BurmaNet News, December 4 - 6, 2010

[Editor]

December 4 – 6, 2010 Issue #4097


INSIDE BURMA
DPA: Myanmar election losers attract new supporters
Irrawaddy: Imprisoned student leader warns of second Depayin

ON THE BORDER
Bangkok Post: New wave of refugees flees Burma
AFP: Rights group slams Thai-Myanmar refugee 'ping pong'

BUSINESS / TRADE
DVB: Karen villagers pressed to relocate

INTERNATIONAL
Guardian (UK): WikiLeaks cables: Burma general considered Manchester
United buyout
DPA: US official expected to visit Myanmar, meet Aung San Suu Kyi
BBC Burmese: Burma undergoing political change

OPINION / OTHER
Chicago Tribune (US): In Myanmar prisons, 'you just have to live'
Foreign Policy Journal: Challenges facing Burma with the release of Aung
San Suu Kyi – David Calleja
Khaleej Time (UAE): Makeover in Myanmar – Editorial
Mediashift/PBS (US): Suu Kyi Set Free but Media Still Held Captive in
Burma – Simon Roughneen
Detroit Free Press (US): Is Chrysler ready to stick its neck out for
another prisoner? – Mark Phelan



____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

December 5, Deustche Presse Agentur
Myanmar election losers attract new supporters

Yangon - Although they won few seats in last month's parliamentary
elections, Myanmar opposition parties were heartened by an upsurge in
applications for party membership, a newspaper said Sunday.

The Myanmar Times quoted opposition party leaders as saying new supporters
were seeking them out because they want to participate in electoral
politics.

Military-ruled Myanmar held its first election in two decades on November
7 in a vote widely seen as rigged to ensure the armed forces
retain their dominant position.

'The last election has made people realize that politics is not a
dangerous issue and that it is relevant for every single person in the
country,' U Nay Myo Wai, general secretary of the Peace and Diversity
Party, was quoted as saying. 'They have to participate if they want a
change. As a result, our party is getting more new members.'

'When we were registering our party, we needed to have 1,000 members, and
at that time, it was very hard for us to convince people to join, but now
here they are, coming to us without any encouragement,' U Nay Myo Wai
said.

The Peace and Diversity Party fielded seven candidates on November 7, none
of whom were successful.

Parties representing Myanmar's ethnic minorities, which tended to do
better in the election, were also reported to be gaining support.

U Zaw Aye Maung from the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party, which
won 35 of the 44 seats it contested, said he was surprised at the number
of new members the party had attracted after the election.

'Many Rakhine people have come and joined up at our offices in Rakhine
region,' he said. 'It is such a big improvement.'

Myanmar's best-known opposition party, the National League for Democracy
(NLD), led by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, refused to
participate in the election because of harsh restrictions imposed by the
ruling junta.

Suu Kyi was released from house arrest after the election
and has appeared at several public gatherings, attracting large crowds of
enthusiastic supporters.

____________________________________

December 6, Irrawaddy
Imprisoned student leader warns of second Depayin – Ko Htwe

Htay Kywe, one of the imprisoned leaders of the 88 Generation Students
group, said he is worried that Aung San Suu Kyi could face another attack
like the one that killed many of her supporters in May 2003, according to
his brother-in-law, Phyo Min Thein.

Phyo Min Thein, who is also a prominent political activist and former
member of the Union Democratic Party, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that
Htay Kywe spoke of his concerns during a 45-minute family visit at
Buthitaung Prison in Arakan State on Dec. 2.

He said that Htay Kywe, who is currently serving a 65-year sentence for
his political activities, asked him to convey his concerns to Suu Kyi, who
was released from house arrest on Nov. 13.

“He said he is worried that she could face another situation similar to
the one at Depayin and asked me to warn her about that,” Phyo Min Thein
said.

On May 30, 2003, around 5,000 armed thugs recruited by the pro-junta Union
Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) ambushed Suu Kyi’s convoy in
Depayin, Sagaing Division, killing an estimated 100 people.

Htay Kywe also expressed his continuing support for Suu Kyi as the leader
of Burma's pro-democracy movement.

“He said that all political forces need to cooperate under the leadership
of Aung San Suu Kyi to achieve national reconciliation,” said Phyo Min
Thein, adding that they also discussed the lack of progress in reaching
this goal.

According to Phyo Min Thein, Htay Kywe appeared to be thinner than usual
and was suffering from a stomach ailment. He added that members of Burma's
Special Branch police force monitored them throughout the visit.

Concerning prison conditions, Htay Kywe said that he is able to write and
draw, but wants the authorities to move political prisoners serving their
sentences in remote areas closer to their families.

The Burmese regime often forces its imprisoned opponents to serve long
sentences in relatively inaccessible parts of the country, making it
difficult for them to receive regular family visits.

In a recent interview with United Press International, Suu Kyi described
conditions in Burma's prisons as “brutal.”

During another visit in August, Htay Kywe told family members that Burma's
Nov. 7 election would be meaningless without the participation of Suu
Kyi's National League for Democracy and called on the army, political
forces, pro-democracy parties and ethnic groups to work together toward an
“all-inclusive” solution to the country's political problems.

Htay Kywe was first arrested in 1991 and sentenced to 15 years in prison
for violating Burma's draconian security laws. Initially held in Rangoon’s
notorious Insein Prison, he was transferred to Tharrawaddy Prison in Pegu
Division in 1995.

He was released in July 2001, but was subsequently arrested on several
occasions under Section 10 A of the 1975 State Protection Law, which
allows the military authorities the right to detain suspects arbitrarily.

In 2005, Htay Kywe co-founded the 88 Generation Students group along with
other prominent leaders of the nationwide pro-democracy uprising of August
1988, including Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Min Zeya and Pyone Cho.


