BurmaNet News, October 21, 2010

[Editor]

October 21, 2010 Issue #40617

QUOTE OF THE DAY
“I have to say that as a loyal Indian citizen, it breaks my heart to see
the prime minister of my democratic country—and one of the most humane and
sympathetic political leaders in the world—to engage in welcoming the
butchers from Myanmar and to be photographed in a state of cordial
proximity
 Nothing perhaps is more important right now as the day of the
phony electoral event approaches than global public discussion of the real
nature of the forthcoming electoral fraud
" – Amartya Sen, Nobel
Prize-winning economist and Harvard University professor (AFP, Irrawaddy).


INSIDE BURMA
AP: Myanmar court will hear appeal of democracy leader
DPA: Myanmar hoists new single-star flag amid constitutional confusion
DVB: Electioneering scandals plague USDP
Accuweather.com: Tropical Cyclone Giri (4B) Targeting Western Myanmar

ON THE BORDER
DVB: Thai police raid Mae La camp

ASEAN
AFP: Asian leaders to call for free Myanmar vote: draft

REGIONAL
Irrawaddy: Xi Jinping’s Burma question

INTERNATIONAL
Press Trust of India: Amartya Sen comes down heavily on India's Myanmar
policy
UPI: London stands up for Myanmar prisoners

OPINION / OTHER
Irrawaddy: China's ethnic-policy balancing act – Nyo Ohn Myint
Bangkok Post: Migrants win back passports – Sanitsuda Ekachai
Mizzima: Burma’s election: Why should the people engage? – Salai Andrew
Ngun Cung Lian & Salai Za Ceu Lian
NLM: Let's vote to choose reliable public representatives – Editorial



____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

October 21, Associated Press
Myanmar court will hear appeal of democracy leader

Yangon, Myanmar — Myanmar's highest court has agreed to hear a final
appeal to release opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest,
her lawyers said Thursday, pressing forward with the case despite her
scheduled release in less than a month.
The lawyers will give their argument before the Special Appellate Bench in
the new capital of Naypyitaw on Oct. 29, one of her lawyers, Khin Htay
Kywe, told The Associated Press. She said the date was posted at the High
Court Thursday after the chamber agreed Wednesday night to accept the
appeal.

The Nobel Peace laureate has already lost two appeals. Her 18-month house
arrest is set to expire on Nov. 13, a week after the country's first
election in two decades. There is widespread speculation the junta will
release the 65-year-old as an olive branch to the international community
after the polls, which it is expected to win.

"We believe that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be released on Nov. 13, but we
are pursuing this legal battle to prove her innocence," another of her
lawyers, Nyan Win, told reporters. He said he was "optimistic" that the
five-judge panel would overturn lower courts' rulings against his client.

Khin Htay Kywe said the court usually renders its decisions within two to
three weeks of hearing cases.

But a quick ruling granting Suu Kyi an early release would appear
unlikely, since court decisions almost invariably favor the government.
Granting her freedom would appear to threaten the junta's carefully
crafted plans for an orderly election by putting the spotlight on her and
her now-disbanded party's boycott of the polls, which the party claims are
unfair and undemocratic.

This will be Suu Kyi's last legal option in her bid to overturn her 2009
conviction for violating the terms of her house arrest for briefly
sheltering an American who swam uninvited to her home. She has spent most
of the past 15 years under house arrest.

Her trial drew global condemnation and her conviction was widely viewed as
designed to keep her detained through the polls.

Suu Kyi's lawyers have argued that her house arrest was unlawful since it
was based on provisions of the 1974 constitution, which was abolished
after a ruling military junta seized power in 1988, said Nyan Win.

Myanmar, also known as Burma, has been under military rule since 1962. The
elections of 1990 were swept by Suu Kyi's party but the military refused
to relinquish power.

____________________________________

October 21, Deutsche Presse-Agentur
Myanmar hoists new single-star flag amid constitutional confusion

Yangon - Myanmar's junta Thursday ordered the hoisting of a new national
flag as specified by the country's new constitution, even though it is not
yet in force, leaving many baffled.

'We received instructions to change the new flag at exactly 3 pm,' one
government official who requested anonymity told German Press Agency dpa.

State radio and television announced the flag change as breaking news.

'There may be some astrological thing,' one official speculated. Myanmar's
military supremo Senior General Than Shwe is thought to lay great
importance on numerology and astrology when planning the timing of
political developments.

Myanmar's new flag has three horizontal bands of yellow, green and red
colours, with a large white star in centre. It replaces the old red flag
with a blue corner containing 14 white stars in a circle around a cogwheel
and a rice plant.

