BurmaNet News, April 23, 2010

[Editor]

April 23, 2010, Issue #3947


INSIDE BURMA
DVB: Burma accepts first election parties
Khonumthung News: Junta revamps civil militia to help USDA in polls

ON THE BORDER
Irrawaddy: Mon reject militia plan
Narinjara: Bangladesh pushes back 37 Burmese citizens

REGIONAL
Indo-Asian News Service: Australia, Myanmar to be observers at SAARC summit

INTERNATIONAL
AFP: EU to urge Myanmar junta to accept pre-election mission
Ithaca Journal (US): Burmese immigrants share tales of horror
Irrawaddy: US Congressman calls for Burmese military revolt
Mizzima News: New Zealand Senator against scholarships to Burmese junta
employees

OPINION
The Cato Institute’s Nuclear Proliferation Update: Dealing with Burma, a
potential nuclear power? – Doug Bandow




____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

April 23, Democratic Voice of Burma
Burma accepts first election parties

Two political parties have been permitted to enter the next stage of
registration for elections in Burma this year, while another 17 await
approval.

The Union of Myanmar Federation of National Politics (UMFNP) is headed by
Aye Lwin, a former student activist turned politician, while the 88
Generation Student Youths (Union of Myanmar) is chaired by his younger
brother, Ye Htun.

Both are part of the so-called ‘third force’ – allied to neither
government nor opposition – although Aye Lwin has been accused of having
close ties to the junta and is known for his campaigns against sanctions
on Burma.

The two parties were among the first to submit their applications when the
registration process opened last month. Fourteen other new parties have
also registered, while three existing parties are also waiting to hear
back on whether they can compete.

The parties’ applications were deemed “to be in accord with the Political
Parties Registration Law and rules and thus the Commission has passed
their applications on 22 April 2010,” the state-run New Light of Myanmar
newspaper said today.

“The said two groups are to submit their applications for registration as
political parties in accord with the Political Parties Registration rule 7
within 30 days from the date of acceptance,” it added. “The Commission is
scrutinizing the applications of the remaining groups.”

The registration process for the elections is complex: authorities are
already scrutinising candidate backgrounds, while parties are required to
go through several more stages before finally being approved to run in the
polls.

No date has yet been set for the elections, the first in Burma since 1990
when the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party won a
landslide victory that was ignored by the junta, although rumours suggest
they could be in October.

The NLD’s refusal to compete this year stems from election laws announced
in March that bar party leader Aung San Suu Kyi from participating and
force her expulsion if the NLD want to take part.

The laws are seen as symptomatic of the junta’s refusal to let go of
power, as is the absence of any legitimate opposition entering the
elections. Analysts believe that the ageing head of state, Than Shwe, will
secure an influential role in a post-election ‘civilian’ government, but
perhaps take more of a back seat.

Several proxy parties, such as the Union Solidarity and Development
Association (USDA), are being primed to play a leading role in Burma’s
near future, while the NLD has been forced into the periphery of Burmese
politics and will soon be legally abolished.

____________________________________

April 23, Khonumthung News
Junta revamps civil militia to help USDA in polls

A civil militia is being revamped by the Mindat Township Peace and
Development Council since March to help the Union Solidarity and
Development Association (USDA) candidates to contest the forthcoming
general elections in Burma.

“Junta authorities have ordered villagers, who had attended civil militia
training earlier, to attend training again. The idea behind the fresh
training is to find ways to help USDA win the election,” said Mr. Salai
Thanglian in Mindat town.

The training is being conducted by Mindat based LIB 274 and they are
teaching not only the technique to canvass for votes but also imparting
basic military training.

“The chief commander and others ranks are teaching civilians how to shoot
and assemble different weapons. There are more than 50 trainees,” said an
eyewitness.

The authorities are providing all necessities for the trainees including
food and lodging, although during the previous training the trainees had
brought their own food and other necessities.

The same renewed civil militia training is to be conducted in Hakha town.

The military junta’s backbone, the USDA has not yet registered for the
2010 general elections with the Election Commission, but it begun
campaigning for the polls, though other political parties have not given
permission to campaign by the junta yet.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

April 23, Irrawaddy
Mon reject militia plan – Lawi Weng

The Mon cease-fire group, the New Mon State Party (NMSP), announced at a
press conference on Friday evening that the party has rejected both the
junta's border guard force (BGF) and militia proposals.

