BurmaNet News, October 27, 2010

[Editor]

October 27, 2010 Issue #4070

INSIDE BURMA
Reuters Alternet: Myanmar storm leaves tens of thousands without homes, food
Irrawaddy: Than Shwe plans no retirement from power
Mizzima: Political prisoners hold little hope of release before polls
Mizzima: Junta accused of slowing, cutting Net ahead of polls
DVB: Oil blaze death toll soars
New Light of Myanmar: Attempted bomb attacks exposed due to public
cooperation

ASEAN
Reuters: Philippines dubs Myanmar election a "farce"

REGIONAL
AFP: Myanmar nuclear plan could speed up: scientist

INTERNATIONAL
AFP: Protesters in Japan decry Myanmar 'sham election' plan
VOA: Burmese in US oppose upcoming Burma elections

OPINION / OTHER
Washington Post: Burma's brutal repression continues with a sham election
– Editorial
Irrawaddy: How to win an election before it's held – Kay Latt

PRESS RELEASE
Pa-Oh Youth: Pa-Oh youth launch campaign to oppose damaging impacts of
Burma’s largest iron mine




____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

October 27, Reuters Alternet
Myanmar storm leaves tens of thousands without homes, food

Bangkok – At least 71,000 people have lost their homes and an estimated
177,000 have been affected by a cyclone that hit western Myanmar late on
Friday, leaving survivors in urgent need of food and water, aid agencies
said on Wednesday.

Cyclone Giri struck the west coast near the town of Kyaukpyu, packing
winds of 100-120 miles per hour (160-190 km per hour), according to the
Red Cross, and has caused 27 deaths so far in Rakhine state.

There is major damage to many roads, bridges, power lines and
telecommunications equipment, and tens of thousands of homes have been
partly or completely destroyed, aid workers said.

"Local authorities are reporting that 71,000 people are homeless," Andrew
Kirkwood, Save the Children's country director in Myanmar, told AlertNet.
"They have nowhere to live at the moment and some of them are still in
villages."

Temporary shelters have been set up in the main towns of Kyaukpyu and
Myebon, two out of the four most-affected townships, but "that's just a
drop in the bucket", Kirkwood said. The other two are Minbya and Pauktaw.

Aid agencies do not yet know the extent of the damage because the affected
areas are in isolated parts of the country, including islands. The Myanmar
Red Cross Society is currently carrying out an assessment.

Preliminary reports, however, show the impact is severe.

According to a Red Cross statement, almost three quarters of houses in
Kyaukpyu, a township with a population close to 190,000, have been
damaged.

The United Nations in Myanmar said 71 villages have been affected, and the
Red Cross told AlertNet power and phone lines are still down.

Survivors - most of whom make a living from fishing - have also lost their
boats and livestock.

FOOD RUNNING LOW

Save the Children's Kirkwood said the most urgent needs are food and water.

Aid groups - most are local organisations that have been helping survivors
since Saturday - have been buying food from Kyaukpyu and the Rakhine state
capital Sittwe, but food will run out soon in both places, he warned.

"We need to be bringing food from elsewhere in the country," he said. "But
in terms of logistics, getting relief supplies to these areas is very
difficult."

The mountainous road linking Rakhine with the neighbouring state of Magway
has yet to be cleared. A journey from Magway to Ann township in Rakhine -
normally a five-hour trip - took Save the Children 36 hours due to
landslides, Kirkwood said.

Another concern is over water points that have either been destroyed or
filled with seawater, according to aid agencies. As the monsoon season
comes to a close, there are concerns some villages may not have enough
drinking water.

Yet, despite the widespread damage to infrastructure, a higher death toll
was avoided "due to early warning and an extensive evacuation of a large
number of people carried out by the Government and the Red Cross", the
United Nations said.

The military government came under heavy criticism in 2008 for its slow
response to Cyclone Nargis, which killed more than 130,000 people.

"As we move forward, there are two important things to consider - an
assessment of needs and funding," said Bishow Parajuli, U.N. resident
coordinator in Myanmar.

"Obviously the continued cooperation and support from the government to
deliver humanitarian aid is vital ... but if we have no money we can't do
anything as humanitarian workers."

____________________________________

October 27, Irrawaddy
Than Shwe plans no retirement from power – Wai Moe

Though junta supremo Snr-Gen Than Shwe's plans for his post-election role
still remain uncertain after state-run media described him as the
commander in chief during the week, observers say at least two ways remain
for him to retain control of the country in the next 10 years.

Rangoon's business community suggest that Than Shwe might appoint himself
as the next president of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, becoming
the constitutional head of state while his loyal generals retain control
of the armed forces.

However, military sources in Naypyidaw said whether Than Shwe retires his
uniform or not, he  will control the armed forces as chairman of the
military council, much like the Central Military Commission of China and
North Korea.

The state-media’s reference to his position as the commander in chief
followed a near two-month silence after Lt-Gen Myint Aung was appointed as
his successor in the major military reshuffle in late August.