Government offices around the country hoisted the new flag simultaneously.

In Naypyitaw, the new capital, Prime Minister Thein Sein attended the
raising of the new flag at government offices. Yangon Mayor Aung Thein Lin
oversaw a similar ceremony at the city hall, witnesses said.

The military-backed constitution, which includes the description of the
new flag, will not go into effect until a new parliament is elected in
polls scheduled for November 7.

____________________________________

October 21, Democratic Voice of Burma
Electioneering scandals plague USDP – AKT

Farmers in Burma’s northern Kachin state claim the party led by Burmese
Prime Minister Thein Sein is collecting votes in advance for the looming 7
November elections.

It comes as opposition politicians complain about controversial
electioneering tactics by the Union Solidarity and Development Party
(USDP), which is widely tipped to win the polls. The party has already
been accused of illegal vote collecting in southern Burma.

“The USDP took people’s ID card [details] when drawing lists of party
members,” said Than Than Nu, secretary of the Union Democracy Party (UDP),
who is currently campaigning in Mandalay division’s Amarapura township.
The UDP is fielding only three candidates, while the USDP has more than
1,100.

“Some people actually thought [they had already voted USDP] when they
joined the party and that they could now no longer vote for other parties
so we had to explain that voting will be done in a ballot system,” she
added.

The accusations resonate among villagers in rural Kachin state, who say
that entire areas are being issued with USDP membership cards.

“Now the whole village is being issued the member cards,” said a farmer on
a banana plantation in Momauk township. “It’s hard to find jobs here so
people have no choice but to work on a banana farm run by the Chinese
company.

He said that the USDP’s candidate in Momauk, Yon Mu, told farmers they
must have USDP cards to work on the plantation. While Yon Mu, an ethnic
Chinese, is known to have become rich through his ownership of a jade
mine, it is not clear whether he has links to the banana company.

A USDP campaign in Magwe division has been cancelled after local
authorities complained that the party was using a community hall for a
meeting, which is illegal under Burmese law. A protest by locals in
Yaynanchaung town led to its cancellation.

Advanced voting collecting is already underway in Thailand and Japan,
which have significant Burmese migrant populations. The casting of votes
by exiled Burmese before the 7 November is legally allowed.

Additional reporting by Nang Kham Kaew

____________________________________

October 21, Accuweather.com
Tropical Cyclone Giri (4B) Targeting Western Myanmar – Jim Andrews

Flooding rain and destructive winds will threaten western Myanmar as it
takes a hit from Tropical Cyclone Giri (TC 4B).

Thursday morning, EDT, the center of Giri was located about 130 miles
southwest of Kyaukpyu, Ramree Island. The cyclone was drifting towards the
northeast at less than 5 mph with highest sustained winds of 55 to 60 mph.

Landfall of Giri on the coast of Myanmar, also known as Burma, is forecast
to happen early on Friday, EDT, at or near Ramree Island. The site of
likely landfall lies between Chittagong, Bangladesh and the Myanmar
capital, Yangon (or Rangoon).

Some information suggests that T.C. Giri will strengthen markedly during
the relatively short span of time before landfall and could land with
hurricane intensity.

At the same time, indications are that Giri will have a tight wind field
with high winds confined a rather narrow swath along the direct path.

One way or another, this storm poses a serious threat to life and property
in the region. Fishers in small boats will be at great risk. There will
also be a threat of wind-borne destruction and a tidal surge near the
storm's landfall.

A wider area, mostly between the coast and the Arakan Mountains, will be
prone to excessive rain and flooding.

Storm impact for the flood-prone Irrawaddy RIver Delta and the city of
Yangon should be minor barring a big southward shift in storm track.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

October 21, Democratic Voice of Burma
Thai police raid Mae La camp – Naw Noreen

More than 100 Thai police carried out a surprise raid at the Mae La
refugee camp yesterday following a tip-off that drugs and firearms were
being stashed there.

The early-morning raid on the most populous camp along the Thai-Burma
border netted only three shotguns and a small amount of marijuana. Around
20 people were arrested, said the camp’s director, Saw Htun Htun.

The majority of those detained have now been released, while the owner of
the house where the marijuana was found remains in custody at a police
station in Thailand’s western Tha Song Yang district.

The Mae La camp is home to around 45,000 Burmese refugees, the majority of
whom have fled conflict in neighbouring Karen state. Nearly 150,000
Burmese live in nine official camps along the border.

