BurmaNet News, September 11-13, 2010

[Editor]

September 11- 13, 2010 Issue #4040


INSIDE BURMA
Irrawaddy: Uncertainty continues after candidate registrations
DVB: NLD elders needing medical treatment
SHAN: Ethnic politicians mark imprisoned Shan leader’s birthday

ON THE BORDER
Australian: Underground press in Burma challenges generals
Mizzima: 1,000 Burmese enter sixth day of strike at Thai plant
Australia News Network: Border-camp treats Burma landmine victims

BUSINESS / TRADE
Xinhua: Myanmar to learn from China's experiences in reform and opening-up

ASEAN
Irrawaddy: Thai AICHR rep Calls for 'open doors' in Burma

INTERNATIONAL
BBC News: Newcastle teenager to meet Pope Benedict XVI

OPINION / OTHER
Guardian (UK): Aung San Suu Kyi is my heroine – Stephen Tomkins
The Nation (Thailand): Burma election Monitors question unfair practices
The Nation (Thailand): Book Review: Burma's top dog

INTERVIEW
Irrawaddy: Change lies in Junta Chief's death




____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

September 13, Irrawaddy
Uncertainty continues after candidate registrations – Ba Kaung

Following the conclusion of the candidate registration process on Friday,
Burma's political parties expect the leaders of the junta's proxy Union
Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) to give up their positions in the
government.

Prime Minister Thein Sein is the chairman of the USDP, whose leading
members are also ruling government ministers.

“We have no objection about them competing in the election as citizens,
but they should consider whether they should do so without giving up their
authority and status,” said Dr. Than Nyein, the chairman of the National
Democratic Force (NDF). The NDF, led by former members of the disbanded
National League for Democracy, registered 161 candidates, making it the
third largest party contesting the election.

Despite the election rules prohibiting government employees from holding
party membership, the regime media has stated that the prime minister and
government ministers are not required to give up their cabinet posts.

While Thein Sein is no longer referred to in the official media as a
member of the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), the
junta's third-and-fourth ranking officials, Shwe Mann and Tin Aung Myint
Oo, who gave up their military positions last month, are still described
in the official media as SPDC members. Tin Aung Myint Oo is described as
the SPDC's Secretary (1).

Despite the completion of the candidate registration, it is still not
clear whether Shwe Mann and Tin Aung Myint Oo will participate in the
election as USDP candidates. According to earlier reports, they will stand
for election in two townships in Naypidaw.

Both were seen accompanying the junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe on his
visit to Beijing last week, indicating their undiminished status in the
regime leadership.

“Since they have quit their military positions, they cannot get themselves
elected in the parliament by the army,” said Dr. Than Nyein. The
Constitution guarantees the army one quarter of the parliamentary seats.

Meanwhile, a group of individual candidates running in the November polls
announced at the weekend that they will cooperate with opposition parties
during and after the election.

The eight-member group announced that they have reached an understanding
with the Democratic Party (Myanmar) to cooperate with each other.

“It would be stronger for us to participate in the election by negotiating
with the democratic forces even though we are individual candidates,” the
group said in a statement.

Yuzar Maw Tun, 46, whose paternal grandfather was Chan Tun, the architect
of Burma's 1947 Constitution, and whose maternal grandfather was Dr. Baw
Maw, the head of the Burmese provisional government during the Japanese
occupation, is one of the group's members and will stand in Rangoon's
Hlaing Township as an individual candidate.

“We will work together with all the democratic forces,” she said. “But for
now, we have joined the Democratic Party since we share similar political
ideas.”

Another group member is her husband, Phone Win, who will run in Kamaryut
Township as an individual candidate. The couple leads a local
non-governmental organization called Mingalar Myanmar in Rangoon.

“They join us because they like us and they also have a clean background,”
said Nay Yee Ba Swe, the Democratic Party (Myanmar) secretary.

Political parties are still waiting for the election commission to
announce the approved list of candidates so that they can start
campaigning, although public interest in the election appears to be very
low.

“I see no election campaigns of any other political party except by the 
government's party,” said Nay Yee Ba Swe. “People don't want to come out.
They are so afraid. But I know their heart is with us.”

____________________________________

September 13, Democratic Voice of Burma
NLD elders needing medical treatment – Shwe Aung and Khin Hnin Htet

Senior National League for Democracy (NLD) member Win Tin is in hospital
with breathing problems while his colleague, Tin Oo, may have to fly to
Singapore for surgery on his eye.

The two luminaries of Burma’s pro-democracy movement are both in their
eighties. Win Tin, who spent 19 years in prison and ranks as Burma’s
longest-serving political prisoner, is 81. A close aide, Maung Maung Khin,
said that he was submitted to Asia Royal General Hospital in Rangoon on
Sunday morning.

“It’s not very serious. He began to cough up a lot and was having
difficulty breathing so we had to send him to the hospital,” she said.
“He’s being checked up by doctors and is on medication. He began getting
much better after he was given oxygen.”

Meanwhile, NLD deputy Tin Oo may have to fly to Singapore for treatment on
a lasting eye problem.

“Right before I was released [from house arrest in February] I lost sight
in my left eye after plasma started seeping out of the centre of the eye,”
the 83-year-old told DVB. “I can still see with my right eye but I can’t
see people clearly so I will have to get treatment, perhaps laser
treatment.”

The condition has been going on for about eight months and he has been
using eye drops for three months. “If that doesn’t work, then I will need
to have an operation – I’m preparing for that now,” he said.

“I have applied for my passport. It has not yet been granted but I think I
will get it. Basically, I don’t have to go through the [passport
application] myself as the hospital [in Singapore] will take care of it
when I register there as a patient. There is only one concern; about the
accommodation there. It would be difficult for me to rent a place.”

Tin Oo was released earlier this year after spending six years under house
arrest. He had been arrested along with NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi in May
2003 after the Depayin massacre, when a junta-backed mob attacked a convoy
of NLD supporters, killing around 70.

