BurmaNet News, December 20, 2010

[Editor]

December 20, 2010 Issue #4107

INSIDE BURMA
Kaladan Press: Ancient Muslim cemetery demolished by military regime
DVB: Mass Mandalay eviction ordered
DVB Radio: Internet cafes told to install CCTVs, security personnel to
watch users

ON THE BORDER
SHAN: Junta army, SSA ‘North’ at it again

BUSINESS / TRADE
IANS: India starts river project in Myanmar
Marketwire: India's $5.6 Billion Investment in Myanmar

REGIONAL
Nation: Get tough with junta: Sen

INTERNATIONAL
New Republic: The junta might be building nukes—but is the U.S. doing
anything about it?
The Age: AWB investigator makes ambassador

OPINION / OTHER
NLM: Address delivered by Than Shwe at graduation No. 13 DSTA intake
Financial Express (Bangladesh): Deepening economic relations with Myanmar

INTERVIEW
(Canada) MacLeans:  Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi in conversation


____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA


December 20, Kaladan Press
Burma: Ancient Muslim cemetery demolished by military regime

Chittagong, Bangladesh - A 124 year-old Muslim cemetery was demolished by
the Burmese military regime’s Engineers’ Corps from Pegu Division on
December 16, 2010, according to a statement issued by the Burmese Muslim
Association (MBA).

The ancient Muslim cemetery was situated near the Rangoon-Mandalay highway
road. It had been donated in 1886 by the Satshin Justice (U Rasul Bauk) to
bury Muslims who died from incidents on the highway, and was situated
together with an ancient mosque to perform prayers, a religious school for
Muslim children, and several tombs of saints who had spent their entire
lives in religious services, the statement said.

The military regime, then called the Burmese Socialist Program Party
(BSPP), banned burying dead bodies in the cemetery on April 22, 1987, and
the performing of all other Islamic religious services have been
completely banned since 2005, the statement reported. “From 2002 to 2005,
the military regime partly demolished the cemetery.”

“Local authorities issued a notice to the cemetery’s trustee members to
hand over the keys to the local authorities before 15 June 2010, but the
trustees decided to resist the order of local authorities,” according to a
member of the trustees. “Then the municipality and military bulldozers
started to demolish the walls without prior notice on December 16 at 3
p.m.”

The land was registered as religious property and approved by the regime’s
own law, the trustee said.

The SPDC mentions in law 9/98 that if any building is listed as historical
property, removal, evacuation, and demolition are prohibited. SPDC law
protects such property by law, which is mentioned in Act (2), Paragraph
b-4.

Muslims from Pegu and the village neighboring the cemetery were angered by
this clearly illegal crime of the military regime. However, this action is
in line with the usual practice of the military regime since they took
power in 1962; all the minorities believe that they have been
discriminated against and persecuted by the regime, according to a local
resident from Pegu.

Muslims in Pegu are now preparing for retaliation against the authorities
if they move forward with plans to demolish the Islamic religious school
located in the cemetery grounds, the local said.

The five major Muslim organizations in Burma are appealing to the
authorities regarding this incident, the MBA stated.

A former NLD youth leader from Pegu, Ko Myo Win, is preparing to file the
details of this matter to the NLD and the ILO, and the Muslims are seeking
the help of Daw Aung San Su Kyi to resolve this matter, the statement
concluded.

____________________________________

December 20, Democratic Voice of Burma:
Mass Mandalay eviction ordered – Aye Nai

Residents in about 50 apartment flats in Burma’s second city of Mandalay
are being ordered by police to vacate within two weeks.

The majority of the nearly 200 homeowners in the 30th Street block have
been there for a decade, but were summoned to a meeting on 3 December with
Mandalay division police chief Aye Chan where he gave the order.

“The division police chief Aye Chan told us to start looking for somewhere
else to go,” said one resident. “[We] told him that we bought these flats
with money and asked for details on the eviction and compensation.”

But according to the resident, no details were provided. “The only thing
he knew was that we were to start looking for new places to go and move
out of the apartments. He also warned us not to cause damage to the
buildings, otherwise we will be prosecuted.”

The flats, initially valued at around three million kyat ($US3000) each
when the residents bought them in 2000, are now double the price. They had
been owned by Pado Aung San, a former senior official in the Karen
National Union who defected in 1998 is now a member of the
election-winning Union and Soldiarity and Development Party (USDP)
candidate.

The land that the apartments are built on is owned by the Burma Police
Force. Pado Aung San was permitted to lease the land and build the
apartments to sell.

“There is an agreement in the contract [upon buying the flats] that our
[ownership] of the apartments shall exist as long as the buildings
survive,” said the resident. “But one year later, we were called by the
police who told us to sign an acknowledgement that we agree to move out of
the apartments when it’s necessary for the State. Previously, we were
offered 60 million kyat ($US6000) [from individuals] to sell our flat but
we refused because we didn’t know we would be evicted like this.”