In recent days, state-run newspapers and broadcast media have described
Than Shwe as the junta chairman and the commander in chief in reports
about visits he made to rehabilitation projects in the Irrawaddy delta hit
by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008.

It was not the first time that the junta media has mentioned the military
positions of the two top generals, Than Shwe,77, and his deputy, Vice
Snr-Gen Maung Aye,73, since the August military reshuffle.

On Oct.5, The New Light of Myanmar noted the deputy Commander-in-Chief of
Defense Services, Maung Aye, separately met outgoing and incoming Chinese
and Thai military attachés to Burma in Naypyidaw on Oct.5.

This conflicts with earlier reports from military sources in Naypyidaw
that Than Shwe and his deputy signed their retirements from the armed
forces when other top generals including junta No.3 Gen Shwe Mann,
Secretary-1 Gen Tin Aung Myint Oo and other lieutenant generals were
ordered to retire from their military positions in late August.

“At the time, A Ba [“the grandfather” as Than Shwe is commonly called in
the military] also signed his retirement,” said a source in Naypyidaw. “So
other generals were prepared to retire from their uniforms saying 'even A
Ba has decided to take off his uniform.'”

“But A Ba's reversal of his resignation and that of his top deputy has
surprised many, who now see the earlier move as a 'pre-emptive strike' to
placate potential disgruntlement among military officers in Naypyidaw,” he
said.

The state media reports about Than Shwe's and Maung Aye's ranks in October
contradicted previous news about their retirement and replacement by loyal
generals, Lt-Gen Myint Aung, former adjutant-general, and Lt-Gen Ko Ko, a
former chief of Bureau of Special Operations-3.

Sources in Naypyidaw said Myint Aung and Ko Ko are attached to the War
Office and remain in waiting to take over their new positions, however.

Military officials in Naypyidaw, meanwhile, speculate that Than Shwe and
Maung Aye are retaining their top positions until after the election to
preserve unity among senior officers during the period of readjustment
after the August reshuffle.

Although Myint Aung and Ko Ko are tipped as successors for the Tatmadaw’s
top two positions, the state media has not mentioned them since late
August.

The most noticeable promotion in the reshuffle is that of Lt-Gen Min Aung
Hlaing, the former Bureau of Special Operations-2, who replaced Gen Shwe
Mann as joint-chief of staff (Army, Navy, Air Force).

Min Aung Hlaing has been seen accompanying Than Shwe to the Irrawaddy
Delta this week as well as on other tours in the country in recent months.
He also went with Than Shwe on state visits to India, China and Laos.

Whether Myint Aung or Min Aung Hlaing—both are in their 50s—succeeds Than
Shwe to the top slot, both are considered loyal.

How Than Shwe will retain control over Burma's power structure after he
resigns from the top post in Burma's military hierarchy remains in
question, however.

Some observers suggest that by designating the two young loyal generals to
the top ranks, Than Shwe will keep a grip on power for two electoral terms
and will not need to reshuffle the military for another 10 years, that is
assuming the deputies remain loyal to their master.

Observers express caution about all news and rumors emanating from the
military in Burma, however.

“All is speculation since Burma is a most secretive nation,” said an
editor of a private Rangoon journal. “Everything can change at the last
minute in an authoritarian state like this.”

“At present, only Snr-Gen Than Shwe knows the future of the leadership in
military-ruled Burma,” he said.

____________________________________

October 27, Mizzima News
Political prisoners hold little hope of release before polls

New Delhi – Burmese elections next month cannot be presumed free and fair
unless the military junta releases all political prisoners prior to
November elections and allows them to participate, a range of Burma
analysts, pro-democracy advocates and the UN have said.

“We believe that political prisoners including monks and students cannot
be released as long as the military junta rules the country,” a Burmese
monk said. Photo: Mizzima
As the military continues to jail many political prisoners, their role in
shaping the future political scene in Burma is fading almost completely.
Junta’s electoral laws bar prisoners from the vote.

In the world’s largest democracy, political activist Jaya Jaitly said
India allowed prisoners to vote, let them contest in parliamentary
elections and some even served in high government positions.

“If we give an Indian example, Indira Gandhi threw all opposition leaders
into jail in 1975. When the government announced elections, the leaders
could contest 
 despite their detention. George Fernandes was being
detained at that time as well. We took his photo and campaigned through
out the country in cars. Then he won with the second largest number of
votes. For that reason, why can’t someone join the vote whether detained
or living under house arrest?”

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon also called on the Burmese junta to
release political prisoners during his visit to Burma after Cyclone
Nargis. He reiterated his call in August this year, after the junta
announced the election date, and urged that all political prisoners be
released, adding that the election needed to include them to be free and
fair.

Ban further reiterated those calls said yesterday in Bangkok. He said that
while the UN was committed to long-term engagement with military-ruled
Burma that it was not too late to make next months election more credible,
Reuters reported.