By that point Win Tin had already been in prison for 14 years, having been
arrested in July 1989 on charges that included “anti-government
propaganda” – as well as being a senior NLD member from its inception in
1988, he was also a prominent journalist.

Burma’s healthcare system is notoriously poor, with the military
government thought to spend only US$0.70 per person each year on
healthcare.

____________________________________

September 13, Shan Herald Agency for News
Ethnic politicians mark imprisoned Shan leader’s birthday – Hseng Khio Fah

Burma’s ethnic politicians in Rangoon on Saturday held the 67th
anniversary birthday party of Khun Htun Oo, Chairman of the defunct Shan
Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), Burma’s second largest winning
party and the winning party in Shan State in the 1990 elections, according
to Sai Shwe Kyu, secretary of the defunct SNLD.

 “It was just a small ceremony held at a restaurant at 8 Miles in Rangoon.
It was organized and attended by members of UNA (United Nationalities
Alliance) and SNLD,” he said.

The participants were Pu Jin Xin Thang, Chairman of Zomi National Congress
(ZNC), U Htaung Ko Htan, U Aye Tha Aung, leading member of Arakan League
for Democracy (ALD), Nai Ngwe Thein, Mon National League for Democracy
(MNLD), Saw Harry – Kayin (Karen).

Similarly, his family members and relatives organized a small religious
ceremony, offering food and donations at a monastery in Rangoon.

Khun Htun Oo (67), party leader and elected MP for Shan State North’s
Hsipaw, is currently serving a 95-year term in Burma’s northernmost town
Putao since 3 November 2005. He was detained along with eight other
leaders on 8-9 February 2005 on charges of treason, defamation, setting up
illegal organization and violation of the 5/96 Law prohibiting people from
criticizing the constitution drafted by its rulers. The draft was
“ratified” by an overwhelming 92 per cent of the country’s eligible voters
in May 2008, according to a junta announcement.

He is said to have been suffering from bladder distention, peptic ulcer,
arthritis both in the hands and knees and legs, swelling since April 2009
due inadequate exercise and regular medical treatment, according to family
members.

Specialists, on consultation with his family, said it was also due to
insufficient sunlight and ventilation.

But till date, he is still not allowed to get medical checkup outside even
though the family has applied to have access to medical checkup outside
several times as there is no health service that reaches his place, Putao.
He was only allowed to receive oral treatment, the family said.

“It is difficult for him to move easily as he is getting older. We are
worried about his condition even though he tries his best not to worry
us,” his daughter told SHAN.  His family is allowed to visit him once a
month.

At the same, Khun Htun Oo was also said to have kept encouraging all his
party members to be strong, keep working on what they believe in and not
to give up even though most of the leaders are in jail.

In May, the SNLD made an official announcement that it would not
re-register to contest in the general elections unless its party chairman
and other imprisoned leaders are released.

“Khun Htun Oo is still a chairman of SNLD party, a member of ‘Committee
Representing People’s Parliament’ (CRPP) and still recognized as an
advisor to the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA),” the SNLD spokesperson
told SHAN in May.

Kheunsai Jaiyen, Chairman of exile-based Shan State Constitution Drafting
Commission (SSCDC) said, “He knew that he would be in jail but he did not
give up and kept his belief. In addition, they [the Shan leaders] are
still strong, encouraging party members and supporters not to worry for
them even though they are in difficulties and in poor condition. It is
hard to find leaders like them.”

The seven other detained Shan leaders are:

Maj-Gen Hso Ten       106 years          Khamti prison (transferred to
Sittwe in Rakhaing State in August 2010)
Sai Nyunt Lwin            85 years            Kalay, Sagaing division
Sai Hla Aung               79 years          Kyaukphyu prison
U Myint Than              79 years          Sandoway prison (died 2006)
U Tun Nyo                   79 years          Buthidaung prison
U Nyi Nyi Moe             79 years          Pakokku prison
Sai Myo Win Tun         79 years          Myingyan prison


One, Sao Tha Oo, was released after agreeing to become a junta witness.

In early August, some leaders of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for
Democracy (NLD) party led by U Win Tin and U Tin Oo met family members of
different imprisoned ethnic leaders in Khun Htun Oo’s house in Rangoon.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

September 13, The Australian
Underground press in Burma challenges generals – Sian Powell

Chiang Mai – Burma is a dangerous place for the media. Foreign journalists
are routinely refused entry.

Local journalists are heavily censored, underground journalists are hunted
down, arrested and jailed for years.

Paranoid and xenophobic, the ruling military junta is ever vigilant to
quash criticism, especially now, with an election due.

An election set for November, the first in 20 years, has been widely
derided as a farce and a military publicity exercise that will do little
to change the nature of the repressive regime.

Nevertheless, optimists think the exercise might open a little space for
incremental change.

So journalists, inside and outside the barricaded nation, have been
monitoring developments with great interest.

As the Thailand bureau chief of the non-profit Democratic Voice of Burma
news network, Toe Zaw Latt helps oversee 100 staff working illicitly in
Burma, as well as more than 38 in Thailand.

An Australian citizen with a degree from Monash University, Toe Zaw Latt
is sure the ruling State Peace and Development Council will try to further
restrict news from Burma as the elections get nearer.

He is working on ways to foil the generals' plans and get news out to the
world. However rigged it is, the election might bring some surprises, and
however they pan out, they are important news.

"Sure, it's getting more dangerous," he says, in the DVB headquarters in
Thailand's northern city of Chiang Mai.

"Everything is planned, everything is controlled. They will shut down the
internet -- they did it for the Saffron uprising (by the monks in 2007),
the referendum, the visit of (UN Secretary-General) Ban Ki Moon.

"But we are already prepared for this. We have to use the latest
technology, we have to open many ways to overcome this deadlock."

The junta has established a Russian-trained police cyber-crime unit, he
says, to track down undercover and citizen journalists trying to send
information out of Burma via the internet.

Toe Zaw Latt is reluctant to spell out details of the various ways of
getting round the expected clampdown, but it's likely they include
satellite phones, clandestine internet tricks, and straightforward
smuggling of footage over the border to Thailand. DVB has stringers all
over Burma, including conflict zones.