Speaking at a conference in Sangkhalaburi in western Thailand, Nai Chay
Mon, the spokesman of the NMSP, told delegates: “We sent a letter to
Regional Southeast Command on April 22 stating that we will not accept the
militia offer. This is a difficult time to transform our troops, because
our people do not yet have any rights.

“If the Burmese army uses force, we will have to defend ourselves,” he said.

“We will maintain the cease-fire and we will be open to discussions about
transforming our troops at some time in the future when there is a
democratic government, elected by the people,” he said.

The NMSP central executive committee and the central committee held a
meeting on Wednesday at their jungle headquarters when the leaders made a
decision to move their troops out of urban areas into the jungle,
according to a source.

Lt-Gen Ye Myint, the junta's chief negotiator, reportedly told NMSP
leaders at a meeting on April 7: “If you don't accept the militia plan [an
order to station Mon soldiers as security guards in Mon villages], war
will break out like it did in 1989.”

The NMSP leaders have reportedly ordered their troops not to shoot first;
however, if Burmese government forces open fire on them, they should
return fire.

Nai Hang Thar, the secretary of the NMSP, said, “Our revolution will never
weaken. We will wage guerrilla warfare against the Burmese army if
conflict breaks out.

“If there is no democracy and ethnic rights in Burma, they cannot be
another political step. These are the root causes of the conflict in
Burma.”

Several observers have said that the Burmese government forces can easily
contain the Mon troops in combat, as the Mon have only 700 regular troops
while the Burmese army can call on up to 400,000 soldiers.

Nai Kao Rot, the former deputy of the Mon National Liberation Army, said,
“I advise the NMSP not to fight a defensive war. Don't set up bases. If
they (government forces) come to our area, let them. We will attack them
outside the towns at their own bases.”

He added: “Our revolution will never end while Mon people live and
breathe. Even is the NMSP fails to win this conflict, the Mon people will
rise again.”

Many analysts say the Mon soldiers are not sufficiently battle-hardened as
they have not fought since the cease-fire 15 years ago.

Officially, the NMSP has 3,500 members, though perhaps only 700 currently
serve as soldiers. The party leaders said they hope that many of their
members will come back and join them if war breaks out.

Although hundreds of Mon officials and soldiers are preparing to leave
their homes to retreat to jungle base camps, observers have predicted that
many NMSP members will not abandon their property and livelihoods.
However, they expect Mon refugees and many Mon living in Thailand will
join up to support the ethnic army in the event of war.

The junta has set a deadline of April 28 for the cease-fire groups to
accept the BGF plan, or be declared illegal organizations.

Tension has increased between the NMSP and the Burmese military since the
Mon rejected the regime's order to transform its army into a BGF last
year.

In March, the NMSP moved some of its administration and a stockpile of
weapons to a new undisclosed base, a source close to the group said.

The NMSP signed a cease-fire agreement with the regime in 1995. After 15
years of cease-fire, government forces have about 30 battalions in Mon
State. Before the cease-fire, there were about 10 battalions.

The Burmese regime recently deployed three battalions near the NMSP
headquarters in Ye Township.
____________________________________

April 23, Narinjara
Bangladesh pushes back 37 Burmese citizens

Dhaka: Bangladesh authorities pushed back 37 Burmese citizens into Burma
along the border on 20 April, after the people entered Bangladesh
territory illegally, according to a report.

The report stated that ten Burmese citizens were arrested by Bangladesh
border security forces, BDR, from Zimmong Khakil in Teknaf Township on 20
April.

Another 27 Burmese citizens were arrested by BDR from the Hoykong,
Sabrong, and Sahaporirdip border areas in Teknaf Township when they
crossed the border in small machine boats on 19 April.

After the arrests, BDR authorities pushed them back to Burma on boats
across the Naff River on 20 April.

This is the first time Bangladesh authorities have pushed back such a
large group of Burmese citizens since the Burmese New Year, which ran from
13 to 17 April.

U Maung Thein, a Muslim refugee from Kotapalung Camp, said that many
Burmese have been entering Bangladesh looking for jobs because people are
facing an economic crisis in Arakan State, saying, "Even though the
Bangladesh authorities push back Burmese citizens to Burma, they will come
to Bangladesh again and again due to the economic crisis."