>From 2005 to 2007, the group engaged in nonviolent activities, including

group visits to political prisoners’ homes and holding Buddhist ceremonies
at Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon to commemorate political prisoners still
behind bars.

On Nov. 11, 2007, Htay Kywe and other members of the 88 Generation group
were given 65-year prison sentences for their alleged involvement in
massive monk-led pro-democracy protests in September of that year.

Most of the imprisoned 88 Generation leaders are serving their sentences
in remote areas, including Buthitaung Prison in Arakan State, Kengtung
Prison in Shan State, Loikaw Prison in Karenni State, Kawthaung Prison in
Tenasserim Division, Kalaymyo Prison in Sagaing Division, and Myitkyina
and Putao prisons in Kachin State.

Buthitaung Prison is notorious for its harsh treatment of political
prisoners and its severely cold weather.

According to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political
Prisoners, there are 2,203 political prisoners in prisons across Burma.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

December 6, Bangkok Post
New wave of refugees flees Burma

More than a thousand refugees have crossed into Thailand following a fresh
round of fighting between Karen ethnic rebels and Burmese government
forces along the border.

Tak governor Samart Loifa said yesterday 1,129 refugees were staying at a
border patrol police base in tambon Mahawan of Mae Sot district.

Most of the refugees fled fighting on Friday night but the latest group of
five refugees only entered Thailand yesterday.

The governor insisted the authorities would not send the refugees back to
Burma as long as the fighting continued.

''It's very likely that the fighting will be prolonged,'' he said.

''Humanitarian groups and the Thai authorities are doing our best to take
care of the refugees by giving them food, drinking water and medical
treatment.''

The New York-based Human Rights Watch has called on the Thai government to
stop treating refugees fleeing conflict in eastern Burma as ''human ping
pong balls'' who are returned to their home country prematurely.

More than 20,000 people have crossed the border into Thailand since
fighting erupted in November, and while many returned within days,
refugees continue to flee renewed conflict, the group said in a statement.

The Burmese general elections on Nov7 had done nothing to change the
government forces' tactics of ''terrorising'' civilians, who need expanded
protection when they seek refuge in Thailand, HRW deputy Asia director
Elaine Pearson said.

''People fleeing conflict in Burma are being treated like human ping pong
balls _ reluctantly allowed into Thailand when fighting flares but then
returned to Burma at the first sign of quiet,'' she said.

''Thailand should not return refugees until the risk to them in Burma
truly ends, but should allow them to stay in safe areas away from the
border with access to protection services and assistance from humanitarian
agencies.''

Tensions soared in Burma on polling day when Democratic Karen Buddhist
Army (DKBA) ethnic rebels occupied Myawaddy town in Karen state, opposite
Tak, sparking a state army counter-attack and a mass exodus of civilians
into Thailand.

Subsequent sporadic fighting at several points along the border, with
state troops conducting a major build-up, has caused continued
displacement.

Ms Pearson added: ''Sadly, so far neither side in the recent fighting has
shown much regard for the civilians caught in the crossfire.''

She said the Burmese people suffered from indiscriminate shelling and
rights abuses such as forced labour.

____________________________________

December 5, Agence France Presse
Rights group slams Thai-Myanmar refugee 'ping pong'

Bangkok – Thailand must stop treating refugees fleeing conflict in eastern
Myanmar as "human ping pong balls" who are returned to their home country
prematurely, a top rights group warned Sunday.

Since fighting erupted in November more than 20,000 people have escaped
across the border to Thailand, and while many returned within days,
refugees continue to flee renewed conflict, said a Human Rights Watch
(HRW) statement.

An election on November 7 has done nothing to change the Myanmar army's
tactics of "terrorising" civilians, who need expanded protection when they
seek refuge in Thailand, according to HRW deputy Asia director Elaine
Pearson.

"People fleeing conflict in Burma are being treated like human ping pong
balls -- reluctantly allowed into Thailand when fighting flares, but then
returned to Burma (Myanmar) at the first sign of quiet," said Pearson.

"Thailand should not return refugees until the risk to them in Burma truly
ends, but should allow them to stay in safe areas away from the border
with access to protection services and assistance from humanitarian
agencies."

Tensions soared in Myanmar on polling day when Democratic Karen Buddhist
Army (DKBA) ethnic rebels occupied Myawaddy town in Karen state, sparking
a state army counter-attack and a mass exodus of civilians into Thailand.

Subsequent sporadic fighting at several points along the border, with
state troops conducting a major build-up in the area, has caused continued
displacement.

"Sadly, so far neither side in the recent fighting has shown much regard
for the civilians caught in the crossfire," said Pearson, adding that they
suffered from indiscriminate shelling and rights abuses such as forced
labour.

Civil war has wracked parts of Myanmar since its independence in 1948,
although most insurgent groups -- who seek more autonomy and rights --
have agreed to ceasefires with the junta.

Military-ruled since 1962, Myanmar barred swathes of ethnic minorities
from taking part in last month's vote -- the country's first in 20 years,
which was widely derided by Western nations.

Ahead of the poll, the regime pressured armed movements to give up their
weapons or come under state control -- a move most resisted, sparking
fears of renewed conflict.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

December 6, Democratic Voice of Burma
Karen villagers pressed to relocate – Maung Too

Some 50 households in Karen state’s Myawaddy township have been told to
relocate to make room for the development of petrol storage facilities by
a company close to the Burmese junta.

Yepusan Kayinsu village had been told to relocate by 4 December after land
there was earmarked for the Shwe Than Lwin construction company, which is
owned by business tycoon, Kyaw Lwin.