"If anything happens we know, we know," he says.

The news network broadcasts television and radio into Burma in various
languages, to an estimated audience of 10 million, and also runs a website
(www.dvb.no).

Cut off from the world and real news by heavy restriction of the internet
and rigorous censorship of newspapers, Burmese mostly rely on external
broadcasts from DVB, the BBC World Service, VOA, and Radio Free Asia.

Toe Zaw Latt says the media in Burma are "largely ineffective".

Weekly titles such as the Myanmar Times, owned by Australian Ross Dunkley,
are heavily censored, he says, and they cannot be relied on.

"They repeat propaganda," he says. "They have to, it's compulsory." So
far, he says, the junta has not permitted publication of a privately owned
daily newspaper.

DVB journalists are often leaked information by well-wishers from all
strata of the junta.

"Not every soldier, not even all the high-ranking ones, is happy with what
is going on," he says.

"They are happy to leak information to us."

He notes with some pride that DVB first aired the news that the junta
wanted to develop nuclear weapons.

This stream of leaks may dry up as the election gets closer, and leaking
becomes more dangerous. Still, the smiling bureau chief says, DVB will not
miss anything.

Junta officers cannot be directly questioned, but DVB always gets its
hands on information from tightly controlled press conferences.

This simmering military dissatisfaction, Toe Zaw Latt says, is the impetus
behind the elections.

The ruling military junta, the State Peace and Development Council, has
been impervious to Western sanctions and uninterested in Western
criticism.

Civil protest, such as the Saffron uprising, left the generals unmoved. So
why even bother to stage elections?

Toe Zaw Latt says that's the million-dollar question, and it has a very
local answer. Many in the military were becoming restless, and asking what
had happened to the back-to-barracks plan, and the "roadmap to democracy"
mooted years ago.

Toe Zaw Latt was exiled from Burma in 1988, when a popular uprising
challenged the junta and thousands were killed.

He won't say how many of the 100 Burmese working for DVB in Burma are
journalists and how many are support staff, as he wants to keep the junta
in the dark as much as possible.

Nor will he say how many DVB journalists have been jailed, but it's at
least six, including one young woman who was sentenced to 27 years earlier
this year for interviewing monks.

DVB journalists almost never carry cameras openly, and hidden cameras are
used.

Some of the tricks were seen on Burma VJ, a documentary about DVB
journalists that was in the running for an Academy Award earlier this
year.

Junta paranoia extends to anyone seen with a video camera.

Video repair shop staff avoid taking cameras anywhere, in case they are
caught in a sweep.

Video cameras are generally owned only by the rich, so any subversive
journalist caught with a camera is in deep trouble.

Regardless of international scepticism about the election, Toe Zaw Latt
thinks that it could open some space for civilian discourse.

____________________________________

September 13, Mizzima News
1,000 Burmese enter sixth day of strike at Thai plant – Myint Maung

New Delhi – More than 1,000 Burmese migrant workers from a fishnet factory
in Khon Kaen, in northeast Thailand, enter their sixth day of a strike
today, over their employer’s illegal doctoring of co-workers’ travel and
work documents, and other labour abuses, labour rights workers and protest
leaders say.

Management had as of yesterday failed respond to the workers’ demands, had
issued an ultimatum for them to return to work tomorrow, and had boosted
security at the plant, including arming Burmese guards with knives and
guns, the protesters said.

Last Monday, six reportedly unwell Burmese workers dismissed from their
jobs after three consecutive days absent had demanded the return of their
effective passports – Overseas Workers’ Identification Cards issued by the
Burmese Ministry of Labour, which had been confiscated by management.

Dechanpanich Fishing Net Factory management required that the Burmese work
1½ hours extra each day to pay for their passports and banned them from
holding their documents, the MAP Foundation advocacy based in Chiang Mai,
Thailand, which had been negotiating on behalf of the workers, said in a
statement on Friday.

When the documents were returned, the workers found that the word “cancel”
had been written next to their visa, the statement said.

“In addition, their Overseas Workers’ Identification Card, issued by
Ministry of Labour, Union of Myanmar [Burma], had clearly been tampered
with as the photos and information were non-matching and the stamps were
not continuously drawn. They are now facing imminent deportation, endorsed
by the employer, the Labour Protection Office and the Department of
Employment,” MAP’s statement said.

More than 1,000 employees on Tuesday had stopped work to protest outside
the plant in support of the sacked workers and to negotiate over other
long-term grievances, a protest leader told Mizzima.

The MAP statement said it had passed to management the workers’ following
demands: for the visas of the six workers to be reinstated and for their
ID cards to be verified; for all workers to have possession of their
personal documents, including passports, ID cards and work permits, as
required by law; for the shops in their labour camp (closed by management)
to be re-opened; for proper payment of the minimum wage and overtime in
compliance with Thai labour laws; and, an immediate end to the system of
bonded labour in the form of the extra work time added each day.

“The employer insisted [during subsequent talks] that immigration
authorities had cancelled the workers’ visas and that they were therefore
unable to work and must be deported,” it said.

However, MAP pointed out that for immigration officials to cancel a visa,
the employer had to inform the Thai Labour Protection Office, which then
had to inform the Immigration Department. Any cancellation had to include
a reason and the signature of the authorising officer, it said, but in
this case, only the word “cancel” was written next to the workers’
two-year visas.

The employer attempted to justify the illegal act of confiscating personal
documents by saying that the workers might leave before they had paid off
their debts, thus endorsing a system of debt bondage, the MAP statement
said.

“He also said that it was easier for the employer to arrange the 

regulation requiring all migrants to report to immigration authorities
every 90 days,” it said.

Thai officials used the same justification. “In a meeting earlier in the
day [Friday] with the local Department of Employment, they [Thai
officials] had given the same explanation, despite the confiscation of
personal documents being an illegal act,” the statement said.

The strikers’ demands continued to fall on deaf ears, MAP director Jackie
Pollock said in a statement yesterday.