____________________________________
REGIONAL

April 23, Indo-Asian News Service
Australia, Myanmar to be observers at SAARC summit

New Delhi -- In a sign of the South Asian regional bloc's growing clout,
Australia and Myanmar will join the eight-nation South Asian Association
for Regional Cooperation as observers at the 16th SAARC summit in Bhutan
next week.

With the participation of Australia and Myanmar at the April 28-29 summit
in Bhutan certain, the total number of observers at the SAARC has now
reached nine.

China, Iran, European Union, Japan, South Korea, the US and Mauritius
already have observer status in the SAARC.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh will join other leaders of South Asian
countries for the 16th SAARC summit in Thimphu April 28, which will focus
on climate change as its key theme.

The summit is expected to culminate in a joint declaration entitled
"Towards a Green and Happy South Asia" and will see the signing of two
pacts on environment and trade in services.

Regional powers have in the past few years shown an increasing interest in
SAARC, which was once written off as another talk shop.

Ahead of the Thimphu summit, Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Jiang
Yu has described SAARC as "the most important regional cooperation
organisation" in South Asia and stressed that there has been constant
progress in its relationship with the grouping.

"As the most important regional cooperation organisation in South Asia,
SAARC has played an active role in promoting cooperation among member
states in advancing social, economic development of the region," Jiang
said.

The Chinese delegation at the SAARC summit would be represented by Vice
Foreign Minister Wang Guangya, she said. Published by HT Syndication with
permission from Indo-Asian News Service. For more information on news feed
please contact Sarabjit Jagirdar at htsyndication at hindustantimes.com

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

April 23, Agence France Presse
EU to urge Myanmar junta to accept pre-election mission

Brussels – The EU hopes to send an "exploratory mission" to Myanmar to
discuss with the military junta the country's upcoming elections, despite
controversial voting laws, a diplomatic source said Friday.

The European Union also calls on Myanmar's military leaders "to cooperate
fully" with Piero Fassino, its special envoy to the country, in a text
approved by representatives of the 27 European Union nations which will be
formally adopted by EU foreign ministers on Monday.

The ministers will express "serious concerns" at new Myanmar election laws
published last month which "do not provide for free and fair elections",
according to the text seen by AFP.

The National League for Democracy (NLD), party of Myanmar's detained
pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, is boycotting this year's
legislative polls, the first for 20 years, as it would have been forced to
oust its iconic leader and recognise the junta's constitution if it had
signed up.

"The EU believes that despite everything there is room for manoeuvre," the
European diplomat said.

"But we are only prepared to go there if we are received at the highest
level. We are not prepared to be humiliated."

The NLD risk being dissolved by the Myanmar junta if they do not take part
in the polls which are set to take place by the end of November.

Suu Kyi's NLD were the main winners in the last elections in 1990, but the
military junta, in power since 1962, refused to recognise those results.

Since then the Nobel Peace prize winner has spent much of the time under
house arrest.

The United States has led international condemnation of laws Myanmar has
enacted for the ballot, the first in the military-run country in two
decades, which effectively bar Aung San Suu Kyi from participating.

Last month the UN Human Rights Council passed a resolution expressing
concern that election laws failed to include the necessary elements to
guarantee an inclusive political process.

____________________________________

April 23, Ithaca Journal (US)
Burmese immigrants share tales of horror – Krisy Gashler

Paw Pa's family had become accustomed to the yearly, harvest-time ritual:
The violent and capricious Burmese military would roam the countryside,
taking what they wanted and burning what they didn't. Pa's family would
hide for months until the soldiers left, then they'd return to re-build
and re-plant.

In 1997, the soldiers came again, but this time, they didn't leave. With
nowhere else to go, Pa's family finally had to do what thousands of other
Burmese had done, and flee the country as refugees. Pa and his parents --
and his 16 brothers and sisters -- walked for a month to get to a refugee
camp in Thailand.

Pa was among three panelists at the History Center Thursday evening who
shared their stories about leaving Burma and coming to America.

Ithaca High sophomore Nobel Htoo lived most of her life in refugee camps
before coming to America a year and a half ago. Htoo's mother left Burma
in 1993, after Htoo's father was accused of being a spy and murdered by
the government.

"Anyone who participated in any political activity was in trouble," Htoo
said.