The United Nations would work with the new government formed after the
much-criticised ballot on November 7, and that the junta could improve its
international image by releasing all political prisoners immediately, he
told a press conference at Government House in Bangkok.

“It’s not too late, even now. By releasing political detainees, [the
junta] can make this election more inclusive and participatory,” Reuters
quoted Ban as saying. “We will really be expecting this election will be a
free one, fair one and inclusive one.”
But the junta had made no signals of releasing political prisoners before
November 7, despite western democracies and regional countries such as
Indonesia and the Philippines adding their calls to the UN’s to make this
happen. Burmese parties and individual candidates have recently started
adding their voices for the release political prisoners, for the polls to
be inclusive.

Kaung Myint Htut, an individual candidate standing for a seat in the South
Okkalapa Township constituency said: “It is routine that political
prisoners are released after a general election. That is my dream, which
is quite possible 
 I wish they could be released today or tomorrow. They
could play a role assisting the election that is a turning point of our
country’s change. They can debate and discuss their views, which would be
a valuable contribution to the country’s freedom and self-determination.
If this doesn’t happen, I wish them to be released after the election. I
will continue to call for their release to be realised”.

However, Ashin Htarwara, a Buddhist monk who participated in the 2007
Saffron Revolution, was not holding out much hope that political
prisoners, student leaders and jailed monks would be released under the
Burmese military dictatorship.

“If the junta released [political prisoners] and called an election, we
could say the election was fair, instead of continuing to lock them up in
prisons. We’ve heard nothing so far from the junta about releasing
political prisoners,” the monk said. “The prisoners frequently being
released now are mostly criminals, which is why I’m deeply concerned about
the situation.”

NLD vice-chairman Tin Oo said better political change could be allowed to
happen if imprisoned political leaders were released and the junta started
a national reconciliation programme.

“We have opened the door. It would be better if the government released
political prisoners and sought dialogue to solve the problems. That is the
principle by which we stand,” he said.

Many prominent activists and opposition leaders are still serving or have
served lengthy terms in the junta’s infamous prisons, such as the NLD’s
Aung San Suu Kyi, Shan leader Khun Tun Oo, General Sai Htin, 88 Generation
Students leader Min Ko Naing, satirist Zargana, blogger Nay Phone Latt,
and the many other NLD leaders, activists and monks who participated in
the Saffron Revolution, which started in 2007 calling for decreased
commodity prices.

Despite the junta’s claims that there were no political prisoners in
Burma, the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political
Prisoners-Burma (AAPPB) had recorded that more than 2,010 prisoners
remained behind bars for their political beliefs.

The United Nations, international advocates, NGOs, activists and many
governments have frequently called on the Burmese junta to release all
political prisoners.

____________________________________

October 27, Mizzima News
Junta accused of slowing, cutting Net ahead of polls – Myint Maung

New Delhi – Burmese internet users on the Bagan Net provider are having
their connections cut regularly and when working, they slow to a crawl,
according to cybercafé owners and surfers.

With little more than a week until election day, Burma’s Bagan Net
internet service from Myanmar Teleport had been very poor for the past
three days, they said, adding that they had no warning of impending
difficulties.

“Bagan Net told us nothing 
 . The internet connection has been cut
frequently but we can access local websites such as Myanmar Times online
and People Magazine’s website. Although we could access our e-mail
occasionally, after 10 minutes of use, the connection breaks down.
Sometimes, we can use just about five minutes”, a cybercafé owner in
Kyauktada Township, downtown Rangoon, told Mizzima.

The Burmese junta’s severe censorship laws and poor development of
networks has earned Burma’s internet access environment the pejorative
nickname of the “Myanmar Wide Web”.

An editor from a weekly journal told Mizzima: “I think that the closer we
come to election day, the more often connections will be cut. I think
their [the Burmese junta’s] intention is to block the flow of information
out of the country. Not only internet connections, but also phone links
have been disturbed. People think the junta is doing it intentionally”.

Because of the poor internet connection, the number of Net users had
declined, another cybercafé owner said.

“Just a few people came to use the internet. They used to use Facebook and
Google Talk, but these days, they could not access them 
 my cybercafé has
nearly been empty,” the owner from Thingangyun Township told Mizzima.

An internet user said: “We can’t use the internet. Some cybercafés were
closed. One of my friends who needed a Departure Form [D Form] to go to a
foreign country, could not apply online as the government’s D Form site
was down. We haven’t been able to surf other sites as well. I went to many
cybercafés 
 but the connection was down at all of them.”

Web connections in Arakan, Kachin, and Karen states and Tenasserim,
Mandalay and Sagaing Divisions have also been very slow.

A Bagan Net employee said that he was unaware of when connections would be
restored.

An official in charge of the provider said connections were under
maintenance, according to a cybercafé owner in South Okkalapa Township,
Rangoon Division.