“The employer had made no moves to sit down and negotiate with the
workers, despite their demands being very basic and in total compliance
with Thai law,” the statement said.

Management had instead increased the number of guards in the factory
compound. The employer had been using co-workers to maintain security
among the thousands of employees in crowded living and working conditions,
MAP reported.

The strikers told MAP that these security guards had been given knives and
guns, leaving them in fear that pandemonium may break out if these
untrained guards were let loose on them. Reports were filtering out of the
factory of beatings, the NGO said.

“At 6 p.m. last night [Friday], some officials visited the factory, [and]
the workers believe they were from the Department of Employment. The
officials offered to correct the documents of five of the workers who had
been sacked and whose documents had been cancelled or changed,” MAP said.

However, the migrants were fearful these changes may not be authorised and
that any further deleting or writing in their passports may render them
invalid in the eyes of the Burmese authorities.

“When we applied for the temporary passports in Myawaddy, we were told
that we had to work in this job about a year, and then the next year, we
could work at any place in Thailand and that the temporary passports could
be renewed,” protest leader Zaw Min Naing told Mizzima. “However, we found
that the employer had damaged our passports and visa-stamps with ink 

[and] had stamped ‘cancel’ in our passports. So, we can’t use our
passports anymore.”

Another protest leader Moe Htet said: “One of the regulations in our job
was that if we were absent from work for three consecutive days, we could
be dismissed. The six workers were dismissed in accordance with that
regulation but they were absent because of their health conditions.”

When Mizzima phoned the factory to ask about the incident, a factory
officer confirmed the protest but refused to provide any further details.

The workers understand that an official from the Burmese embassy was on
his way to Khon Kaen, but were unaware whether this official would assist
in negotiating for the rights of the workers or would conduct the
deportation of the workers, MAP said in a statement on Friday.

The Yaung Chi Oo Workers’ Association of Thailand had joined MAP in
providing support for the protestors, MAP said.

MAP had made an official request to the Committee on the Administration of
Irregular Workers, Ministry of Labour, Thailand and the national police
chief “to ensure that the migrant workers were not unlawfully deported and
that their case is investigated, particularly with reference to the
unauthorised cancellation of their visas and the tampering of the overseas
identification cards”.

“We demanded that they not to be sent back to Burma and that they be
protected in accordance with the law 
 we also demanded the food shops to
be reopened”, MAP spokeswoman Mai Mai said.

Though other migrant workers at factories in Khon Kaen received about 157
baht (US$5) a day, the Burmese workers at Dechapanich were paid 140 baht,
MAP said.

According to the MAP statement yesterday, management had told the migrants
they may strike until today, but that they had to return to work on
tomorrow. It had not said whether it intended to meet the workers’ demands
nor what would happen if the workers failed to return to work.

According to a trading company website, Dechapanich boasts that it is one
of the largest nylon fishnet factories in the world, with more than 4,000
experienced employees and a production capacity of 250 tons of nets a
month. It exports to more than 40 countries including the United States,
Finland, Denmark, Australia, Japan, Spain, Greece, Italy, Guatemala,
Mexico and Canada, the website says.

At least 2,140 Burmese workers from Irrawaddy and Magway divisions and Mon
State were working at the plant, MAP said.

____________________________________

September 13, Australia News Network
Border-camp treats Burma landmine victims – Zoe Daniel

Mae Sot – Increasing numbers of landmine victims are crossing the Burmese
border into Thailand to find a way to walk again.

Villagers, militia fighters and government soldiers are all victims of
mines laid along the border.

At Mae Sot on the Thai Burma border landmine victims craft new limbs for
those joining their ranks.

Mo Kay, Prosthetics manager, says those at the clinic come together with a
common aim - no matter which side they're on.

"We are doing good deeds for the little people, you see, because to get
prosthesis inside Burma is quite difficult," he said.

Every year the clinic gives at least 250 people their mobility back, and
with it the ability to stand on their own two feet again, in more ways
than one.

Mokay is a former militiaman who lost his own leg when he stepped on a
landmine in Burma about 25 years ago.

After receiving a prosthetic leg from a French doctor he learnt the craft
himself and now treats others injured in the continuing border insurgency.

He and his staff have all experienced the physical and emotional trauma
affecting their patients, like Thar Kyaw Hla.

"How can I be alright?" he said.

"Although I may be able to walk, this accident will be in my mind. I am
happy with this artificial leg though."

Every day three or four hundred people visit the clinic in Thailand for
all sorts of medical treatment; each year more and more come for
prosthetic legs and feet.

Whatever their background, they're accepted - Burmese soldiers who've
stepped on landmines are frequent patients, fitted with prosthetic limbs
alongside civilians who've done the same.

The clinic is one of the few options available to people who battle
illness and danger to get to it.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

September 12, Xinhua
Myanmar to learn from China's experiences in reform and opening-up

Shenzhen – Myanmar's top leader Than Shwe said here Saturday that Myanmar
will learn from China's experiences in reform and opening up and continue
to cooperate with China.

Than Shwe, chairman of Myanmar's State Peace and Development Council,made
the remarks when touring China's first special economic zone Shenzhen.

Than Shwe said he made the tour to Shenzhen to learn from Shenzhen's
development experiences.

This year marks the 30th anniversary of the establishment of the Shenzhen
special economic zone.

During his stay in Shenzhen, Than Shwe visited Shenzhen Huawei Technology
Co., where the two sides exchanged views on telecommunication cooperation.
And he also voiced willingness to enhance China-Myanmar cooperation in
other areas such as finance and insurance.

Than Shwe said he paid the visit to China in moves to further
China-Myanmar friendly cooperation.

Than Shwe arrived in Shenzhen Friday afternoon after his tours to Beijing
and Shanghai, and he wrapped up his five-day visit to China Saturday
afternoon.

