pai Soe Oo’s home was believed to
contain the names of Lin Let Kye members, according to Mizzima.

Burma has been under international pressure, including economic sanctions
from both the United States and the European Union, to back away from its
authoritarian governance.

“Burma’s military government claims to be moving toward democracy, yet it
continues to routinely arrest and detain journalists,” said Shawn W.
Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Reducing
international pressure should require demonstrable improvements in press
freedom.”

As part of a mass amnesty of 7,114 prisoners, Burma’s military government
in September released three journalists—Eine Khine Oo, Kyaw Kyaw Thant,
and Thet Zin—among an estimated 120 political prisoners. With Pai Soe Oo’s
detention, CPJ research indicates there are currently at least 12
journalists still behind bars in Burma. International rights groups
estimate there are more than 2,000 political prisoners being held often in
abysmal prison conditions across the country.

____________________________________


Reporters Without Borders
Burma Media Association

30 October 2009

BURMA

At least three journalists and bloggers arrested in crackdown on
volunteer group

Reporters Without Borders and the Burma Media Association condemn the
arrests of at least three Burmese journalists and bloggers in a
crackdown on Lin Let Kye, a citizen network of volunteers that has
been helping the victims of Cyclone Nargis, which devastated the
south of the country last year.

“Last month, the authorities released several journalists who had
been arrested for covering the post-Nargis situation, but now the
security forces are arresting more journalists for the same reason,”
the two organisations said. “We call for them to be released without
delay.”

Paing Soe Oo, a blogger and active member for the Lin Let Kye group,
was arrested at his home in Dagon Seikkan, near Rangoon. The police
who arrested him confiscated some of his notes which contained the
names of other Lin Let Kye members. Journalists Thant Zin Soe and Nyi
Nyi Htun were also arrested for membership of the group.

The authorities have repeatedly obstructed coverage of Cyclone
Nargis’s effects by both Burmese and foreign journalists. Burma was
ranked 171st out of 175 countries in the Reporters Without Borders
press freedom index.

http://www.rsf.org/At-least-three-journalists-and.html

____________________________________


October 30, Express News Service
Review ties with Myanmar: Experts

Chennai: India should review its ties with Myanmar and balance its
idealism-driven support to the restoration of democracy and the
realism-driven need to deal with junta to counter China’s influence in the
region, say experts.

Speaking at the seminar on ‘Recent developments in Myanmar: Implication
for India’ at the University of Madras here on Thursday, Dr Ninan Koshy,
noted political thinker said “public position of India in Myanmar is less
critical than that of China.”

“India is largely following China’s lead of engaging the junta and the
pro-democracy groups in Myanmar but it lacks the confidence and
surefootedness of China in engaging with policies of the junta,” said
Koshy, a former varsity fellow, Harvard Law School, in his keynote
address.

“The problem is India sees its ties with Myanmar as a competition with
China but not in terms of specific policy and Myanmar is taking advantage
of this competition,” said Koshy at the seminar organised by department of
politics and public administration, University of Madras and Centre for
Asia Studies.

Another concern for India is the maritime encirclement of India, with the
Chinese base at Gwadar to the west of India and on Coco Island to the
east. Experts expressed concern that China’s naval presence in Burma may
allow it to interdict regional sea-lanes of communication.

While Koshy stressed the need for India to focus on people of Myanmar and
their democratic aspirations, R Swaminathan, former Director General
(Security), differed and said idealism is not enough in engaging
China.Swaminathan demanded a total revival in policy which includes
engagement of the military regime.

Col Hariharan (retired), and D S Rajan, director, Chennai Centre for China
Studies, also spoke.