Human Rights Watch Asia in 2004 called Burma "the textbook police state,"
said Derek Chang, director of Cornell University's Asian American Studies
Program and moderator of the History Center panel.

Burma, officially the Union of Myanmar, was a central battleground between
the British and Japanese empires during World War II. A civilian
government briefly ruled until it was toppled by a military coup in 1962.

Since then, the Burmese have suffered under a "catastrophic" centralized
economic system, with one-party rule that represses freedom of speech,
press and assembly, Chang said.

San San Hnin Tun came to America 20 years ago under much happier
circumstances. She came to the U.S. to earn a second master's degree, and
eventually obtained a position teaching Burmese and French at Cornell.

Even for the relatively wealthy in the capital of Rangoon, electricity is
available only every other day and "young people have no future there,"
Tun said.

The United States kept strict limits on the number of Burmese refugees it
would admit until a 2006 change by the State Department.

Now, Pa lives with all 53 members of his extended family in the Maple Hill
Apartments and works at Cornell's library annex. Htoo said she loves math
and science and wants to be a doctor someday.

Htoo said the advice she gives friends and family still living in the
refugee camps is to learn English and "study really, really hard."
____________________________________

April 23, Irrawaddy
US Congressman calls for Burmese military revolt – Lalit K Jha

Washington — US Congressman Dana Rohrabacher has urged “patriots” in the
Burmese military to join pro-democracy advocates like Aung San Suu Kyi and
ethnic fighters to overthrow the military junta and restore democracy in
Burma.

Speaking on the floor of the House of Representative, the California
congressman said that patriots and freedom-loving people of Burma will
either join against tyranny and foreign domination, or their country will
be lost for generations to come.

“The time has come to choose,” Rohrabacher said. “ Let the Burmese, the
ethnic people of Burma, the business and military leaders who long for a
legitimate and honest government, and all of the other patriots there, let
them have the courage to step forward and join together and retake their
country. The time is now.”

Rohrabacher said there needs to be reconciliation between the Burmans and
the ethnic groups who make up half of Burma's population, adding that in
the decades-old insurgency the ethnic fighters have been the primary
source of opposition to Burma’s iron-fisted dictatorship.

“Urban democratic leaders like Aung San Suu Kyi and other patriotic
Burmans have been beaten down and repressed and imprisoned. These two
elements must come together, the Burmans and the ethnic groups that are
fighting the Burmese dictatorship,” Rohrabacher said. “They must come
together as one under a banner promising respect for the rights and
traditions of various people, those various people who make up the
wonderfully diverse nation of Burma.”

Rohrabacher appealed for members of the Burmese military to join the fight
against the junta.

“An opposition coalition must be joined also by patriots in the military,
professional soldiers who seek to remake their army into a respected
defender of the nation, not a tool of corruption and foreign domination.
It is time for leaders in the army to join the people and build a new,
prosperous and free and, yes, independent Burma,” Rohrabacher said.

“In the blink of an eye, Burma can reclaim its sovereignty and can be put
on the path to national reconciliation, democracy, and, yes, prosperity.
The military in a new Burma, as are professional armies throughout the
democratic nations of the world, will be a respected institution, not a
tool of foreign domination, repression and corruption,” he said.

Drawing attention to the history of the plight of the people of Burma,
Rohrabacher recounted how shortly after World War II Burma was granted its
independence from Great Britain. At that time, with democratic
institutions in place, rich natural resources and an educated population,
it was expected that Burma would become a wealthy, stable and free
country.

“Sadly, that country, with so much potential, has been dominated by
corrupt tyrants. And despite its vast natural wealth, its people suffer in
abject poverty,” Rohrabacher said.

He said the people of Burma are actually losing their country to a foreign
power—China.

“A Chinese power grab is not only depleting and stealing Burma’s natural
resources, but slowly and surely, Burma is being turned into a subservient
province of Beijing,” Rohrabacher said. “China is literally stealing Burma
from its own people, and it is accomplishing this monumental crime with
the assistance of Burmese government officials whose lust for power is
greater than any loyalty to their own national homeland.”

“This is a great moment of opportunity,” Rohrabacher said. “People of
Burma, do not let this moment pass by. The world will celebrate with you
as you recapture your nation. We are on your side.”