____________________________________
ASEAN

September 13, Irrawaddy
Thai AICHR rep Calls for 'open doors' in Burma – Saw Yan Naing

The Burmese military government should accept the UN’s proposed Commission
of Inquiry (CoI) into crimes against humanity and war crimes in Burma if
the regime wants to prove it has transparency, said a Thai representative
at an Asean Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) on
Monday.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on the sidelines of a seminar at Chiang Mai
University attended by some 70 participants, the main speaker, Sriprapha
Phetmeesri, who is the Thai representative at AICHR, said the Burmese
government should open its doors for the CoI to investigate crimes that
have allegedly occured, especially in ethnic areas in eastern Burma, in
order to prove its willingness to cooperate and show transparency.

Sriprapha said that she supported the establishment of a CoI, an idea
initiated in March by UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma Tomás
Ojea Quintana. It has already received support from Australia, the Czech
Republic, Slovakia, Canada, the UK and the US.

Sriprapha said she had already told the UN Special Rapporteur that the CoI
should not only be  comprised of people from outside the region, but that
some experts from within the Southeast Asian region and those who have
knowledge about Burma should also be involved.

London-based Amnesty International recently said that any inquiry should
focus on reports of widespread and systematic persecution by the Burmese
government forces against the civilian populations of the Muslim Rohingya
minority in Arakan State, the ethnic Shan minority in Shan State, and the
ethnic Karen minority in eastern Burma.

According to a 2008 report by the Thailand Burma Border Consortium, an
umbrella group of donors and humanitarian organizations, the total number
of Internally Displaced Persons in eastern Burma is likely to be well over
half a million with at least 451,000 people estimated to have been
displaced in rural areas alone.

Sriprapha said Burma's human rights record will be a challenge for the
rest of Asean members as they aim to complete the establishment of an
Asean community by 2015.

Despite the Asean members raising concerns and calling on Naypyidaw to
hold free and fair elections in November, Sriprapha said she worried that
Burma will not take the calls too seriously.

“The Asean members have been voicing these concerns. But I don’t know how
much attention the Burmese government is paying,” she said.

She said, “It would be good if independent observers are appointed who
could monitor the election process in Burma.” However, she noted that did
not hear of any consensus among Asean members about sending election
observers to Burma.

She said she doubts change will come to Burma after the election as the
current government ministers and officials have formed a party to contest
the election.

Earlier, the secretary-general of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (Asean), Surin Pitsuwan, welcomed the upcoming election in Burma,
saying, “I hope that Myanmar will prove the skeptics wrong and Myanmar
will respond positively to the appeal for freedom of mobility and
expression during the lead-up to the elections scheduled for 7 November.”

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

September 13, BBC News
Newcastle teenager to meet Pope Benedict XVI

A 17-year-old human rights campaigner from Gosforth has been chosen to
speak to Pope Benedict XVI during his visit to the UK.

Declan Stokle will make his address in front of more than 80,000 people at
Hyde Park in London.

He'll be talking about human rights abuses in Burma - a country he has
visited each year since he was seven years old.

The event will take place on 18 September 2010.

Declan developed an interest in human rights after being taken to refugee
camps in Burma by his parents during the summer holidays.

International condemnation

Declan said: "For the first five or six years I didn't really get
involved. I just had a holiday while my parents went into the refugee
camps.

"But the past few years I've got more involved in football coaching [in
Burma] and meeting people my age and talking to them about their situation
compared to mine."

Burma is ruled by a military junta which stands accused of gross human
rights abuses, including the forcible relocation of civilians and the
widespread use of forced labour, which includes children.

It has faced international condemnation and sanctions.

Nerves

Having witnessed the abuses for himself Declan was chosen to address the
Pope about the situation in Burma by CAFOD - the Catholic Overseas
Development Agency.

Declan said: It's only the past two years I've been actively campaigning
and now I'm speaking in front of bigger audiences.

"It's quite an achievement for me but more so it's about getting Burma in
the international media."

But is he nervous about speaking in front of over 80,000 people?

"I'm trying not to think about it," he said. "I just have to think of the
children in Burma, the orphans that I've met, the fear in their eyes, and
think that doesn't even compare to what I'm going to go through."

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

September 13, The Guardian (UK)
Aung San Suu Kyi is my heroine – Stephen Tomkins

Aung San Suu Kyi inspires us with the value of democracy, of non-violence,
and of simple unbending courage.

Choosing a moral or religious leader to visit the UK throws up a number of
issues. The first is a temptation. There is more than one British person
on the various extremes of religious debate who I'd love to see as a
visitor to this country because then they'd go away again, but I think we
ought to be able to come up with something a little more positive than
that.

A second challenge is to make the choice count. In our globalised world –
if you'll excuse the tautology – the ease with which most leaders can and
do pop across the planet to visit each other and their flocks makes it
rather harder to think of people whose visit would be really significant.

That's why I'm going for Aung San Suu Kyi. It's not the only reason, but
neither is it the least, that for someone who has spent more than half of
the last twenty years under house arrest, her being free to travel abroad
would suggest a considerable improvement both in her personal
circumstances and those of her country.

A leader of the Burmese campaign for democracy in the face of a brutally
repressive military regime, she is a heroic figure, and one that inspires
hope as well as enormous admiration.

As for hope, she has helped to keep the campaign alive by her resilience
and perseverance after the bloody suppression of pro-democracy
demonstrations in 1988, the advent of martial law, and the failure of her
NLD party to take power after winning by a landslide in the 1990 election.
She continues to do so now after the disbanding of the party in response
to undemocratic new electoral laws in advance of this year's election.

She says of herself that she is not the be-all and end-all of the
campaign, but rather "a very useful figurehead". And of course the party
has other leaders besides her. But even if one accepts her modesty, her
symbolic role is vital in a country where the hope for change has such a
steep dark path to walk.

As for heroism, it is a matter not just of the length of her captivity but
of its cost. Much of her house arrest has been in solitary confinement,
kept apart from her husband, Michael Aris, and their sons. Even when Aris
was dying of cancer she was unable to see him, as he was not allowed into
Burma. Fearing she would never get back into the country if she once left,
she was forced to choose between her family and her cause.

Again she is by no means alone among leaders of the movement in her
self-sacrifice. Win Tin, another senior NLD member, spent 19 years in
prison; Min Ko Naing, chair of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions,
spent 15 years in prison; the NLD party chairman Tin Oo has just been
released after a decade in detention.