Saw Htun Htun speculated that the raid may have been carried out in
preparation for a visit to the camp by a senior Thai government official
on Friday.

The identity of the official is unknown, he added, but the visit could be
related to remarks made last month by Thai foreign minister Kasit Piromya
that refugees may be repatriated following the 7 November elections in
Burma.

The remarks prompted international outcry, but the foreign ministry
quickly sought to limit the damage by claiming that Kasit was
misinterpreted and there was no plan to send the refugees back.

Rights groups have long said that conditions in areas of return remain
dire. Karen state has hosted a 60-year conflict between the opposition
Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and Burmese junta, and the region
remains littered with landmines. Karen civilians are often accused of
being KNLA-collaborators and subjected to vicious treatment by Burmese
troops.

Along with the refugees in the border camps – many of whom are restricted
to within the camps’ perimeter fences – an estimated three million Burmese
live in Thailand, with many working illegal in low-skilled industries.

____________________________________
ASEAN

October 21, Agence France Presse
Asian leaders to call for free Myanmar vote: draft

Hanoi – Asian leaders at a summit next week will call for free, fair and
inclusive elections in Myanmar, a draft communique obtained Thursday says.

Presidents and prime ministers from the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN) and six neighbouring countries are to meet in the
Vietnamese capital on October 30, about one week before Myanmar's vote.

The November 7 ballot is the country's first in two decades but is
dismissed by critics as a sham to entrench military rule.

"We underscored the importance of national reconciliation in Myanmar and
the holding of the elections in a free, fair, and inclusive manner, thus
contributing to Myanmar's stability and development," says the draft
chairman's statement of the East Asia Summit (EAS).

Myanmar's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is under house arrest -- due
to end days after the election -- and will not participate in the ballot.

Western governments as well as UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon have
repeatedly said the vote will not be credible unless Suu Kyi and other
opponents are freed.

ASEAN, whose membership includes Myanmar, has made repeated calls this
year for free, fair and inclusive polls but has not specifically called
for Suu Kyi's participation.

Although ASEAN makes decisions by consensus and has a principle of
non-interference in members' affairs, Myanmar has been a source of
embarrassment for more democratic members of the bloc.

Damien Kingsbury, a Southeast Asia specialist at Australia's Deakin
University, said that although Indonesia might raise the Myanmar election
issue at the summit, possibly with support from the Philippines, "it's not
going to change anything".

There will not be any ultimatum issued to Myanmar from the bloc, he said.

EAS, established in 2005, is a forum for dialogue on strategic, political
and economic issues involving the 10 ASEAN members as well as Australia,
China, India, Japan, South Korea and New Zealand.

____________________________________

____________________________________

____________________________________
REGIONAL

October 21, Irrawaddy
Xi Jinping’s Burma question – Wai Moe

With his appointment to vice chairman of China's Central Military
Commission at the end of the fifth plenary session of the 17th Central
Commmittee of the Communist Party in Beijing on Monday making him the most
likely successor to President Hu Jintao in 2011, Vice President Xi Jinping
will play a crucial role in relations between China and Burma.

The relationship between Xi Jinping and the junta did not have an
auspicious start when Xi visited Burma in December 2009, four months after
junta forces overran the the territory of the Kokang ceasefire group
called the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and caused
about 37,000 Kokang-Chinese refugees to flee across the border into China.

Xi Jinping meets with Than Shwe in Naypyidaw, December 2009. (Photo: Xinhua)
After Xi met Burmese junta supremo Snr-Gen Than Shwe and other top
generals in Naypyidaw, China’s Xinhua News Agency reported that Xi told
his Burmese counterpart that Beijing hoped to see “political stability,
economic development and national reconciliation” in Burma.

Xi also highlighted Beijing’s concern over ethnic conflict in Burma,
telling Than Shwe that “China believes the Myanmar [Burmese] side would
settle the relevant problems through peaceful ways such as dialogues and
consultations so as to guarantee the stability in its border area with
China.”

Military sources in Naypyidaw said that Than Shwe and deputy Vice Snr-Gen
Maung Aye were angry following the meeting with Xi, though this was not
reported in the media.
Than Shwe's displeasure with Xi was one of the reasons for his being more
circumspect in relations with China, choosing China's main regional rival,
India, as the first destination in his 2010 pre-election tours, Naypyidaw
sources said.

The change in Beijing’s tone toward the Burmese junta started before the
Kokang incident, however. Although the Chinese government believes only
military rule can guarantee stability and their interests in Burma, doubts
began to form following the mass demonstrations in September 2007,
observers said.