A resident who spoke to DVB on condition of anonymity said that a local
government official had arrived at the village several days ago and
demanded answers as to why they hadn’t left, adding that, “He came to
expel us without the order from higher authorities”.

Yepusan locals are reportedly contacting the central government in
Naypyidaw to lodge a complaint about the relocation. “If they reject our
appeal
and we’re relocated, we’ll have to live under the bridge or move to
the other side of the river. We are helpless,” said another man.

“We settled down here 15 years ago after we cleared a place which could
not be cleared. Now that the place is fertile, the local authority Major
Tun Tun Win [now transferred] has sold it to Shwe Than Lwin.”

The company, which is also involved in trade and mining, appears to be
exploiting a lack of energy infrastructure in rural Burma, where a black
market trade in fuel is flourishing. It is believed to have connections
with the faction of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) that agreed
to transform into a junta-backed Border Guard Force (BGF), and which
controls territory close to Myawaddy.

That split in the DKBA has been the root cause of fighting this month
close to Myawaddy, which has sparked multiple exoduses of refugees into
Thailand, some as recently as yesterday.

Seventeen newly-turned BGF troops who made the transformation have however
defected in recent days and have now joined the Karen National Liberation
Army (KNLA), which is fighting alongside the breakaway DKBA faction.

The leader of the defectors, Lt. Ta Wah Kho, said that the group left
because the BGF was “forcing Karen to fight with Karen”. A KNLA officer,
Lt-Colonel Phawdo,, said that the 17 would be welcomed into the army.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

December 6, Guardian (UK)
WikiLeaks cables: Burma general considered Manchester United buyout –
Robert Booth

Junta leader Than Shwe thought about spending $1bn on football club
despite country being devastated by cyclone Nargis

The leader of Burma's military junta considered making a $1bn (£634m) bid
to buy Manchester United football club around the time it was facing
rising anger from the United Nations over its "unacceptably slow" response
to cyclone Nargis.Than Shwe, commander in chief of the armed forces and a
fan of United, was urged to mount a takeover bid by his grandson,
according to a cable from the US embassy in Rangoon. It details how the
regime was thought to be using football to distract its population from
ongoing political and economic problems.

The proposal was made prior to January 2009; only months earlier, in May
2008, the Burmese junta had been accused of blocking vital international
aid supplies after Nargis struck, killing 140,000 people.

Than Shwe reportedly concluded that making a bid for United might "look
bad" at the time, but the revelation that the proposal was even considered
is likely to fuel criticism of the regime's cruelty. The senior general
instead ordered the creation of a new multimillion dollar national
football league at the same time as aid agencies were reporting that one
year on, many survivors of the cyclone still lacked permanent housing,
access to clean water, and tools for fishing and agriculture.

The mooted price tag for Manchester United was exactly the same as the aid
bill to cover the most urgent food, agriculture and housing for the three
years after the cyclone, as estimated by international agencies including
the UN. The proposal revealed that the regime, which is increasingly
exploiting its oil and gas reserves, felt confident of finding such a sum.
According to Forbes magazine's valuation of the club at the time, $1bn
would have been enough to acquire a 56% controlling stake.

"One well-connected source reports that the grandson wanted Than Shwe to
offer $1bn for Manchester United," said the June 2009 cable to Washington.
"The senior general thought that sort of expenditure could look bad, so he
opted to create for Burma a league of its own."

Than Shwe then reportedly coerced and bribed eight leading business and
political figures to establish teams and ordered them to spend large sums
on imported players and new stadiums.

The cable revealed that in January 2009, selected Burmese business people
were told "that Than Shwe had 'chosen' them to be the owners of the new
professional soccer teams. [The informant, a top executive at one of the
sponsor companies] said the owners are responsible for paying all costs,
including team salaries, housing and transportation, uniform costs, and
advertising for the new league. In addition, owners must build new
stadiums in their respective regions by 2011, at an estimated cost of $1m
per stadium."

The Magway team was spending $155,000 a month on salaries while the
Kanbawza team, linked to a bank, had budgeted $2m for the 2009 season.
Rangoon United hired five players from Africa and Delta United recruited
several Argentinians.

"When asked why the owners would participate in such an expensive
endeavour, [an executive with one company sponsor] observed that they had
little choice," the embassy reported. "'When the senior general asks
someone to do something, you do it with no complaints,' he stated."

He added that several of the business people expected to receive
incentives from the regime, such as construction contracts, new gem and
jade mines, and import permits, which would more than offset their costs.
The owners of the clubs in the Burma national football league, which
launched on 16 May 2009, include "regime crony" Zaw Zaw, who also chairs
Burma's football federation and drew up plans for the league with the
senior general's grandson.

"Zaw Zaw hired Senior General Than Shwe's grandson to play on the team," a
separate cable adds.

But according to the dispatch, "many Burmese businessmen speculate the
regime is using it as a way to distract the populace from ongoing
political and economic problems or to divert their attention from
criticism of the upcoming 2010 elections".

Political football


>From Sierra Leone to Iran, football is more than a sport for many

governments.

Cables in June 2009 reveal Iran's fear that public unrest over a national
football team loss "could add fire to the increasingly volatile political
demonstrations" during the presidential election.

Such was President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's political investment in Team
Melli that spies were said to keep tabs on key players. He loaned the
squad his presidential plane to travel to North Korea for a match after
personally firing the coach Ali Daei when they lost to regional rivals,
Saudi Arabia. But fans have rebelled, chanting "we don't want political
soccer" at one game.

In Jordan, hooliganism at a match in July 2009 between Al-Wahdat
(Palestinian fans) and Al-Faysali (Jordanian fans) revealed the "ugly side
of Jordanian ultranationalism" as the Palestinian origins of both the
queen and the crown prince were denigrated. One contact warned US
diplomats that such extremism "would be difficult to contain now that it
was publicly expressed".