Nevertheless, thanks to her charisma and family heritage as daughter of an
assassinated national hero, her courage and commitment have extraordinary
resonance, both Burma and throughout the world.

Two invaluable things in particular Aung San Suu Kyi would bring to
Britain. One is an example of how religious commitment can make a
constructive contribution to public life. She is someone who has drawn
from the traditions of non-violent protest both in her own Theravada
Buddhism and in other religions, notably the campaigns of Ghandi and
Martin Luther King. She has also talked of how she has personally been
sustained through her years of confinement by the practice of meditation.

She is a challenge, on the one hand, to those who believe that religious
influence on politics is pernicious and illegitimate; and, on the other
hand, to those believers whose main contribution to public life is to
promote their own church rather than being driven by their faith to fight
for justice and peace.

The other invaluable thing she would bring to Britain is a reminder of the
preciousness of democracy. A country where 65% turnout at a general
election is a marked improvement should have trouble looking a hero like
her in the eye.
____________________________________


September 13, The Nation (Thailand)
Burma election Monitors question unfair practices

In barely two months, elections will be held in Burma, generating
significant attention worldwide. The Union Election Commission (UEC)
announced on August 13th that the "multiparty elections in Burma will be
held on November 7, 2010." There have been a number of developments in the
days preceding the announcement of the election date, which deserve
serious attention from all democracy-supporting citizens of the world.


>From its position as a regional election observation group supporting

democratisation through a free and fair electoral process, the Asian
Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) considers it important to make its
position clear on the issue of democracy in Burma.

First and foremost, it emphasises that election observation is possible
only if conditions are free and fair and in sync with the international
principles guiding a democratic electoral process.

In this context ANFREL, and other election monitoring organisations within
Asean, and also those that share similar concerns in Asia – have called
for a review of the election regulations, orders and practices on
electoral contests, regarding the basic rights of parties, candidates and
voters. The UEC of Burma must stop all attempts by political parties to
misuse state resources in their favour and also for other campaign
failings, otherwise the UEC's actions cannot be considered neutral and
non-partisan.

Over the last month records speak for themselves on the undue restrictions
on campaigns by certain political parties and alliances, which clearly
violate the three basic rights—freedom of expression, assembly and
association. These are the basic tenets of democracy and have to be upheld
at any cost.

In any democratic process, all parties and candidates should have the
right to comment or criticise other parties on their policies and their
past performances. Opposition and new parties must be given sufficient
room to fully showcase and introduce themselves to the public without
threat, obstruction or violence.

A case in point of a single party holding an unfair advantage is that of
the United Solidarity Democratic Party (USDP) which is a proxy of USDA and
the military. This political party has had much more opportunity than
others in meeting people, directly or indirectly to introduce its members.
It has also been accused of using state facilities and human resources in
the campaign.

The unfair advantage the USDP enjoys with its political status and powers
to recruit members– by manipulation or by force – is unacceptable. Its
media control and populist policies, which have been designed to favour
the USDP, need to be questioned as they give it an unfair advantage over
other parties.

The way things have shaped up during the run up to the election indicate
the UEC is not able to work independently or freely, reflecting on its
compo sition of 17 commissioners selected by the junta. Aside from this,
the 12 organisations signatory to this statement have all indicated the
Burma election will not be credible because:

1. The military is too involved in the election

2. The media is not free and under total control and censorship

3. Lack of transparency in absentee voting, advance voting and counting
ballot papers– especially restrictions on local observers.

4. Absence of a mechanism to check voter lists to prevent phantom voting,
double or multiple votes.

Finally, speculation that the election has been timed before the release
of Burma's democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has led to election
observation groups raising serious questions about the credibility of the
election.

Taking into consideration all developments so far, these organisations –
led by the oldest body in Asia, NAMFREL – have concluded that the Burma
election may not be acceptable to the international community, since every
development in Burma indicates strongly that the military junta is doing
anything but hold a democratic election. The objective of the military
seems to be clear – to win the coming election at all cost.

A dozen non-government groups across Asia including Poll Watch and ANFREL
have also called on Asean to review such doubtful forms of electoral
processes and ensure the election is more inclusive.
____________________________________

September 13, The Nation (Thailand)
Book Review – Burma's top dog

A Than Shwe biography confirms he's a bully - he's even missing the 'heart
lines' on the palms of his hands.

Ben Rogers wrote his book about Than Shwe "to shine a light on one of the
world's worst dictators". But, as he launched "Than Shwe: Unmasking
Burma's Tyrant" at the Foreign Correspondents Club in Bangkok recently, he
admitted to encountering limitations as well as challenges.

Access to Than Shwe and his inner circle was out of the question, he said,
though he did get "some quite amazing help from military defectors" who'd
known the general in earlier years.

UN diplomats also assisted, including Malaysia's Razali Ismail, who's had
dealings with the reclusive military chief.

Rogers, 36, works for Christian Solidarity Worldwide, a Britain-based
group that calls itself "A Voice for the Voiceless". He's gleaned his
insights during many visits to Burma's borders with Thailand, India, China
and Bangladesh.

These insights are fascinating, despite the lack of better sources.

Than Shwe - corrupted by a brutal military system, motivated by power, and
fearful of losing it and thus "exposing his family to revenge" - appears
to be "losing touch with reality", Rogers said, as seen in the regime's
paranoid and lethargic response to Cyclone Nargis.

He is, just the same, "a masterful expert at divide and rule".

Working in the War Office's Psychological Warfare Directorate was possibly
a key influence on his mindset, Rogers said. Than Shwe was quiet rather
than smart, and a mediocre soldier, on one occasion switching off his
radio rather than report failure on the battlefield to his commanders.

But Than Shwe was "very obedient", currying favour as a yes man to Ne Win,
his predecessor as Burma's leader, who "only liked followers". This humble
soldier, ironically, has become known in recent years for his "grotesque
extravagance".