“The Chinese have changed their tone,” said a senior official in Naypyidaw
speaking on condition of anonymity. “They no longer blindy support us and
have become more critical following their own interests in our country.”

Naypyidaw officials rule out major changes in China's Burma policy under
the new leadership, however, saying that China's long-term policy is based
on national interest rather than personal relationships. But the
relationship has not always been smooth.

Though expressed privately rather than in public, Burmese criticism of
Chinese officials in late 2007 and 2008 during bilateral meetings in
Beijing and Naypyidaw was continuous and culminated in the junta's
postponement of the Sino-Burmese gas and oil pipelines project from early
2009 to late 2009, said official sources in Naypyidaw.

The pipeline delay was the second junta rebuff to China despite prior
agreement over bilateral projects. The first took place in 2001 during a
visit to Burma by Jiang Zemin when Than Shwe withdrew from a waterway
project along the Irrawaddy River to be built with Chinese aid.

China-Burma relations have become more acute as war clouds gather over the
Sino-Burmese border due to the cease-fire ethnic armed groups rejection of
the junta's plan to place their independent militias under Burmese army
control as border guard forces.

With the junta using terms like “insurgents” to describe the Kachin
Independence Organization and with hostile incidents and actions between
the junta forces and armed ethnic groups becoming more frequent, the
Sino-Burmese border looks increasingly less stable.

When Xi becomes the Chinese president in 2011, the ethnic issue is one of
the questions he will have to tackle in his dealings with Naypyidaw. The
issue will be especially hard since the Chinese leadership may find it
difficult to betray former comrades trained by the People’ Liberation Army
who formed the ethnic armed militias on the Sino-Burmese border.

Burma's strategic position between China and the Indian Ocean is forcing
China to look beyond bilateral considerations to geopolitical competition
between China, the US, India and the nations of Southeast Asia, however.

With Burma's position paramount to China's energy security, China is
concerned with what seems like a returning US interest in Southeast Asia
under the Obama administration after years of relative neglect during the
previous Bush administrations.

With the Obama administration talking about “strategic dialogue” with
Burma, the junta expects the US may increase its engagement with a
post-election Burma whether there is real political change or not,
according to government officials in Naypyidaw.

“We expect Washington will be more engaged. That doesn't mean they are
crazy about us, of course. But we can't ignore the neighbors,” said a
foreign ministry official in Naypyidaw.

Hanging over both Chinese and US attitudes towards Burma, however, is the
specter of Naypyidaw's increasing ties in recent years with Pongyang as
Burmese generals have warmed to North Korea's Songun (military first)
leadership rather than China's collective one.

On Wednesday, Pyongyang’s Korean Central News Agency reported that
Rangoon's Mayor Aung Thein Lin marked the ruling Worker's Party of Korea's
65th anniversary by saying the party had become most sacred under the
outstanding Songun leadership of Kim Jong Il, leading the Songun
revolution to one victory after another.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

October 21, Press Trust of India
Amartya Sen comes down heavily on India's Myanmar policy

Nobel laureate Amartya Sen on Thursday rapped India over its Myanmar
policy, saying the country "completely abdicated" its responsibility on
morality after getting a "bit of power" and pleaded for global scrutiny of
the November 7 general elections under the military junta.

Sen, a vocal critic of the ruling military regime in Myanmar, termed the
policies of India, China and Thailand with regard to Burma as
"exceptionally crude and valuationally gross".

India's policy on Burma "is partly in imitation of China, which is
increasingly dominated by much narrower national concerns than those that
moved Gandhi, Nehru and Tagore," Sen, who spent part of his childhood in
Myanmar, said in his keynote address to a conference on Myanmar at the
prestigious Johns Hopkins University.

"When our power to influence the world was zero, we spent our time
lecturing the world on morality. And when we get a bit of power, although
not as much as China, then we completely abdicated that responsibility,"
76-year-old Sen said.

Highly critical of India for hosting the Myanmaere military leadership in
New Delhi, he said: I have to say that as a loyal Indian citizen, it
breaks my heart to see the prime minister of my democratic country and one
of the most humane and sympathetic political leaders in the world engage
in welcoming the butchers from Myanmar and to be photographed in a state
of cordial proximity."

Sen said he is also concerned that public discussion in India on the
Burmese situation has been near absent.

"This is not because of any government restriction on such discussion," he
added.

"The problem arises rather with the change in the political climate of
India in which narrowly defined national interest – what is taken to be
national interest – gets much loyalty and in this India's past propensity
to lecture the world on global political morality is seen as a sad... of
Nehruvian era," Sen rued.