Since the monk-led “saffron revolution” of 2007, the junta has strictly
controlled access to the internet. During the anti-government protests
that year, the junta shut down all services out of the country, claiming a
break in an underwater cable.

Net users and observers have accused the junta of again disturbing
services intentionally as the election, to be held on November 7, draws
near.

Nearly 60,000 Burmese have their own internet connections, according to
figures from the Ministry of Communication, Post and Telegraph.

While Burma has been connected to the World Wide Web since 2000, the junta
considers use of the internet so threatening that just connecting can be
seen, under its laws, as a dissident act. The military government
restricts access using censoring software that blocks sites, especially
free online e-mail and pornography. The government also charges exorbitant
fees for access.

____________________________________

October 27, Democratic Voice of Burma
Oil blaze death toll soars – Naw Noreen

Up to 100 people are now thought to have died from injuries sustained when
an oil pipeline set ablaze in Burma’s central Magwe division last week.

Fourteen people were reported killed in the immediate aftermath of the
incident close to Nyaung Hla village. A local in the Myit Chay
village-tract where Nyaung Hla is located said that “only black pieces
remained of their bodies”.

But subsequent reports claim that the death toll is far higher, with at
least 100 now thought to have died.

“Many people died in the villages today [Tuesday]. Two more people died in
Aing Gyi village as well as six in Pakokku,” said another Myit Chay
resident. “There were 18 people [hospitalised] in Myit Chay and two died
[on Monday]. There were also about 40 people hospitalised in Kyun Chaung
and about 30 of them were in a critical condition.”

The hospitals were not available for comment.

The pipeline, which transports oil between Magwe division and Sagaing
division to the north, erupted on 24 October as locals were scavenging for
oil. Eye-witnesses said the force of the heat split the pipeline in two.

Engineers have been dispatched to fix the pipeline but locals claim
authorities are doing little to help the victims. Two trucks carrying new
pipes have arrived in the town accompanied by army and police.

____________________________________

October 27, New Light of Myanmar
Attempted bomb attacks exposed due to public cooperation

Nay Pyi Taw –The government is working hard for successful completion of
upcoming 2010 multiparty general elections that will take place soon,
while striving in cooperation with the people for national development,
peace and stability of the State and the rule of law.

But insurgents and minions of alien countries are committing terrorist
attacks in the country with the intention of undermining State’s peace and
stability and disrupting the elections.

Acting on the information given by the public, security force members
questioned a suspect Aung Myo Thu, 29, of Hlegu Township, who was found
near a PCO in front of Bago Degree College at 10 am on 14 October. The
investigations revealed that he was sent by Min Min Tun to take explosives
buried near Sacred Heart Church in Ward-8 of Oktha Myothit, Bago. Min Min
Tun (a) Lapyae (a) Khin Zaw was arrested at Hardaya tea house at 7.30 am
the following day in Zaingkanine (South) ward of Bago with the help of
local people.

Further investigation led to the arrest of Win Myint who stayed in Sacred
Heart Church in Ward-8 of Oktha Myothit, Bago and hid the explosives, Tun
Oo who attended a terrorist course in the other country and planted a mine
and blasted the office of Ward-8 Peace and Development Council in Bago on
29 September, 2010 and accomplice Kan Min Tha (a) Saya Kan (a) Francis.

According to the investigation, a plastic container with explosives in it
buried at the edge of Phaya Thonsu cemetery near the church was seized.

The explosives are (a) five blocks of 200-gram TNT, (b) 10 electric
detonators, (c) eight feet of string, (d) one 91 grenade with fuse, (e)
one remote control, (f) one time clock, (g) three battery-containers, (h)
one walkie-talkie and (i) one bulb.

Arrested terrorist Min Min Tun (a) Lapyae (a) Khin Zaw had a contact with
ABSDF terrorist Wai Lin Zin with the rank of a colonel and member Khin
Kyaw through an unidentified person who was onboard Yangon-Myawady express
bus on his way to Myawady to seek jobs together with his wife Ma Lay Lay
Thin and his nephew Naing Lin. Wai Lin Zin persuaded him to commit
terrorist attacks in the country and provided him with a house in a border
town of the other country and some food and gave him lectures on terrorist
attacks theoretically and practically and assigned him to blow up bombs in
Yangon International Airport and area of 10th Mile Ward in Yangon and gave
him 6500 baths (about 200,000 kyats) for terrorist attacks. Terrorist Min
Min Tun left Maesok on 9 October, 2010 and arrived back in Bago at 5.30 am
on 11 October. He met his friend Aung Myo Thu in Bago and persuaded the
latter to take part in terrorist attacks. Both of them were arrested when
Aung Myo Thu was asked to unearth the explosives.The explosives were sent
via the other country at the command of ABSDF member Aung Win Naing (a)
Steven (a) Tun Tun. He sent the explosive devices to Win Myint living in
the compound of Sacred Heart Church in Ward-8, Oktha Myothit, Bago,
through KNU insurgents. They first planned to blow up Yangon International
Airport and around 10th Mile Ward.