Another resident in the buildings said that when they had complained about
having to sign the agreement, authorities “told us there was nothing to
worry as the agreement was only in principle – the procedure meant that no
one would tell us to move out, they said”.

Rumours are circulating that the apartments have been bought by Chinese
businessmen, and that other blocks in Mandalay are also facing similar
problems.

DVB was unable to contact the police in Mandalay.
____________________________________

December 19, DVB Radio
Internet cafes told to install CCTVs, security personnel to watch users -
Daw Thiri Htet San

The authorities have introduced new regulations for internet cafes in
Rangoon. Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) correspondent, Daw Thiri Htet
San, filed this report about how the internet cafe operators and users are
reacting to the new regulations:

[Begin recording] [DVB] Quoting internet cafe operators who attended
meetings with Township Peace and Development Councils, local journals
reported that internet cafes are now required to follow new regulations
that require them to install CCTV cameras and to appoint at least four
security staff. But, internet cafe operators complain that the new
regulations are tough on them.

[Unidentified internet cafe operator] That would not be convenient for us
because we already have four or five employees and we were planning to let
some of them go. There are not many users now, so, we do not need that
many employees. Some users may also not like the new measures. The
connection now is quite slow and we are losing connections more frequently
as compared to three or four months ago. We will be required to install
two or three CCTVs and record the scene all the time, which means more
work for us also. We have to pay a fee of 300,000 kyats in addition to the
electricity generators that we need to buy for the times when there is no
electricity. New security measures in place means more costs for us.

[DVB] The journals said the new regulations were issued on 21 November
after two bombers were recorded on CCTV cameras planting four time bombs
at the Star Net internet cafe near the Rangoon City Hall on 17 November.
[Passage omitted on poor recording of a (?user)]

[DVB] Through blogs and internet postings, Burmese internet users were
able to expose to the world suppression of the people by the military
during the Saffron Revolution in 2007. Since then, bloggers and internet
users have been closely watched and a new Electronics Law was enacted to
arrest and imprison users.

Burma, therefore, ranks No 1 among the world's worst nations for bloggers
and the world's fourth worst nation for journalists. [End recording]

That was a report by DVB correspondent Daw Thiri Htet San.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

December 20, Shan Herald Agency for News
Junta army, SSA ‘North’ at it again - Hseng Khio Fah

Another round of shooting between a Burma Army unit under the control of
Shan State South’s Mongnawng-based Military Operations Command (MOC) #2
and fighters from First Brigade of Shan State Army (SSA) ‘North’ that
refused Naypyitaw’s order to disarm broke out on Saturday, 18 December,
according to local sources.

The incident took place at the same site where the first clash of the two
sides had taken place on 11 November, Kunkieng- Wan Lwe, 3 miles west of
Wan Hsaw, a village between Wanhai, the main base of the SSA North’s First
Brigade, and Monghsu, at 22:30 local time and lasted for 30 minutes, a
local villager said.

“A day before the fighting, we saw them [Burma soldiers] turning up at
Harng Zarng-Pangwoe villages, on the way from Mongnawng to Monghsu, in the
morning,” he said. “They then disappeared into the jungle again.”

According to SSA sources, it was attacked by a 51- strong patrol from
Namzang-based Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) # 516.

There were 3 casualties (wounded) on the Burma Army side. No casualties
were reported from the SSA side.

“Reinforcements from Wanhai were deployed to encircle them [the Burma Army
soldiers] after the fight. But we made no counter attack,” an SSA officer
said.

Yesterday, over 100 of Burma Army soldiers from Mongnang were deployed to
the scene of the fighting again, according to local sources. “All of them,
including the attackers, retreated at 17:00 yesterday,” said an SSA
officer. “We let them go.”

The SSA has passed a directive to all of its fighters to be on full alert.
Currently, the First Brigade is also reportedly holding its annual meeting
at its main base, Wanhai.

The SSA North and the Burma Army have fought five times since 1st
September after the SSA refused to disarm, three times in September and
the fourth on 11 November.

Reports of clashes between the SSA and the Burma Army have come out
steadily these days.

Burma Army soldiers based in Shan State East’s Mongton township on the
Thai-Burma border were also ambushed by the SSA ‘South’ twice during the
last weekend.

The first attack took place on 17 December, at 8:00 local time between a
60-strong unit of Burma Army soldiers from Mongton-based Infantry
Battalion (IB) 277 and SSA’s Battalion No. 404, on a motor road between
Maeken and Napakao, resulting 3 dead and some wounded on the Burma Army
side, a source close to the SSA said.