The Noble laureate called for the immediate launch of a United Nations
investigation into alleged crimes against humanity by the junta, which is
being pushed by a number of western countries including the United States,
Britain and France.

The main reason for holding the elections by the military junta, he said,
is to "whitewash the entire world and alleged that they are not serious in
making any changes in Burma."

"Nothing perhaps is more important right now as the day of the phony
electoral event approaches than global public discussion of the real
nature of the forthcoming electoral fraud," he said.

"The expressions of pious hope that things can change after the election
are totally contrary to reasoned analysis about what's going on in Burma,"
Sen said.

____________________________________

October 21, United Press International
London stands up for Myanmar prisoners

London – London stands in solidarity with democracy advocates in Myanmar
and calls for the release of all political prisoners, the British foreign
secretary said.

British Foreign Secretary William Hague said he was standing in solidarity
with the estimated 2,100 political prisoners held by the military junta in
Myanmar.

Hague said he was highlighting 44-year-old Ko Mya Aye, who was sentenced
to 65 years in prison in 2004. The foreign secretary added that reports
say the activist was tortured while in custody and suffers from poor
health.

"The continued detention of Ko Mya Aye and of more than 2,100 other
political prisoners in Myanmar is deplorable," said Hague in a statement.
"I urge the military regime to release all political prisoners immediately
and unconditionally and respect the human rights of Myanmar's people."

Myanmar has elections next month that military leaders say opens the door
to civilian leadership. Military officials are guaranteed a substantial
number of seats in the next parliament, however.

Members of the international community continue to press Myanmar
authorities to release opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate
Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest.

The United Nations said her release, as well as the release of other
political prisoners, would be a welcome confidence-building measure from
the military junta.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

October 21, Irrawaddy
China's ethnic-policy balancing act – Nyo Ohn Myint

Junta dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe is carefully and slowly moving away from
20 years of iron-fisted rule. Chinese influence, especially in the area of
ethnic issues, could prove to be critically important.

Chinese president Hu Jintao publically supported Than Shwe during his
state visit to Beijing in September, by essentially endorsing Than Shwe's
roadmap to a civilian dictatorship.

As one of the richest countries in the world with US $2.6 trillion in
reserves, China recently provided Burma with $4.2 billion in loans with no
interest.  China is seeking  to counter potential US influence in the
region. As a result of increased competition between the US and China in
Asia, regional countries expect the Americans to seek greater consultation
and coordination on key issues.

China and Burma both have in common governments that keep a tight rein on
political freedom, free speech and a free press.

However, the Burmese generals face problems that China, so far, has been
able to avoid. Burma has real problems among the ethnic cease-fire groups,
who are working to create more political space and autonomy along the
Sino-Burma border.

China has been working to defuse a potential civil war, while balancing
its interests among the ethnic groups and the military generals. Whether
or not, China will be seen as an influence which can prevent anticipated
renewed fighting in the months after the Nov. 7 election remains to be
seen.

Some observers see the autonomous regions of China's ethnic groups as a
potential model that could be emulated in Burma, but so far such an
approach has gained little interest within the junta.

China has its own ethnic Kachin, Wa, Kokeng and Shan living in Yunnan
Province who enjoy greater freedoms that their fellow ethnics living in
Burma, who are still treated like  third-class citizens .

Also, as a potential model for Burma, China has experimented with
political and social reforms to stimulate economic development, while
Burma’s generals are still living in the 19th century with a dormant
economy.

Presumably, China’s policy towards Burma will remain constant following
the November election and the formation of the parliament. No doubt China 
hopes the election will create a new political structure and more power
sharing between the parliament and the junta, which can defuse the serious
problems in ethnic regions and avoid all-out war. How that hope will play
out in light of Than Shwe's history of running a one-man show is the
question of the moment.

The Chinese strategy of balancing its need for Burma's resources while
pressuring the junta to negotiate with cease-fire groups to avoid war is
the issue that will dominate relations between the two countries following
the election.


Nyo Ohn Myint is an exiled Burmese dissident based in Thailand.

____________________________________

October 21, Bangkok Post
Migrants win back passports – Sanit suda Ekachai

The days of fear and submission are over for Eh Mon and some other 900
migrant workers from Burma. An ethnic Shan woman held on tightly to her
passport and work permit as she left a factory in Khon Kaen for another
plant in Samut Sakhon province.