They would plan to detonate bombs at staterun factories and workshops and
public places in Yangon, Mandalay and Nay Pyi Taw. Now, authorities
concerned are trying to expose the culprits at large and taking action
against the arrested culprits in accord with the law.

According to investigation, it is learnt that Aung Win Naing, a favourite
of KNU, has been doing destructive acts since 2008. He brought arms and
ammunition and explosives to the country about five times from May 2008 to
July 2010 under the arrangement of Wai Lin Zin with the rank of Lt-Col of
ABSDF and Khin Kyaw and gave them to Win Myint.

When the explosives were sent to Win Myint for the third time, people’s
guerilla Kyaw Zay Lin (a) Ko Hsai together with Aung Win Naing took out
those explosives and planted seven time bombs near Myanmar John A Garment
Factory in Shwepaukkan Myothit and in the compound of Asia Optical Factory
in Mingaladon Township on the night of 16 September, 2009.

Acting on the public information, authorities concerned arrested Kyaw Zay
Lin at the Fifth Light Book Shop in Kontalabaung Village in Mingaladon
Township, Yangon, at 10 pm on 22 January, 2010. The search of the book
shop and its home led to the seizure of a Spanish-made Austra .32 pistol,
time bombs, detonators and accessories and the arrest of 11 persons.

In connection with the case, the news release of the Ministry of Home
Affairs dated 27 January 2010 was carried in the January 28 issues of the
dailies.

By using some of the explosives sent to the country for the fourth and
fifth times, a group of people led by Tun Oo blew up the office of Ward-8
Peace and Development Council in Bago with a remote control at 9.50 pm on
29 September, 2010. Min Min Tun and Aung Myo Thu were arrested by security
force members while they were asking for the remaining explosives.

If those terrorist plots had not been exposed and stopped by security
force members in time, the innocent people going peacefully around Yangon
International Airport, 10th Mile Ward area and in public places of Yangon,
Mandalay and Nay Pyi Taw would have ended in tragedy.

Besides committing brutal killings, terrorists are resorting to various
ways to speed up their subversive acts in order to disrupt the forthcoming
multi-party democracy general election, harm the peace and stability and
progress of the State and cause public panic. The people have assumed that
the incident has been committed by the antigovernment groups attempting to
disrupt the elections in league with external destructionist groups. That
incident was one of their terrorist plots but it has been stopped by the
security force members in cooperation with the public. As a result,
unwanted tragic events could have been prevented in time.

____________________________________
ASEAN

October 27, Reuters
Philippines dubs Myanmar election a "farce" – Ambika Ahuja

Hanoi – Myanmar's election is a democratic farce, the Philippines said in
a document outlining President Benigno Aquino's position at an Asian
summit this week where differences over the military-ruled nation could
bring discord.

The 10-member Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) faces
divisions over reclusive and recalcitrant Myanmar, days before its first
election in two decades, at the gathering in Vietnam of leaders aiming to
forge an economic and political union in the next five years.

Myanmar's grim record on human rights damages ASEAN's reputation and
credibility and is an obstacle to cooperation with some of its
international partners.

It is also a source of friction within ASEAN, which groups Brunei,
Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore,
Thailand and Vietnam.

"It is increasingly evident that the forthcoming elections ... will
continue to be a farce to democratic values of transparency, fairness,
provision for 'level playing field', credibility and all-inclusiveness,"
the Philippines government said in the document prepared for Aquino's
meetings this week and seen by Reuters on Wednesday.

The Myanmar military, which has ruled since 1962, says the election will
be fair and will return the country to civilian rule but critics say it is
a sham aimed at ensuring the generals remains firmly in control.

Some ASEAN members, such as the Philippines and Indonesia, have been
pressing for reform. Others, such as Vietnam and Cambodia, have called for
respect of ASEAN's long-held principle of non-interference.

EXCLUDED FROM POLITICS

Detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, whose party swept the
country's last polls in 1990 but was never allowed to govern, has been
kept in detention and excluded from politics for most of the past 21
years.

The exclusion of Suu Kyi from the election and the detention of more than
2,000 political prisoners "is a clear signal that the Myanmar government
does not intend to provide space and opportunity for the election process
that the U.N. and ASEAN demand," the Philippine government said in the
paper.

"The Philippines strongly urges for real and meaningful change for the
Myanmar people," it said.

Earlier, Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said Myanmar's
election lacked credibility but neighbours hoped it was not too late to
improve prospects for the vote.

"There is obviously a credibility deficit at this time in terms of where
the election appears to be heading, in terms of its preparation,"
Natalegawa said before a meeting with his counterparts from the region,
including Myanmar.

"We are not pessimistic, even at this late stage, that we can all work
together to ensure that an election in Myanmar can be part of a solution
rather than part of more difficulties ahead."

ASEAN offered Myanmar help with the vote, with some members suggesting
observers. Myanmar declined the offer.