Even in Azerbaijan, football clubs mean status for regime figures. The son
of Kamaladdin Heydarov, the oil-rich nation's minister for emergency
situations, owns Gabala football club: "a small-scale effort to replicate
the Chelsea antics of Russia's Roman Abramovich".

"The Gabala squad is a virtual United Nations team, with players from
across Europe, Latin America and Africa – the best team money can buy, at
least for central Azerbaijan."

Meanwhile the US embassy in Sierra Leone believes the country's football
manager, Mohamed Ahmed Sesay, may have used the job "to facilitate
narcotics trafficking", after he was arrested during a cocaine trafficking
investigation.

____________________________________

December 6, Deustche Presse Agentur
US official expected to visit Myanmar, meet Aung San Suu Kyi

Yangon – A US State Department official was to arrive in Myanmar Tuesday
for the first high-level talks between the two countries since the release
of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, diplomatic sources said.

Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia and the Pacific Joseph Y
Yun was scheduled to spend four days in the country and was expected to
meet with Suu Kyi and other political party and military leaders, the
sources said.

Suu Kyi, head of the opposition National League for Democracy, was
released from house arrest shortly after Myanmar's first election in two
decades on November 7, which the ruling junta won amid criticism of the
vote's fairness.

US President Barack Obama called the election a sham as Suu Kyi was barred
from participating and because of other restrictions intended to ensure
military-backed candidates won.

But the US administration has signaled its willingness to engage the
ruling junta diplomatically and economically to encourage reforms. Suu Kyi
has also said she favours dialogue with the regime, and that she does not
aspire to political office herself.

US Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell visited Myanmar in November
2009 and in May 2010. He met with Suu Kyi, then still under house arrest,
during his second visit.

____________________________________

December 4, BBC Burmese Service
Burma undergoing political change - UN envoy

The UN envoy to Burma has said it is clear that political change is taking
place in the country, despite UN criticism of last month's poll there.

Vijay Nambiar told the BBC that parliamentary by-elections could now open
up "opportunities" for broadening the political spectrum.

The party of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi boycotted the election,
won by the biggest military-backed party.

She was not released from house arrest until after the poll.

"Government formation is taking place (in Burma). I think there will be
new spaces, new slots in the parliament which will open up for
by-elections," Mr Nambiar, who visited Burma last week, told the BBC
Burmese Service.

He described the by-elections as "small opportunities for increasing the
political space for a broader, inclusive involvement".

Mr Nambiar's comments come despite strong criticism of Burma's poll by the
UN, which said they were neither free nor fair.

The elections on 7 November - the first to be held in Burma in 20 years -
were won by the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

Six days later, Aung San Suu Kyi was released from house arrest. Her
now-disbanded National League for Democracy (NLD) won the last election in
1990, but was never allowed to take power.

She has urged her followers not to give up hoping for change and has also
said she is willing to talk to Western nations about lifting sanctions on
Burma, which she previously supported.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

December 5, Chicago Tribune (US)
In Myanmar prisons, 'you just have to live'

Yangon, Myanmar – In the decaying lakeside mansion where Aung San Suu Kyi
spent much of the last two decades under house arrest, the Myanmar
opposition leader and Nobel laureate was forbidden from using the Internet
or the telephone or watching satellite TV.

She did, however, have two maids, was free to read newspapers and listen
to the radio, and had access to a doctor.

For the other 2,200 or so political prisoners in Myanmar, conditions are
quite different.

Sentenced to impossibly long prison terms for speaking out against the
repressive military regime, they face torture sessions, barely edible
food, little or no medical care and years in isolation. Some prisoners are
forbidden to speak for years.

"There's a great difference between prison and house arrest," said Phyo
Min Thein, an opposition politician and brother-in-law of a political
prisoner now serving a 65-year sentence. "Aung San Suu Kyi was treated
well, while those in prison are treated with extreme oppression. Is it
fair? Everything isn't fair. We live under an unfair system."

Before and after her release, Suu Kyi vowed to spotlight the plight and
press for the release of other political prisoners in Myanmar, formerly
Burma.

For hundreds of activists who have openly challenged 48 years of military
rule, there's little hope of fair treatment at the hands of a clique of
generals that has remained largely impervious to international
condemnation, pressure or sanctions.

The "crimes" prosecuted by the regime include demonstrating, passing on
rumors, "undermining the state" or possessing uncensored videotapes. Among
those jailed are comedians, musicians, artists and a writer convicted of
inserting a message in a Valentine's Day poem.

For many, the decades-long sentences are abstract numbers, their release
dependent more on a political deal or a hoped-for change in government
than in serving their time.

"There's a signboard inside with the length of your sentence," said Phyo
Min Thein, who served 15 years for opposing the regime, including five
during which he was not allowed to talk. "My first five years, I hoped for
freedom. After that, you just have to live."

One of the toughest challenges is staying mentally fit. A lack of news or
contact with loved ones eats away at you, former prisoners and family
members said, deepening your isolation.

"You become more hungry for information than food," Min Ko Naing, a leader
of the student movement that rose up against the regime in 1988 who is
serving a 65-year sentence, once said.

Some described small acts of defiance: hiding a banned book by Suu Kyi in
a hole carved out of the floor under a chamber pot, smuggling out appeals
to the U.N. or singing protest songs, even if it meant severe punishment
or years added to their sentence.

Family visits, when they're permitted, are often limited to an hour or two
per month with guards hovering. In 2008 the regime transferred many
prisoners to remote sites, making family visits more difficult.