"I don't know what the work situation is like over there. But with the
legal documents I now have, at least I can go places freely without fear
of being arrested and deported," said the 38-year-old mother whose dream
is to earn enough money to support her three children in the war-torn Shan
state.

Eh Mon is among the migrant workers who staged a week-long work stoppage
at Dechapanich Fishing Net Factory in Khon Kaen last month, to demand the
minimum wage and the return of their passports and work permits, which had
been confiscated by their employers.

All of them are the first batch of legal migrant workers who have passed
the complicated nationality verification process to obtain passports and
two-year work permits. The fees cost them an arm and a leg in exchange for
legal protection. Their expectations were high. But they found themselves
stuck in the same work conditions. Pay below minimum wage. Debt bondage.
Confiscation of legal documents. And a life plagued by fear of police
extortion and deportation.

The last straw came when they discovered that many of their passports were
carrying someone else's photos. The anger was fuelled by fear of
imprisonment should they be arrested for forging legal documents. "That
was why we wanted to keep our documents ourselves," she said.

Theirs was the longest strike ever in the country by migrant workers. The
defiance of the usually submissive workforce took the employers and the
labour authorities by surprise.

Meanwhile, all eyes in the labour sector anxiously watched how the strike
would end. If the Dechapanich workers were defeated, so would the
government's efforts to solve the problem of underground migrant labour
through nationality verification and the issuance of passports and work
permits, fail.

Of the estimated 3-4 million migrant workers here, only some 130,000 of
them have completed the complex and costly process. But without legal
rights and work security, it will be hard to convince the majority of
migrant workers to become legal.

But if the workers won, the employers would certainly not take it lying down.

At first, the Dechapanich employers seemed to have the upper hand.
Immigration authorities revoked the workers' visas and were ready to
deport them back to Burma - a lesson for those who dared ask for justice.

But with legal intervention from human rights activists and lawyers,
Immigration finally agreed to reactivate their visas. The employer
grudgingly agreed to return their passports and to start paying the
minimum wage.

The victory was short-lived. A series of intimidation tactics and
mysterious gunfire awaited the workers when they returned to work.
Officials turned a blind eye. The workers decided to resign in droves,
confident of their two-year visa and future work opportunities, only to be
slapped immediately with the threat of deportation.

The labour officials insisted that the workers' visas ended when their
work ended, that they could not simply change employers as they pleased
and that migrant workers did not have the same legal rights as other
expatriates.

After being reminded by labour rights lawyers that the vague laws left the
door open to lawsuits against state negligence, the labour officials later
reluctantly softened their stance and gave the workers seven days to find
a new job, or face deportation.
With widespread shortage of cheap migrant labour following a nationwide
crackdown, other factories welcomed the former Dechapanich workers with
open arms.

But if Eh Mon and co-workers face the same labour abuse again, they will
have to struggle with vague labour laws and legal interpretations plagued
by ethnic prejudice, all over again.

Eh Mon is not worried, not for now. At least her fight shows the employers
it is illegal to hold workers hostage through passport confiscation, she
said. "Thai workers also suffer labour exploitation, not us alone. We just
have to keep fighting for what is right."

Sanitsuda Ekachai is Assistant Editor, Bangkok Post.
____________________________________

October 21, Mizzima News
Burma’s election: Why should the people engage? – Salai Andrew Ngun Cung
Lian & Salai Za Ceu Lian

Burma’s ruling military regime, the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC), consistently trumpets its adherence to a “seven-step roadmap to a
flourishing democracy.” However, detractors believe that this roadmap
merely perpetuates the aim of legitimizing military rule. Nevertheless, in
accord with its self-imposed obligation the SPDC has set an election date
of November 7, 2010.  This has set off a heated debate among democratic
opposition leaders and activists as well as international and regional
stakeholders over whether or not Burma’s people should participate in the
election.

Among advocates of democracy there are those who cautiously support the
idea of an election and those who do not. Those who oppose the upcoming
general election argue that participating in the election endorses the
2008 constitution, drafted over the course of fourteen years by the
military regime’s handpicked legal experts. Most detractors view the
constitution as purely an attempt at perpetuating military rule. On the
other hand, there are those who cautiously support the general election,
viewing it as one step among many leading to the eventual restoration of
democracy for Burma. These cautious supporters acknowledge the failure of
the democratic opposition to impede the military regime from pursuing its
declared political objectives, including the seven-step roadmap to
democracy. Regardless of what position one takes, both camps have a shared
interest and a common destiny: they abhor the military dictatorship and
yearn for democratic reform in Burma.