ASEAN Secretary General Surin Pitsuwan said on Tuesday Myanmar could make
it difficult for ASEAN to establish the confidence and credibility "for us
to move on as a region."

(Additional reporting by Yoko Kubota in Tokyo; Writing by Robert Birsel;
Editing by John Ruwitch and Miral Fahmy)

____________________________________
REGIONAL

October 27, Agence France Presse
Myanmar nuclear plan could speed up: scientist

Bangkok — Myanmar is carrying out a secret atomic weapons programme that
could "really speed up" if the army-ruled country is aided by North Korea,
according to a top nuclear scientist.

The comments follow a June documentary by the Norwegian-based news group
Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) that said Myanmar was trying to develop
nuclear weapons, citing a senior army defector and years of "top secret
material".

Robert Kelley, a former director of the International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA), inspected the files smuggled out of Myanmar by Sai Thein Win and
said the evidence indicated "a clandestine nuclear programme" was
underway.

"This is not a well-developed programme. I don't think it's going very
well," he told the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand late Tuesday.

"But if another country steps in and has all of the knowledge, the
materials, and maybe the key to some of the things that are plaguing them,
including bad management, this programme could really speed up."

Kelley said North Korea was "certainly the country I have in mind".

Myanmar, which is holding its first elections in two decades on November
7, has dismissed the reports of its nuclear intentions and brushed aside
Western concerns about possible cooperation with North Korea.

The DVB documentary gathered thousands of photos and defector testimony,
some regarding Myanmar's network of secret underground bunkers and
tunnels, which were allegedly built with the help of North Korean
expertise.

The United States has expressed concern about military ties between the
two pariah states, and said it was assessing the nuclear allegations
against Myanmar, which would be "tremendously destabilising" to the
region.

The Southeast Asian nation has also come under fire for the upcoming
polls, which Western governments believe are a sham aimed at entrenching
the rule of the army generals behind a civilian guise.

Kelley doubted their nuclear programme would succeed without outside help.

"I think it's safe to say the people of Thailand are safe for the next few
years because these people don't know what they're doing. I wouldn't want
to give them more than a few more years," he said.

____________________________________

October 27, Agence France Presse
Protesters in Japan decry Myanmar 'sham election' plan

Tokyo – Some 250 protesters rallied in Tokyo on Wednesday to call for a
boycott of next month's election in Myanmar, decrying it as a sham for
excluding the biggest opposition party.

Demonstrators, mostly Myanmar nationals, marched through central Tokyo
ahead of the November 7 vote, carrying banners, one of which read: "We
can't accept the unlawful 2010 election. Boycott sham elections."

"It is important not only for people in Burma (Myanmar) but also people
outside the country to unify our voice to protest the election," said Kyaw
Kyaw Soe, 47, chairman of League for Democracy in Burma, based in Japan.

"We also call on Japan to review its dialogue-based policies, which have
yet to produce any fruitful results for years," he said, adding that Tokyo
at least should not accept the results of the poll.

Japan has long maintained trade and dialogue with Myanmar, warning a hard
line against the military junta could push it closer to neighbouring
China.

The centre-left Democratic Party of Japan took power last year by ending
the conservative Liberal Democrats' half century of near unbroken rule
last year, but has not reversed Tokyo's conciliatory stance toward
Myanmar.

Western nations have said the vote will not be credible unless detained
democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other opposition figures are freed.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

October 27, Voice of America
Burmese in US oppose upcoming Burma elections – Kane Farabaugh

Ft. Wayne, Indiana – The scheduled November 7 general election in Burma,
the first in 20 years, is drawing widespread criticism. The ruling
military government is restricting foreign media and observers from
monitoring the elections.   And the United Nations' Special Rapporteur for
human rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, calls the election process
"deeply flawed."  Ft. Wayne, Indiana is the home to the largest Burmese
refugee community in the U.S., where many doubt the elections will be free
and fair.

Phyo Than fled Burma in 1991, during a government crackdown on political
dissidents in the wake of that country's last general election.

Almost 20 years later, he now runs a small restaurant in Fort Wayne,
Indiana, living in exile as he waits for a change in the Burmese
government.

"They have control of everything.  Everybody is scared," said Phyo Than.


>From the bits and pieces he learns from family members still living in the

country, Than is not hopeful Burma's general elections November 7 will
lead to the change he seeks.

"I think that this election is not the right election," he said.

Than is not alone.

Fort Wayne is home to approximately 5,000 Burmese, mostly refugees who
have settled in the small town in the eastern part of Indiana.

Most of the community here views the upcoming Burmese elections as
illegitimate.

At the Burmese Advocacy Center, Executive Director Minn Myint Nan Tin says
the country's election history gives reason for concern.

"We had an election in 1990, and the National League for Democracy won the
election, and unfortunately, the power didn't transfer to the elected
party," said Minn Myint Nan Tin.