"Before 2008, I visited him twice," said a relative of prisoner Ko Ko Gyi,
who is serving a 65-year sentence for, among other charges, illegal use of
the telephone system. "But since then I haven't. It's a long way."

Former prisoners said they tried to stay sharp by singing, reciting
Buddhist verses, playing mental games and meditating. Suu Kyi, who was
released from house arrest last month, said she drew strength from dawn
meditation sessions.

"Some people go mad talking to themselves," said Phyo Min Thein. "You
start imagining you see your mother in front of you."

Human rights groups say their estimate of 2,200 political detainees in
Myanmar probably is conservative, because many in rural areas go
uncounted. Periodically the regime declares an amnesty, although alleged
criminals are the main beneficiaries. In 2008 it released 9,000 people;
eight were political activists.

"And they know they can rearrest you any time. They play games," said Bo
Kyi, joint secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
(Burma), a Thailand-based activist group. "Aung San Suu Kyi can definitely
be arrested again soon. Now the military regime is trying to find an
accusation against her."

___________________________________

December 4, Foreign Policy Journal
Challenges facing Burma with the release of Aung San Suu Kyi – David Calleja

In Charlie Chaplin’s satirical look at World War 2, The Great Dictator,
the comic genius lampoons Adolf Hitler in his memorable role as Adenoid
Hynkel, leader of the Double Cross. More touching, however, is his
character of a Jewish barber fleeing a German concentration camp for the
Austrian border and getting mistaken as Hynkel. Refusing the title of
emperor, all he wants is peace and an end to unnecessary fighting. His
impassioned plea of asking everybody to stop fighting is not only a
cinematic masterstroke for its time, but is still relevant today.
Chaplin’s final call for everybody to lay down their arms for the true
meaning of democracy is moving.

Aung San Suu KyiWouldn’t it be great if such a storyline could be
replicated so that a country like Burma could be rid of its tyrants and
dictators? Imagine the country’s military leaders and armed forces
agreeing to lay down their arms for the sake of peace, and begin talking
openly with monks, civilians, and political opponents — particularly the
recently freed Aung San Suu Kyi — about developing a real framework for
democracy; one acceptable to all Burmese, where the constitution would
allow for the military to serve Burma in the spirit intended by the
nation’s founding father of independence, General Aung San, rather than
have the national army fighting several wars at once with its own people.
If Senior-General Than Shwe would take the time to watch The Great
Dictator, he may just learn something about the consequences of his vanity
and obsession with ruling with an iron fist.

Burma is a land with resolute, friendly residents who can do little more
than watch as their once bountiful lands are stripped bare of its natural
resources. Its ‘new’ parliament will be dominated by the pro-military
Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) after their emphatic victory
in farcical circumstances, claiming more than 75 per cent of the votes.[1]
The few parties representing ethnic minorities will not be able to forge
an effective alliance, although the possibility of the USDP courting an
ethnic party for token representation may yet still arise. A quarter of
the seats in Burma’s parliament are reserved for the military, where a
minimum of 75 per cent parliamentary majority must be secured for any
changes to the constitution must be made. Yet there is one voice of hope
that gives us all something to savor – the release of Aung San Suu Kyi on
November 12.

We are all likely to have seen images beamed live around the world showing
her supporters flocking to the gates of her residence in Rangoon, ready to
hear the address of a woman they had been denied for so long. But at the
same time she is aware of the threat posed by the military, with spies
watching her every move. One guarantee is that Aung San Suu Kyi does not
get fazed easily; she has a job to do and she will complete it. Her
message for the crowd was to be brave and work together to achieve
positive change, for she could not do it alone. The atmosphere surrounding
her arrival, coupled with the massive weight of expectation, was a sight
not seen since Nelson Mandela’s inaugural speech in Cape Town in 1990
following his release after 26 years imprisonment jail sentence. Like
Nelson Mandela, Aung San Suu Kyi is a wonderful orator, eloquent, brave
and inspiring.

As much as we would like to think, Aung San Suu Kyi’s release from
detention is not a “Mandela moment.” Firstly, the path to a true democracy
in Burma has not been established. The military leadership’s
“discipline-flourishing democracy” is little more than a smokescreen for
their plans to remain in power. Individuals who have borne the brunt of
poverty and suffering for enough years can easily tell the difference
between window dressing and genuine reform. In South Africa, President
F.W. De Klerk accepted the reality that black majority rule would
eventuate, and negotiated for changes that went beyond window dressing.
Secondly, the apartheid policy discrimination in South Africa had clearly
segregated individuals along the clear lines of race, making it more
obvious as to what laws needed redressing. Aung San Suu Kyi herself noted,
“it is Burmese discriminating and oppressing Burmese.”[2]

In declaring her number 75 in their annual Top 100 Global Thinkers List,
Foreign Policy noted that following her release, “(Aung San Suu Kyi) made
a remarkably levelheaded call for long-term reform of the sort that comes
from within: “value change,” as she put it, “not regime change.”[3] This
reflects the need for Burma and the rest of the world to take a deep
breath, consult, and then get on with the job without resting on laurels.
Like her father General Aung San, she is a leader who speaks of political
unity and who speaks of Burma’s people like a large family, while
recognizing the sensitivities facing ethnic minorities who have suffered
immensely as a result of the junta’s war against them. The world’s longest
ongoing civil war, between the junta and the Karen National Union (KNU)
shows no sign of stopping, human rights abuses against the Shan people
continue to occur at an alarming rate, and the Rohingya people in Arakan
State are discriminated against as a consequence of not being allowed
citizenship rights. Most of the estimated 200,000 Rohingya population in
neighboring Bangladeshi camps such as Chittagong and Cox’s Bazaar Plaza
are undocumented[4] and would only consider returning if Aung San Suu Kyi
were leader of Burma, for they chances of more equitable treatment would
be higher than compared to living under the military junta.