As we pursue our shared goal of democratizing Burma, whether we are native
Burmese or friends in the international community, it is imperative that
we come up with workable ideas and adopt a realistic approach that will
gradually but surely lead Burma to full-fledged democracy. As we have
witnessed over the 20 years following the 1988 people’s uprising, our
grand strategy of pressuring the military regime to democratize through
unilateral sanctions, isolationism and political statements is
ineffective. A realistic approach involves pursuing incremental change by
employing conditional engagement, applying internal force with the support
of external forces. Knowing that democratic reform inside Burma must come
from within, we must support the use of multi-pronged pressure, but
especially from inside Burma. Therefore, we believe that the upcoming
election is one of many avenues through which people inside can assert
pressure on the military government.

Prospective elected Members of Parliament for State, Division, and Union
legislatures who embrace our strategy of gradual change can assert
pressure on the military government toward the advent of democratic ideals
and practices. In the days ahead, raising objection to the initiatives of
the military regime without providing alternatives relevant to the
changing political condition inside Burma would reduce the efforts of the
democratic opposition to merely symbolic in gesture. This is not, however,
to dismiss the fact that the military regime will of course do whatever it
can to safeguard its own interests and benefits. The 2008 constitution
reflects the military’s commitment to entrenching and defending military
rule.  In each of the four legislatures, 25 percent of seats are reserved
for the military. Furthermore, the constitution also stipulates the heads
of all the most powerful governmental departments will be filled by people
with a military background. And even worse, any amendment to the
constitution has to be approved by more than 75 percent of legislators.
Thus, in practical terms, any future constitutional amendment demands the
support of the army. The entrenchment of military rule through the
constitution once again demonstrates that in any constitution reflects the
will of dominant group.

We concede that we cannot stop the military government from pursuing its
goals.  However, we are encouraged by the fact that the 2008 constitution
will be abrogated once we have a full-fledged democracy. Our own
historical experience of the abrogation of past constitutions attests to
this: the Government of Burma Act, 1935; the Union of Burma (1948); and
the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma all
ceased to exist with the changing of governments. Similarly, the 2008
constitution will sooner or later be retired to the dustbin of history.
Therefore, we urge fellow democratic forces not to get bogged down in
opposing the 2008 constitution just for the sake of opposing it, but
rather focus on fine tuning and re-strategizing the role of the opposition
following the 2010 election.

In formulating a future strategy for our democratic movement we strongly
suggest that incremental change is the most workable approach to
realistically lead Burma to full-fledged democracy.  Let’s reflect on
reasons why we should adopt this approach.

Thus far, attempts to isolate the military regime through sanctions have
not been effective. Sanctions without the support of regional powers such
as China, India, Japan and Asean have only a symbolic effect on the
military government. In contrast, regarding the experience of South
Africa, UN-imposed sanctions against the Apartheid regime were widely
supported by the international community. Burma’s opposition, however, has
failed miserably in achieving a common position at the international
level, making international sanctions against Burma impossible. Driven by
their own national interests, we can reasonably predict that regional
actors such as China, India and Asean countries will not join the call for
sanctions among Western nations. As such, we support the conditional
engagement policy of the Obama administration. By calling for conditional
engagement we believe that all international actors can maximize their
opportunity to pressure the military government from inside rather than
outside. Ultimately, this gives us a better chance of achieving the
outcome that we have long sought – the restoration of democracy.

As noted already, we have to embrace the concept that real change in Burma
will come from within. That includes a people's uprising, the same kind of
movement that has brought down authoritarian regimes in many countries.
However, we have twice seen such an uprising in Burma in which many
innocent lives were sacrificed, in both 1988 and 2007.  In both instances
a lack of competent opposition leadership contributed toward the failure
of the demonstrations. Now, after again witnessing the brutality of the
military government in violently cracking down on protesters, people
inside Burma are more frightened than ever. It is becoming harder to
envision another nationwide protest within a country that has one of the
largest armies in Southeast Asia.  Further, the massive military build-up
over recent years demonstrates that overthrowing the military regime
through armed struggle is out of question.

External pressure without engagement and internal pressure is, therefore,
no longer adequate. We need to focus on changing the political culture
inside Burma by recruiting and maximizing forces operating inside the
country. The goal would be to establish a political platform conducive to
introducing a democratic culture and practices where the ruling and
opposition parties can start engaging with each other through non-violent
means. Believing that the middle class can act as a major agent of change
for eventual democratic reform, we call for ways that will open up the
economy conducive to the rise of middle class. Subsequently, this middle
class will demand not only good and responsible government upholding the
supremacy of law, but will also want a right to have a say in who should
govern.