____________________________________
OPINION

April 23, The Cato Institute’s Nuclear Proliferation Update
Dealing with Burma, a potential nuclear power? – Doug Bandow

The idea of Burma as a nuclear power seems almost comical, but there is
evidence from defectors that the ruling junta is interested in nuclear
energy, and perhaps nuclear weapons. In the short-term however, the idea
of an atomic arsenal in Rangoon is far-fetched. The more immediate
challenge for Washington is dealing with an extremely repressive regime
ruling over an extremely poor populace. The United States should promote
more democratic governance and increased international engagement, which
ultimately would reduce any incentive for Burma (also known as Myanmar) to
consider atomic options.

Burma has suffered under military rule for decades. The socalled State
Peace and Development Council (SPDC) brutally suppresses human rights.
Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has spent decades under house arrest. The
SPDC is preparing to hold elections organized to ensure continuing
military control.

Promised autonomy by the British after World War II, ethnic groups like
the Karen, Karenni, Chin, Shan, Kachin, and Wa have long battled the
central government. In recent years the regime has reached cease-fire
agreements with several groups, but is now pressing those groups to disarm
and disband without offering them any political protections. The Burmese
army and ethnic forces reportedly are preparing for renewed hostilities.

This tragically misgoverned and impoverished nation also has been accused
of developing nuclear weapons. Last year the Sydney Morning Herald
reported: “Rumors have swirled around refugee circles outside Burma about
secret military installations, tunnels dug into the mountains to hide
nuclear facilities, the establishment of a ‘nuclear battalion’ in the
army, and work done by foreign scientists.” Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton voiced concern over possible nuclear cooperation between North
Korea and Burma. Still, discerning the SPDC’s capabilities and intentions
is not easy. Author Catherine Collins acknowledges that “the evidence of
malfeasance so far is slight,” but worries that similar whispers of
Israeli nuclear activity in the 1950s turned out to be accurate.

In fact, Burmese interest in nuclear power runs back decades. That does
not, however, necessarily mean the regime has an interest in developing
nuclear weapons. Burma is an unlikely nuclear weapons state. It has only
about half of North Korea’s per capita GDP. Lack of funds is thought to
have held up planned Russian construction of a nuclear research reactor.
The Burmese regime faces no serious outside threats, primarily deploying
the army to suppress domestic protest and ethnic resistance—purposes for
which atomic weapons would be useless.
What of paranoia and prestige? Author Bertil Lintner contends: “There is
no doubt that the Burmese generals would like to have a bomb so that they
could challenge the Americans and the rest of the world.” Perhaps. Andrew
Selth of the Griffith Asia Institute points to “a siege mentality among
Burma’s leaders. Even now, they fear intervention by the United States and
its allies—possibly even an invasion—to restore democracy to Burma.”
However, he believes that at most “a few Burmese generals envy North
Korea’s apparent ability to use its nuclear weapons capabilities to fend
off its enemies and win concessions from the international community.”

The best evidence suggests a nuclear weapons program does not yet exist. A
recent report from the London-based International Institute for Strategic
Studies concluded that Burma “has no known capabilities that would lend
themselves to a nuclear weapons program, apart from limited uranium
deposits and some personnel who have received nuclear training overseas.
If it is built, a 10 MW research reactor and associated training from
Russia could provide the basis for an eventual civilian nuclear power
program, but few of the skills required for such a program are readily
transferable to nuclear weapons development. Specialized reprocessing or
enrichment facilities would be necessary to produce weapons-usable fissile
material, and any attempt to divert plutonium from the reactor is likely
to be detected by IAEA [International Atomic Energy Agency] inspectors.”

Are there secret facilities? A January study from the Institute for
Science and International Security (ISIS) in Washington, DC, noted that
the “sheer number of alleged secret sites posited by [several oft-cited]
defectors by itself raises doubts about their claims.” North Korea has
assisted the SPDC in building tunnels near its new capital of Naypyidaw,
but the little available intelligence suggests that they have nonnuclear
purposes. ISIS concluded: “Despite the public reports to the contrary, the
military junta does not appear to be close to establishing a significant
nuclear capability. Information suggesting the construction of major
nuclear facilities appears unreliable or inconclusive.”

The United States and other countries still have reasons to be watchful
and wary. However, ISIS noted: “Because Burma’s known program is so small,
the United States and its allies have an opportunity to both engage and
pressure the military regime in a manner that would make it extremely
difficult for Burma to acquire a nuclear weapons capability, let alone
nuclear weapons.”