In an era where the fast dissemination of news and exiled communities
transport details quickly, Aung San Suu Kyi finds herself speaking for the
voiceless and stateless. She has lost none of her poise, eloquence and
charm to inspire ordinary Burmese civilians and leaders worldwide. Her
release comes at a time where multimedia and Internet technology is as its
peak and will only continue to grow. This is an opportunity to spread her
message calling for cooperation from all sides even further; to the
Pentagon, 10 Downing Street, and to the United Nations Security Council.
What defines Aung San Suu Kyi as a visionary is her willingness to embrace
new ideas from those who have known freedom during her incarceration, new
ways to reach out to the younger generation, all the while keeping to her
core message of working together for a common goal – achieving democracy
without violence.[5] With the simple message of working together, she
brings the international community into focus reminds to be part of a
force for democracy, peace, reconciliation and genuine change; and it
needs a peaceful army of millions, for one person cannot be so
influential. She has extended this message of friendship to the military
regime who kept her in house detention for 16 of the last 21 years. In an
exclusive speech to the Washington D.C.-based periodical Foreign Policy,
Aung San Suu Kyi added that her idea was not a new one but rather one as
old as humanity itself – “working together to improve any situation”[6].
This will mean re-registering the National League for Democracy and having
the right to investigate concerns about the electoral process. This is
where the political will of the new administration will be tested. When
asked what question she would pose to Senior-General Than Shwe, Burma’s
reclusive military leader, Aung San Suu Kyi simply replied, “it would be
good if we could talk to each other.”[7]

So how will the new administration respond? Will they play mind games or
accept the invitation? In the days leading up to her release, USDP
secretary-general U Htay Oo reportedly said that the military wants ”to
co-operate (with the NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi) for the betterment of our
country,”[8]. These words, while not a direct endorsement of for an
all-inclusive roundtable discussion, at first glance appear to be the most
positive statement delivered in some time. However, nothing has been heard
from Senior-General Than Shwe on the matter, a man who seethes at the
mention of Aung San Suu Kyi’s name and has never fully explained why. It
is not clear whether his feelings are shared by the USDP or indeed other
members of the military. Regardless of their personal feelings towards
Aung San Suu Kyi, it will not stop officials from harassing civilians, in
particular the most at risk, as typified by the recent targeting of
HIV/AIDS patients at a clinic on Rangoon’s outskirts.

Just one day after Aung San Suu Kyi’s visit to a health clinic
highlighting the need to give greater attention to the issue of HIV/AIDS
in Burma, authorities ordered the facilities to close and threatened
residents and staff with eviction. Upon the surfacing of details that the
clinic’s owner, Phyu Phyu Tin, was a colleague of Aung San Suu Kyi’s in
the National League for Democracy, came calls of “political” motivation
for the center’s closure. After international exposure, authorities
relented, saying that the residents could stay on. This incident has
become a source of embarrassment, for it demonstrates just how out of
touch authorities are. The World Health Organization (WHO) have named
Burma as one of 11 countries deemed “worst-affected” by HIV/AIDS, where
0.5 per cent of government spending is allocated for health care.[9] What
does this say about the authorities’ attitude towards vulnerable people? 
More importantly, what will become of the patients once they have moved?
They will be added to the growing list of Burma’s forgotten people, whose
lives will slip through the cracks of ill-equipped and understaffed
government-run hospitals.

Despite all of this, the junta has failed to dampen her willingness and
enthusiasm, and the joy of watching Aung San Suu Kyi undertake the role
she undoubtedly misses the most; as a mother. One of the more wonderful
moments since Aung San Suu Kyi’s freedom is the time she has spent
catching up with her youngest son, Kim Aris. Mizzima Television showed
footage of mother and son taking a stroll through Bogyoke (General) Aung
San Market in downtown Rangoon last Monday, with hundreds or thousands of
onlookers cheering her every step. In one poignant moment, a woman
greeting Aung San Suu Kyi to fulfil a lifelong dream of meeting her idol,
could not be spoiled even with the presence of the sign “Government
Registered Jewelry Shop”, a sign that the presence of government is
unshakable in Rangoon.[10] But this cannot take the gloss off the 5 minute
visit that traders and customers alike, living in fear for so long, will
treasure forever. In a world of political scandals, public relations
stunts and seemingly pre-scripted interest by politicians worldwide, this
one bit of footage is a reminder of what politics should really be about;
connecting with the people.

Aung San Suu Kyi is regarded in a light that most leaders in western
countries dare dream of. This is because she cares genuinely for the
people who have stayed loyal to her, without casting aside anybody who has
made life difficult. Her vision is simple; a peaceful, democratic and fair
Burma where restoring the country’s past does not involve the use of
force. The time has come to end this ongoing bickering, which innocent
residents pay the ultimate price for. The ban on the National League for
Democracy must be lifted so that representatives of Burma’s diverse
community can hear what each other has to say without bias or fear. Aung
San Suu Kyi needs to be present simply because she will always be the
voice of hope, one that adds weight to the drive for national
reconciliation and peace. And if the new administration really wants to,
they can become part of a force of good and not evil by adhering to the
words mentioned in The Great Dictator’s closing speech.

____________________________________

December 6, Khaleej Time
Makeover in Myanmar

Myanmar, it seems, is poised to witness a unique transition of power. If
United Nations envoy to Burma, Vijay Nambiar, is to be believed, one can
hope for ‘new’ opportunities for the liberal democrats who had boycotted
the polls at the outset last month in protest against the reigning
military junta.