"I think he changed with power," Rogers said. "He was less threatening
than his rivals on his rise to the top, but more intelligent than he's
given credit for."

Than Shwe surfs the Internet, reads Time magazine and watches Manchester
United on TV.

"Humour is not part of his nature," Rogers noted. He's usually
sullen-faced and, if the palm readers who've perused photos of his hands
can be believed, heartless.

"Most people have three creases on each palm - the heart, head and life
lines," Rogers said as he displayed an enlarged picture of the general
with his hand in the air.

"He has no heart line. In palm readers' eyes, he lacks sympathy and
empathy for other people."

Beyond that, Rogers said, there is "something deeply personal" in his
antipathy toward pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

"The generals resent her education. Indeed, she represents everything they
are not." Than Shwe believes "he is the 'father' and she is the
'daughter'". They once met face to face, and "after 10 minutes they had
nothing to discuss".

Than Shwe "clearly ordered a very brutal suppression" of the monks who
marched through the streets in September 2007 seeking reform, and it's
widely believed that many bodies of monks and supporters killed in the
crackdown were secretly cremated.

The top general was reportedly in "deep depression" at the time and
"refused to speak to anybody", but the atrocities have continued.

In eastern Burma more than 3,500 villages have been destroyed, rape has
been a "weapon" of war, children are forcibly recruited into the army and
soldiers push citizens ahead of them into fields that might be mined.

Rogers includes a chapter on crimes against humanity, recounting tales of
terrible atrocities on all borders - from Chin State on the Bangladesh
frontier and Kachin State in the north to Karen State. The Rohingya
routinely suffer, as does the environment.
Rogers believes the election coming up on November 7 is probably Than
Shwe's bid to secure for himself a position like that held by Ne Win 22
years ago - officially outside politics but retaining power behind the
scenes, "to protect himself, his family and his legacy".

"I don't have hope for him changing," the author said, "unless there was
very targeted pressure on him."

He's pessimistic about the elections, too. "I think they're a sham. The
election laws are worse than I ever expected."

Morale in the military's middle and junior ranks is extremely low, Rogers
said, and many would defect if offered some "protection".

"There's almost no affection for Than Shwe in the military."

By a Rangoon reader

-	Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma's Tyrant" by Benedict Rogers is published by
Silkworm Books and is available at most bookstores for Bt625.

____________________________________
INTERVIEW

September 13, Irrawaddy
Change lies in Junta Chief's death – Ko Htwe with Aung Lynn Htut

Aung Lynn Htut was born in Rangoon. He became a gazetted officer in the
army on Jan. 26, 1978. He was transferred to the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs in September 1999. He retired from the army in 2000. In 2005, Aung
Lynn Htut sought political asylum in the United States after serving as a
senior attache in the Burmese embassy in Washington D.C. Recently, an
account of his personal experiences in the Christie Island massacre was
widely read on the Internet. Lt-Gen Thura Myint Aung, who has been tipped
for the position of chief of staff of the Tatmadaw [armed forces], is said
to have been involved in the Christie Island massacre. He was a classmate
of Aung Lynn Htut at the Defense Service Academy (DSA). Irrawaddy reporter
Ko Htwe interviewed him about the massacre and recent officer reshuffle in
the Burmese army.

Question: Can you tell us about the massacre that occurred on Christie
Island in 1998?

Answer: It was concerned with the Indian intelligence agency. We had a
regular information exchange between the Burmese and Indian armies. Col
Great Wall of Indian intelligence, whose Burmese name was Myo Myint and
who was born in Burma, contacted us. We were informed that there were a
large numbers of weapons on an island close to the Thailand–Burmese
border. So, Snr-Gen Than Shwe ordered us to launch an army operation.
Under the command of the then Maj-Gen Thura Myint Aung, Col Zaw Min, who
was a tactical commander at that time and now is the joint
general-secretary of the Union Solidarity and Development Association
(USDA) and a minister, led the raid with one battalion.

What we found on the island were just 20 or 30 worn or battered guns. We
had been told that there were some hundreds of good-conditioned weapons.
You could hardly guess how long these guns had been left over. But, they
apprehended 59 people who were civilians and killed them. The most heart
rending thing was there were also some kids, ages between 4 and 6 years
and a mother who had just given birth, found among the dead civilians.
They were in fact just doing some small-scale logging business which they
illegally exported into Thailand.

Q: Was Thura Myint Aung a ringleader in that incident?

A: He was the commander of the army. Col Zaw Min was the one who carried
out the atrocious act. Navy commander Kyi Min and Air Force Commander
Myint Swe were also involved.

Q: Tell us about your personal experiences with the likely-to-be commander
in chief Thura Myint Aung during your service in the army.

A: Thura Myint Aung was in the 18th intake class of the DSA, and I was in
the 20th. We had four student companies at the academy, namely Aung Zaya,
Aung San, Bayintnaung and Anawyahtar. Each company was made up with
students from different academic years. I was in Aung Zaya company
together with him for two years. Since there were two Myint Aung in our
company, we called Thura Myint Aung "Dugyi" (Dumb). Naturally, he was not
a bad person, but friendly.

In 1983-84, Thura Myint Aung was honored with the high military title of
Thura for his outstanding work as captain in a fierce offensive against
Maethawar, a stronghold of the Karen National Union (KNU). After that he
served as general staff officer (GSO) at Special Operations Office under
Gen Chit Swe. Then he was reassigned to be a company commander at a
infantry battalion. Later, he was ordered to serve again as GSO Grade 2
under Gen Chit Swe.

Thura Myint Aung was the kind of person who followed orders exactly
without thinking about anything.

Q: What is your personal assessment regarding the recent military reshuffle?

A: In 1997, I encountered a similar event during my service at the War
Office that was the purge of some raking officers of the State Law and
Order Restoration Council (SLORC) before the current ruling military
council, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). Prior to the
purge, there were speculations that Gen Tun Kyi, Gen Myint Aung and Gen
Kyaw Ba would be dismissed based on stories about affairs with women and
corruption. One day before it happened, I was doing my routine as a duty
officer. In the early morning at about 4 a.m., Gen Tin Oo and Gen Khin
Nyunt were called to report to Snr-Gen Than Shwe. We expected something
unusual was about to happen.