Furthermore, it is advisable for Burma-watchers to come to terms with the
lack of democratic traditions in the country, which have been almost
non-existent in the country’s political culture since achieving
independence in 1948. Throughout the annals of modern Burma, an
authoritarian culture and tradition of tyranny of the majority has
endured, whether under a democratic government or successive dictatorial
juntas.

Our analysis of the parliamentary democracy era from 1948 to 1962 has
exhibited that working relations between the dominant ruling party,
Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL), and opposition parties were
characterized by an atmosphere of non-cooperation, non-compromise and
non-engagement. Almost all bills introduced during this time by the ruling
party were opposed by the opposition, and vice-versa. Then, from 1962 to
1988 Burma was ruled by the military dictator Ne Win, whose government was
eventually buttressed by the advent of the Burmese Socialist Programme
Party (BSPP) and the promulgation of the 1974 constitution, which
enshrined single-party rule. Since 1988, the SPDC has held the reigns of
power.

However, unlike the BSPP constitution of 1974 the current constitution
allows for limited room to manoeuvre inside the legislatures. Though
admittedly, we do not know how much opposition members will be able to
advance opposing views and alter the democratic concept as presently
enshrined in the military mindset. But, one thing is certain in a
post-2010 election Burma, for the first time in 48 years military
representatives and elected legislators will be sitting together in a bid
to govern.

It is no secret that the military regime has taken and will continue to
take coercive actions in regard to the polling. To retain political
domination we understand that the SPDC and the Union Solidarity Develop
Party (USDP) will employ various tactics to distort the electoral result.
Like many of Burma's election watchers we are concerned over the fact that
the military government has shown no sign of accepting international
election observers. On the other hand, we also foresee that, given the
high stakes of tarnishing their credibility and reputation, international
observer teams might be disinclined to monitor Burma’s election so as to
avoid being seen as endorsing a rigged election. But, there is still
action that can be taken. For example, political parties taking part in
the election should submit a formal written appeal to the Union Election
Commission, requesting the formation of an election observer team that is
independent, impartial and non-partisan.

The establishment of such an election monitoring team, be it domestic or
international, should ensure that the electoral process is free and fair.
Moreover, separate from requesting the introduction of an election
observer team for the Union Election Commission, all candidates and
parties who register to participate in the election should also form an
informal self-monitoring election group, charged with the responsibility
to both closely monitor the electoral process and provide voter education.
Political parties and candidates, nevertheless, should also prepare to
challenge cases of irregularity and fraudulent activities with the Union
Election Commission.

In the Kingdom of Thailand there is a political joke saying, “If you don’t
vote, don’t complain for four years.” The people inside Burma should
exercise their democratic right to make an informed choice by voting for
candidates of their choosing. Simultaneously, candidates should prepare to
establish a new democratic political culture that will promote democratic
practices now extinct in Burma for nearly half a century.

____________________________________

October 21, The New Light of Myanmar
Let's vote to choose reliable public representatives – Editorial

Multiparty democracy general elections will take place on 7 November 2010,
which is a golden opportunity for the people to shape their own future. It
is therefore to vote for candidates capable of serving the interest of the
nation and the people. A democratic nation will be built with the
representatives-elect. So, constituents should be wise to make the right
choice.

Now, preparations have been made for holding free and fair elections.
Political parties have been formed in line with Political Parties
Registration Law. The 37 political parties include those of national races
such as Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Chin, Mon, Rakhine, Shan, Pa-O, Pa Laung and
Wa. Candidates to respective hluttaws number over 3000.

Candidates representing political parties and independent candidates are
canvassing for votes. Parties are presenting their policies, stances and
work programmes. That denotes political parties and candidates to hluttaws
are canvassing support from voters democratically and in accordance with
the law.

Electoral rolls have been on notice boards in respective wards and
villages in order that all eligible voters can enjoy the voting right. If
an eligible voter finds that his name is not on the voter roll yet, he can
claim in consistence with the rules to add his name to the voter roll.

Polling stations will open during the voting hours on the day elections
will be held. Voters can enter the polling station concerned together with
candidates to hluttaws, representatives of elections. After the electoral
process is over, votes will be counted in front of members of the polling
stations, people and candidates at the polling stations.

Now, all possible arrangements have been made to ensure free and fair
elections. To cast votes to build a democratic nation is a democratic
right which is now in the hands of the people. What voters should do is to
go to the polling stations and cast votes most wisely.