Hinting at by-elections for the vacant seats, the diplomat perhaps has
just furthered the impression that a host of pro-democracy politicians and
activists can now make their way into the parliament, which at the moment
is loaded with military-backed elected nominees. This new political space
for persons of repute that had struggled for civilian supremacy is a
welcome development, and can go a long way in uplifting Myanmar from the
throes of backwardness and iron-fisted governance.

Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, on the other hand, has also sent in the
right signals. By offering to walk an extra mile with the generals, she
has in fact stressed on an evolutionary process, rather than seeing
through a stage-managed revolution of sorts. However, secluded she may be
and in wilderness her party in the present power decorum, one thing is for
sure: a credible government cannot come into existence without being
endorsed by Suu Kyi and her comrades. This silver lining in the political
process makes the generals feel jittery and inadvertently come to terms
with the very concept of sharing power with the genuine representatives of
the people. This is no small achievement on the part of Suu Kyi to make
the adamant generals fall in line, irrespective of the fact that they
continue to wield power by
hook or crook.

A peaceful transition of power in Yangon can have lessons for many such
societies elsewhere in Asia and Africa. The very fact that Suu Kyi and
other pro-democracy elements have not called for annulling the results of
the charade November vote, irrespective of their severe reservations on
its fairness, is real accommodation. Moreover, the UN envoy’s proposition
that the newly elected parliament can find credibility with the
introduction of new faces from the rank and file of democrats’ is a novel
idea to keep the fragile boat of representative government sailing. The
large turnout itself was a proof that people want to register their
protest with the junta at work, and make use of an opportunity to exhibit
their flair for democracy. Now Suu Kyi and Nambiar’s synopsis make it a
perfect case for the Myanmarites to feel the change in the air. The junta
has no option but to supplement the world body’s efforts of broadening the
government’s base for the collective good of its people and the region.
Yangon’s junta is once again the dock.

____________________________________

December 5, Mediashift/PBS (US)
Suu Kyi Set Free but Media Still Held Captive in Burma – Simon Roughneen

Burma has in recent weeks been one of the top world news stories. The
country's November 7 general election was followed less than a week later
by the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, one of the world's best-known
political dissidents, whose appearance at her front gate on November 13
was carried on news networks around the world.

However, getting news out of Burma is no easy task. Foreign journalists
were banned from entering the country to cover the elections. Though an
estimated 30 to 40 managed to sneak in on tourist visas, seven were
deported after being detained by the police. Fourteen media workers are
currently behind bars, some serving sentences of up to 35 years. There are
a total of around 2,200 political prisoners who remain locked up, despite
the release of Suu Kyi.

Still, high-profile reporters such as BBC's John Simpson managed to
interview Suu Kyi after her release, with no apparent retaliation or
punitive measures by the ruling junta. One reporter in Rangoon, who asked
to remain anonymous due to the restrictions on foreign journalists
operating in Burma, told me the apparent indifference to the
journalists-posing-as-tourists was more due to ineptitude on the part of
the police, rather than newfound tolerance.

Telecom backwater

Chinese correspondents are the only foreign press permitted to work in
Burma on a full-time basis; news agencies and wire services such as
Associated Press, Reuters and Agence France-Presse are allowed only to
deploy Burmese stringers.

The information challenge was heightened in the week before the November 7
election, when a moratorium on new SIM cards was imposed by the junta,
pushing the price of black-market SIMs to well over $1,000. Economics are
another form of censorship in Burma, as the average wage is a little over
$200 per year. Even if the release of Suu Kyi somehow galvanized the
public into another confrontation with the junta, there is little prospect
of seeing the SMS-organized mass protests that emerged a decade ago
elsewhere in Southeast Asia, such as when tens of thousands of protesters
took to the streets of Manila to demand the ouster of President Joseph
Estrada.

All told, only four percent of the population is wired up to telephone
networks, one of the world's lowest telephone usage rates. There are
rumors that various multinational telecommunications companies are seeking
ways into the market, trying to get around U.S., E.U. and Australian
sanctions by setting up shell companies in Singapore and Hong Kong.
However, the privatization of various state assets over the past year
appears to have benefited only a narrow cabal of Burmese businessmen
affiliated with the ruling junta. There are 1.3 million mobile phones and
866,084 landlines in Burma, according to statistics released by Myanmar
Post and Telecommunications. The country has a population of roughly 50
million people. In contrast, over half the population of neighboring
Thailand has mobile phones.

The country has been deemed "an enemy of the Internet" by Reporters Sans
Frontiers (RSF), and Vincent Brossell, RSF's Asia representative, told me
that "it is so risky to try to work with people inside Burma."

When it comes to the Internet, foreign news and social networking sites
are blocked, though tech-savvy Internet users and Internet cafe owners in
Rangoon and Mandalay can find ways around the wall using various proxies.
However, just one in 455 Burmese were Internet users in 2009, according to
the International Telecommunications Union. Internet cafes in Rangoon and
Mandalay charge around $0.40 an hour for access, which is far too
expensive for ordinary Burmese.

Enhanced online surveillance

A new ISP regime is being implemented by the ruling State Peace and
Development Council, the official title for the junta. The planned
"national web portal" will split the military, government and general ISPs
into separate services, meaning that the publicly available Internet can
be closed down or slowed without impinging on the government or army's web
access. Critics say the new plan will enhance surveillance and online
snooping, and make the country's few bloggers more vulnerable than ever to
arrest.

During the monk-led mass protests in September 2007, citizens used the web
to send reports and video to the outside world, circumventing the ban on
foreign media. Blogger Nay Phone Latt was a central figure in that effort,
but he was given a 12-year jail term for his efforts—a harsh reminder of
what happens to those who use the Internet to speak out against the ruling
junta.