Gen. Khin Nyunt and Gen. Tin Oo went straight upstairs to see Snr-Gen Than
Shwe and Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye. It was about a four-man meeting. Then at
8 n the morning all members of SLORC were summoned to attended a special
meeting.

All the generals rushed into the meeting, and they all were taken into one
room while Snr-Gen Than Shwe, Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aung, Gen Tin Oo and Gen
Khin Nyunt were in another room. Each general was asked to come to see
them one by one.

Later, we found out that they were harshly scolded and then dismissed.
They were even told that “if you do not obey the order, you will be thrown
into jail. Go back home, don't attempt to do anything. We will summon you
again when necessary.” Then they were escorted back home directly. All of
their personal security guards were removed, and they were put under house
arrest right away.

What I want to point out is that acting alone without consulting with
anyone is the nature of Snr-Gen Than Shwe. Another thing is before he
executes something, he intentionally generates some stories in public. He
then waits for others' responses.

In my opinion, Snr-Gen Than Shwe is a very meticulous person. I am sure he
acted alone on the recent reshuffle too and is calculating to manage the
fates of other generals. Sooner or later, he has to hand over his reign to
a new generation whom he most trusts in order to create a safe and sound
environment for himself. That's why he handed over to people like Thura
Myint Aung and Ko Ko.

Like I said earlier, Thura Myint Aung is not a merciful person and will
execute his superior's orders without thinking anything.

Min Aung Naing is also said to be one of the loyalists to Snr-Gen Than
Shwe. Assign him to replace Gen Thura Shwe Mann, joint chief of staff of
the armed forces, is an open challenge. Min Aung Naing and I graduated
from high school the same year, but he enrolled in the DSA one year before
I did. He is not a kind person or good-hearted person either.

Gen. Thura Shwe Mann was one of the victims of the purge. It could be the
reason that he became popular as a rising star among the influential
business community that supported him. According to my friend Win Naing
Kyaw before he was put into jail, Gen Thura Shwe Mann became more popular
after his trip to North Korea. Zaw Zaw of Max Company was among his
supporters. The business community allegedly said that the future of Burma
would not be in good shape in the hands of the two elders, which clearly
refereed to Snr-Gen Than Shwe and Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye, but the country
would be better off if younger generation like Gen. Thura Shwe Mann led.
In fact, Gen. Thura Shwe Man wasn't even aware of what others said. Of
course, Snr-Gen. Than Shwe and his wife Kying Kying were not happy with
such talk. The fate of Gen. Tin Aung Myint Oo seemed to be determined by
the fact of a fight between his son and Than Shwe's grandson, Nay Shwe
Thawy Aung.

Regarding Vice Snr-Gen. Maung Aye, there are a lot of untold problems
between him and Snr-Gen Than Shwe. Vice Snr-Gen Maung is a real soldier
and a battle-oriented person. Although he was a DSA graduate, all DSA
graduates were not on his side. He doesn't have much power or authority in
the army. Since he has been a serious drinker, it was reported that he
even consumed alcohol during the day time in 2008-9.

Whenever Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye wants to see Snr-Gen Than Shwe, he needs
permission first. Things got worse when they moved to Naypyidaw. He said
once when drinking that he could be as good a good chief of staff too. You
can't do or say reckless things in the army. If he does, he will follow
the path that Gen Khin Nyunt. Why? Because Snr-Gen Than Shwe has complete
control of all important armed forces and all authorities.

It is crystal clear that Snr-Gen Than Shwe has planned everything
according to what he wants. Look at the reshuffled generals! They are
unlikely to get reassigned as ministers like before. To contest the
election, it is almost impossible to organize in such a short time. So,
they are just waiting and trying to stay our of harm's way and hoping they
will get a place in the 25 percent of the military seats in the new
parliament.

It is indeed a purge in the army. There are particular problems between
Thein Sein and Snr-Gen Than Shwe because of their long service record and
family connections. I think they have known each other since they were
captains. That could be the reason Thein Sein was switched from prime
minister to party chairman.

I can safely say that Than Shwe has attempted to weed out all possible
rivalry in the army. For instance, Gen Ye Myint used to serve as personal
assistance to Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye. He also became unpopular because of
his failure to realize the border guard force plan. He also fell to the
purge.

If we look at the current command structure of the army, new blood is
coming in before the election. Commanders at the division command level
are the graduates from the 22nd 23rd and 24th Intakes. They are even about
two years younger than us.

Q: What impact will that have on the country?

A: The new leadership in the army is a younger generation, and they are
around 50 years old. We were brothers once in a time. I am sure that they
have a mind-set to go for changes, but they can't do it under the shadow
of Snr-Gen Than Shwe. I think only the death of Snr-Gen Than Shwe will
pave the way for changes.

Q: You have said that Lt-Gen Thura Myint Aung is not a person with mercy
but purely a soldier. Can changes be realized under the rule of such a
man?

A: I can assure that you he has no knowledge of politics or international
affairs, but Ko Ko does. Myint Aung is a rogue guy. But, you know when a
rogue guy turns soft, they can be handled easier than others. He is not
wily like Snr-Gen. Than Shwe.

Q: Can you tell us more about three or four of the generals who were
recently purged?

A: Gen Ye Myint used to be a personal assistance to Vice Snr-Gen Maung
Aye. Another one is Gen Myint Hlaing from Air Defense Command. They are in
shock. They don't know whether or not they will be included in the 25
percent military parliament quota, retired or dismissed completely. It is
hard to know because everything is handled by Snr-Gen Than Shwe alone.

Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo and Shwe Mann were also included in the
reshuffle list. As far as I know, Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo was closer
to Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye. After his son confronted Snr-Gen Than Shwe's
grandson, he unofficially lost his military authority as a quartermaster
general, but he remained in position of joint general-secretary 1 of the
SPDC. You can not say that he was officially dismissed from his military
position because we often had oral orders from him.