Nan Tin is also a refugee, forced into exile after the 1988 student
uprising that led to the rise of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, won a majority of
votes in Burma's last election in 1990, but the ruling Burmese military
government rejected the results.

Nan Tin says many of the same themes in that elections are relevant today.

"I think people still believe in this theme - to become a democratic
government, and give a right, and not to force them to vote, and right to
speak up, and a better quality of life, and I think this is what people
have looked for a long time," she said.

Also looking for a better quality of life, Kun Wekha's family paid a price
for speaking out against the government.

"My Dad was involved in politics in Burma, and also they were arrested,"
said Kun Wekha. "And my sister and my brother, they were arrested too
because of their political involvement."

Wekha also works at the Burmese Advocacy Center in Fort Wayne, where he
too lives in exile.  He believes the upcoming elections are neither free
nor fair because the person who symbolizes the Democracy movement in his
country remains in detention.

"Aung San Suu Kyi is still under house arrest, and also they abolished
many ethnic political parties," he said. "They should all be included in
the general election.  Not only is it not a free and fair election, it is
not all inclusive."

For most Burmese living in the United States, voting in the upcoming
election is not an option.

But restaurant owner Phyo Than and dozens more from Fort Wayne plan to
exercise their right to free speech in the United States by joining a
November protest rally  in Washington D.C. - together with other Burmese
from across the U.S.   Than hopes the international community will listen
to their concerns, and ultimately reject the outcome of Burma's November 7
election.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

October 27, Washington Post
Burma's brutal repression continues with a sham election – Editorial

Without warning, Burma's rulers last week bestowed upon their country a
new flag, a new seal and a new anthem. A surprised government official
told Reuters that the junta's instructions specified that the old flags
should be lowered by people born on a Tuesday and the new flags should be
raised by people born on a Wednesday. Then all the old flags were to be
burned.

The order, accompanied by no explanation and probably informed by
astrologers, was typical of the generals who govern this Southeast Asian
nation of 50 million people from their isolated and recently constructed
capital of Naypyidaw. They rank with North Korea's leaders as the world's
most secretive, repressive and destructive to their own people. Now they
are about to hold a national election, and the one thing that should be
unpredictable is in fact fully known in advance: the election result.

The Nov. 7 poll will be Burma's first in 20 years, and it might have
provided an avenue toward a gradual easing of dictatorial control. But it
has not worked out that way. There are a few opposition candidates, but
even if all of them win, the junta is guaranteed control of the new
parliament. It accomplished this certainty by blocking many parties from
participating, including the National League for Democracy and its leader
Aung San Suu Kyi, who won the 1990 election but was never permitted to
take office; by setting fees so high that in many districts only
government-backed candidates could register; by stipulating that the
military may allot close to one-quarter of all seats after the election
takes place; and by harassing and threatening opposition candidates who
have tried, against all odds, to compete. No international observers will
be permitted; no foreign journalists are being allowed in. The best that
can be expected is that some ruling generals will replace their uniforms
with civilian suits.

Nonetheless, we can expect calls after the election for a lifting of
economic sanctions and a welcoming of the "new" government into polite
company. These calls will come from companies eager to invest in Burma
(also known as Myanmar) and from nations eager for influence there. The
calls will get louder if, as seems possible, the regime frees Aung San Suu
Kyi from house arrest on Nov. 13, when the latest of her many sentences
expires.

The Obama administration, which thus far has provided too little
leadership on Burma, should be ready to parry these calls. It should
appoint the special representative and policy coordinator mandated by
Congress; refine its financial sanctions to target Burma's leaders and
their families; and put some muscle behind its claimed support for a U.N.
inquiry into the regime's crimes against humanity, namely the military's
depredations against ethnic minorities. The Voice of America should
rethink its plan to cut back broadcasting hours to Burma the month after
the election, while Congress should provide the VOA with enough funds to
carry out its mission. And the administration should make clear that real
steps toward democracy will be reciprocated, but sham elections will gain
the regime nothing, no matter what the astrologers promise.

____________________________________

October 27, Irrawaddy
How to win an election before it's held – Kay Latt

If you look at the election strategy of the Burmese military regime, you
will find it has ensured control of a majority of seats in the parliament
even before the election.

The strategy was put together like a military operation in a war theater
starting with the 2008 Constitution which was approved in a so-called
referendum vote.

Under the Basic Principles of the Constitution, one of the six objectives
of the Union is “enabling the Defense Services to be able to participate
in the National political leadership role of the State.’ Accordingly,
military personnel are granted 25 percent of the total seats in the
respective parliaments.

The second step of the strategy was the Political Party Registration Law
and Electoral Laws, carefully crafted to demand allegiance to the state in
ways that were unacceptable to pro-democracy parties such as the National
League for Democracy, which refused to take part. In this way, they
eliminated their major opposition and ensured even more seats in
parliament.

Next, the Union Election Commission, whose members were selected by the
military, was given draconian power to judge which parities were
registered to take part.