Unfortunately, the West’s ability to influence the SPDC is quite limited.
Although the United States and the European Union already apply economic
sanctions against Burma, most of Burma’s neighbors invest in and trade
with the regime. Russia and China have blocked United Nations sanctions;
Beijing also has helped arm the junta. Regime change obviously is
desirable for
the people of Burma, but if the junta believes that it faces a military
threat—one reason it apparently rejected American aid sent via U.S.
warships after Cyclone Nargis in 2008—it is likely to be less willing to
consider political reform and more willing to pursue a nuclear weapons
program. Thus, Washington should seek to reduce the junta’s fears. Selth
makes a reasonable argument that the “aggressive rhetoric, open support
for opposition figures, funding for expatriate groups, and military
interventions in other undemocratic countries have all encouraged the
belief among Burma’s leaders that the United States and its allies are
bent on forcible regime change.”

Washington should continue to press for improved human rights, but should
demonstrate by word and deed that there are no plans to take military
action against Burma. At the same time, the United States, the EU, Canada,
and Australia should together offer to relax trade and diplomatic
sanctions if the regime takes steps that genuinely open the political
system and reduce ethnic conflict. The Western states also should
encourage India, Japan, South Korea, and the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN) states to apply coordinated diplomatic and economic
pressure on the SPDC, backed by the threat of imposing targeted sanctions
against junta leaders and business partners.

Washington should use the potential, however slim, of a Burmese nuclear
program to encourage greater Indian and Russian involvement, in
particular, toward moderating the SPDC’s behavior. Both nations routinely
resist intervention to promote human rights, but they might be more
willing to press for political reform if doing so would reduce the
likelihood of nuclear complications. The United States should similarly
prod China to be more helpful. Burma harms Beijing with its instability.
China recently was angered by a Burmese military offensive that pushed
refugees across its border. Surely Beijing does not want a second
isolated, unpredictable nuclear weapons state as a neighbor. Moreover,
promoting political change in Burma would enhance China’s international
reputation. Washington also should pledge—a promise worth repeating
regarding North Korea—that the United States would not take military
advantage of any Burmese liberalization. There would be no American bases,
naval deployments, or training missions—even if a more pro-Western
government emerged.

The junta might not respond positively. Yet in the months after Cyclone
Nargis the International Crisis Group reported that “it is possible to
work with the military regime on humanitarian issues.” Frank Smithuis of
Doctors Without Borders similarly said that “the military at times has
actually been quite helpful to us.”

Burma is one of the world’s greatest international tragedies. Nuclear
weapons would turn it into one of the world’s greatest international
challenges. Unfortunately, current U.S. policy is doing nothing to help
the Burmese people. It is time to try a different approach in an attempt
to simultaneously aid political liberalization and end talk of a Burmese
Bomb.

____________________________________

April 23, Mizzima News
New Zealand Senator against scholarships to Burmese junta employees – Sai
Zuan Sai

Ms. Maryan Street, a New Zealand Senator has expressed her displeasure and
has said today that she will try her utmost to stop her government
providing scholarships to Burmese military government employees.

Her reaction came in the wake of a disclosure by New Zealand Foreign
Minister Mr. Murray McCully that three Burmese government employees had
arrived in the country for further studies. He also said that more will
follow soon.

“We are concerned over giving scholarships to Burmese government staff
members because  it will provide them an opportunity to spy on Burmese
dissidents here and be honoured when they go back home,” Ms. Maryan Street
of the Opposition new Labour Party told Mizzima.

After severing official ties with Burma in 2008, the New Zealand Foreign
Ministry decided to grant scholarships to Burmese government staff at the
end of 2009, she said.

Ms. Street is also the Chairwoman of ‘Burma Cross-Party Parliamentary
Group’ which is comprised of MPs from all political parties in New Zealand
striving to restore democracy in Burma.

“We cannot accept giving such assistance to the military regime,” she said.

A six-month English course at the Autergo University costs USD 35,000 for
each Burmese going over to study.

According to the Autergo Daily Times, 35 Burmese have studied in New
Zealand since 1998.

Mr. Murry McCully defended his government’s policy of engagement with the
military junta saying that it is just following the pro-engagement policy
followed by the international community led by the US.