Any hope that the release of Suu Kyi signals even a tentative loosening-up
appears to be misplaced. The military censors have stuck to the old ways,
as evidenced by the fact that only ten of the country's 100-plus privately
owned publications were sanctioned to offer coverage of the release of Suu
Kyi. All publications in Burma must have their content approved in advance
by the Press Scrutiny Board. Speaking at a seminar on post-election Burma
in Bangkok on November 23, Aung Zaw, the editor of Irrawaddy, a news
magazine based in Thailand but run by Burmese journalists, told me that
"media in Burma are trying to push the envelope with the censor, since the
release of Aung San Suu Kyi."

Shawn Crispin, southeast Asia representative of the Committee to Protect
Journalists, told me there is a "yawning news gap" caused by heavy
censorship and intimidation inside Burma. Burmese exiles try to fill the
void, operating mainly from India and Thailand. Clandestine reporters
inside the country take great risks to funnel information to editors in
Chiang Mai, New Delhi and beyond.

Late in 2009, Hla Hla Win, a reporter for the Norway-headquartered
Democratic Voice of Burma, was sentenced to a total of 27 years in jail
for violating the Electronics Act, another draconian lever used by the
junta to stop information from getting around the country or to the
outside.

First Eleven's cover

However, since the release of Suu Kyi, even the state-watched media in
Burma have shown daring creativity to get their message out, risking the
wrath of the regime in the process. Sports journal First Eleven led with a
front-page story on the Tuesday after Suu Kyi's release that was a
combination of headlines ostensibly about English Premier League soccer
matches, but that also used colored lettering to discuss Suu Kyi's
release. Three innocuous-looking headlines—"Sunderland Freeze Chelsea,"
"United Stunned by Villa" and "Arsenal Advance to Grab Their Hope"—read as
"Su Free Unite and Advance to Grab The Hope."

First Eleven got the ruse past the censors by submitting the advance copy
of the page in black and white, but were subsequently hit with a two-week
publishing ban after the military realized that they had been fooled.

____________________________________

November 6, Detroit Free Press (US)
Is Chrysler ready to stick its neck out for another prisoner? – Mark Phelan

For the holidays, I'd like to see Chrysler put its money where its mouth is.

The automaker got a lot of attention last year for a TV commercial that
called on Burma's military government to free Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel
Peace Prize winner the junta had imprisoned for 14 of the previous 20
years.

The commercial showed other Peace Prize winners -- including icons of
freedom Lech Walesa and Mikhail Gorbachev -- being chauffeured around
Berlin in Chrysler 300s at a summit that coincided with the 20th
anniversary of the Berlin Wall's fall.

After the other laureates had arrived, an empty 300 pulled up to the
conference center. Text identified it as the car for "Aung San Suu Kyi.
Prime minister-elect of Burma. Nobel Peace Laureate."

The commercial ended with a powerful image: A poster calling for Suu Kyi's
freedom hung on a wall the 300 had crashed through. The narrator said:
"This film is dedicated to Aung San Suu Kyi, still prisoner in Burma." She
was released last month.

It was a stroke of marketing genius. The ad was incredibly economical. It
cost almost nothing to make, aired a few times and drew disproportionate
attention on the Internet and in the news.

Chrysler hadn't made a scrap of positive news in months as it went through
bankruptcy and formed an alliance with Fiat. The uplifting, emotional
images cast the company in a positive new light.

Calling for Suu Kyi's freedom isn't exactly a profile in courage, though.
An automaker doesn't risk much by annoying the generals who run Burma,
officially now known as Myanmar. With a per capita GDP of $1,100, the
Burmese people don't buy many Town & Country minivans or Lancia Delta
luxury cars.

Chrysler got the commercial courtesy of Fiat's Lancia brand, which shot a
nearly identical ad. Lancia has a history of supporting human rights. It
publicly promotes gay rights and opposes violence against women. Because
of that track record, the conference asked Lancia to provide cars for the
laureates.

Lancia had earned that honor. It risked alienating buyers with
controversial ads that spoke for the oppressed. China is the world's
largest market for new cars, but before the 2008 Beijing Olympics, Lancia
aired a commercial in which Richard Gere delivered a subtle but effective
"Free Tibet" message by driving a Delta from Grauman's Chinese Theatre
Hollywood to a Buddhist monastery in the Himalayas. The Chinese government
went into orbit. Fiat apologized, but the ad lives on in cyberspace.

The 2010 Nobel Peace laureate will be in a Chinese prison rather than at
the award ceremony in Oslo this Friday. Liu Xiaobo, a Chinese writer and
dissident credited with saving hundreds of lives during the Tiananmen
Square demonstrations, is serving his fourth prison term for pro-democracy
efforts.

Chrysler is establishing a new identity, much like it's rebuilding its
model line with cars like the new 200 and 300. It wants to emulate Lancia
as a brand associated with human rights and social responsibility. The Suu
Kyi commercial and this year's auction of a celebrity-autographed 300 to
raise money for Haitian earthquake relief were a good start.

Companies don't have souls; they have profit and loss statements. But when
a company decides that taking a moral stance is good for its bottom line,
that company accepts a higher responsibility. It must take stands based on
principle, not just the bottom line.

Otherwise, its acts are empty publicity stunts.

Chrysler's good deeds so far have been risk-free. If social responsibility
is going to be one of the brand's cornerstones, this is the time to stand
for something more controversial than motherhood and apple pie.

Chrysler should take on somebody its own size -- China -- and call for the
freedom of 2010 Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo.

Contact MARK PHELAN at phelan @freepress.com or 313-222-6731.