At the same time, as part of its strategy, the military increased pressure
on ethnic cease-fire groups to transform into a border guard force. Those
that refused were blocked from entering the election. The only party that
attempted to take part was the Kachin State Progressive Party, led by Dr.
Manam Tu Ja, a former vice president of the Kachin Independence
Organization. His party was not accepted for registration, presumable
because it was seen as a proxy party of the KIO.

Step by step, major political forces, both ethnic and Burman, that could
pose a threat to the military regime, were marginalized from the election
process.

Finally, the regime's mass organization, the Union Solidarity and
Development Association, was transformed into the Union Solidarity and
Development Party led by Prime Minister Thein Sein and other ministers.
Later they were joined by the former joint chief of staff, a former
secretary of the SPDC and many other retired high-ranking military
officers.

The formation and operation of the USDP has clearly violated the electoral
laws barring civil services personnel and state resources from involvement
in party politics.

The Election Commission, led by Thein Soe, a former military judge
advocate-general and deputy chief justice of the Supreme Court, approved
the registration of the USDP regardless of the irregularities. From that
time on, the USDP has enjoyed the full support of local governmental
authorities and the Election Commission, including the assets of the
former USDA.

And then came the candidate registration fees. Most of the parties, except
the USDP and NUP, the former socialist party, could not field all their
candidates as originally planned due to the high registration fees.

Coupled with insufficient time, that prevented most parties from ever
putting together a well-funded, coordinated campaign.

However, some challenges remained regarding a few ethnic political
parties, but they were handled by declaring designated ethnic-dominated
townships and a large number of ethnic village tracts as areas where a
free and fair election could not be held, hence the people in those areas
were denied the opportunity to vote.

Lastly, the USDP has used the resources of the state in its campaigning,
offering inducements such as loans, selling mobile phones at reduced price
or offering incentives such as providing donations, building roads and
bridges, opening free clinics, repairing schools or digging water wells
for local communities in return for support.

In some places like Maungdaw and Buthidaung it even issued ID cards to
local people. The USDP distributed 100,000 copies of newsletters free
every week using the Ministry of Information’s printers, all without
interference from the Press and Scrutiny Board, which carefully
scrutinized the campaign literature of other political parties.

The USDP, acting like an agency of the state, reportedly instructed
Naypyidaw civil servants to vote for its candidates. The prime minister
delivered speeches to civil servants asking them to vote for the USDP
during visits around the country.

According to a leaked document, in the run-up to the election the USDP is
even prepared to use violence including the use of cadres of hardcore
criminals to achieve a landslide victory. The document says, “criminals
and thugs must be organized. Otherwise, they could be used by other
political parties to bully, torture and extort from us.”

There have also been reports that the USDP forcibly recruited party
members, shut down business owned by other political parties and
prohibited members of other parties from freely campaigning.

With such a well-planned strategy to keep control of the election process
and deny other parties an equal chance on the playing field, the regime
has guaranteed its continued dominance of the political scene.

The only remaining question is how many seats the generals end up with
after the Nov. 7 election.

____________________________________
PRESS RELEASE

October 27, Pa-Oh Youth
Pa-Oh youth launch campaign to oppose damaging impacts of Burma’s largest
iron mine

Pa-Oh youth activists are today launching a campaign to support community
efforts to oppose the damaging impacts of Pinpet iron mine near Taunggyi
in Shan State, the largest in Burma.

The Pa-Oh Youth Organisation (PYO) has produced a video and leaflets
showing the destruction already caused by the mining project, due to start
next year, including loss of farmlands, pollution of waterways, and abuses
committed by the Burmese regime’s troops providing security for the
project. Hundreds of copies of the video have already been distributed in
the affected areas.

Construction of the massive iron factory, jointly funded by Russian
state-owned Tyazhpromexport company, is almost complete. 100 villagers are
now being ordered out of the project area, among 7,000 people slated for
relocation once Pinpet mountain starts being leveled for open pit mining. 
A further 35,000 villagers will be impacted by pollution of the Thabet
Stream, which has been diverted to clean and process the iron ore.

Affected communities have appealed to local authorities to stop the land
confiscation and forced relocation, but so far to no avail.

“There is a news black-out about the Pinpet project in Burma. We want to
raise awareness about the damage being caused and support community
efforts to oppose the project,” said PYO spokesperson Khun Chan Khe.

The former ceasefire group, the Pa-Oh National Organization, is competing
in the November 7, 2010 election in Ho Pong constituency, which is
impacted by the Pinpet project. They have not yet raised any concerns
publicly against the project.

“The Pinpet project is destroying the future of our people. If they are
standing for election, the PNO should protect local people’s rights and
speak out to oppose the project,” said Khun Chan Khe.

To see the video and an update on the project, see
http://pyo-org.blogspot.com/

Contact person:
Khun Chankhe  Phone: + 66 84 6108330




Ed, BurmaNet News