On the next day, over 100 Burma Army soldiers including the commander of
Monghsat-based Military Operations Command (MOC) #14 were attacked by the
same battalion # 404 of SSA ‘South’ led by Sergeant Sai Loi on the road
between Monghsat and Mongton, a local resident in Mongton said.

“Dozens of Burma army soldier including the commander were injured forcing
them to turn back,” he said. “The commander was reported to be coming out
to inspect its border units.”

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

December 20, IANS (Indo-Asian News Service)
India starts river project in Myanmar

Yangon - India has begun construction of a river port and waterway
terminal in Myanmar, aimed at promoting trade between the two countries.

Construction for the Myanmar-India Kaladan Multimodal Transit Transport
Project in Sittway township of Rakhine state began Sunday, Xinhua reported
Monday citing official daily New Light of Myanmar.

The construction in the Kaladan river project would be completed by 2013.

India is Myanmar's fourth largest trading partner after Thailand, China
and Singapore.

The Myanmar-India bilateral trade reached $1.19 billion in the 2009-10
fiscal year, a 26.1 percent increase from the previous year, according to
official statistics.

____________________________________

December 20, Marketwire
India's NHPC Plans 20 Hydropower Projects, $5.6 Billion Investment in
Myanmar, an Industrial Info News Alert

Kolkata, India - Researched by Industrial Info Resources (Sugar Land,
Texas) -- India's NHPC Limited (BSE:533098) (New Delhi), the
government-owned hydropower generator, is planning 20 hydropower projects
with an aggregate generating capacity of 12,466 megawatts (MW) to be
constructed in the country between 2012 and 2017. These projects will be
in addition to the $5.6 billion that NHPC will spend on building two
hydroelectric projects in Myanmar during the period.

For details, view the entire article by subscribing to Industrial Info's
Premium Industry News at: 
http://www.industrialinfo.com/showNews.jsp?newsitemID=170893

____________________________________
REGIONAL

December 20, The Nation (Thailand)
Get tough with junta: Sen - Manote Tripathi

Nobel laureates says Chinese, Indian and Thai businessmen making money
while Burmese people suffer.

Nobel laureate Amartya Sen has encouraged China, India and Thailand to
re-examine their policies on Burma, which have done little to curb the
"insanely dictatorial" Burmese junta.

During his visit to Bangkok last week, the 1998 Nobel laureate in
economics didn't mince words when he met Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva
and criticised his ineffective policy towards Burma.

"Well, I criticised every establishment and government's Burma policy. I
always like to criticise my close friends such as Indian PM Manmohan
Singh. I feel at home here and I'm a great admirer of Thailand, but that
doesn't stop me from criticising Thailand's Burma policy. I talked to
Abhisit about the problems of Thailand, of the world. I told him both
India's and Thailand's Burma policies are at fault. Abhisit laughs, then
says he understands why I say that.

"I'm being mean here, but I think the Chinese, Indians and Thais are
making a lot of money out of the Burmese people by keeping it under
dictatorial hands. The suffering public is the Burmese. The gainers are
the Chinese, Thai and Indian businessmen," he said.

The 77-year-old teacher of economics and philosophy at Harvard University
insisted that Thailand, China and India are to blame for continuing to
prop up the Burmese junta by maintaining business connections with the
generals and for not doing enough in the interest of democracy. The
generals deserve a harsher reaction from the world due to their
never-ending barbarity and insanity, he said.

"Myanmar is a hell-hole version of old Burma," he said. "They are treating
their country with barbarity, rape, murder and displacement of minority
groups who continue to be pushed out of their country. It's a dreadful
situation."

What's more dreadful is the regime's ongoing trade relations with many
countries, he said. Thailand, India, China as well as major Western
countries still keep up business connections with the generals.

"The generals have their own national interests. But protecting national
interests, as it were, at the cost of the Burmese people is not the right
thing to do. I will say that to China, too, if I have a chance."

Targeted sanctions against Burma, as opposed to the existing general
sanctions, which he said have been ineffective, should be adopted by
countries. The general sanctions have hurt the people, he said, adding he
expects stronger restrictions on trade in specific sectors like armaments,
gems, petroleum and garments. Financial restrictions on large transactions
would also help.

"Just restrictions on areas that are of particular interest to the ruler,"
he said. "[Aung San] Suu Kyi could play a vital role on this [targeted
sanctions] as she wants change. Then there is the question of travel by
the generals and those associated with them. The Burmese leaders do want
to travel overseas for medical treatment and pleasure. There has to be a
sanction on overseas travel against these people."

Sen recommends Thailand and other countries in Asia and the West to join
in supporting the targeted sanctions. There's no question that China is
the biggest player in Burma and China needs to rethink its Burma, policies
as should India, Thailand as well as Western countries with business
interests in Burma, he said.

"The Europeans and Americans are very high on the tower, but they haven't
withdrawn from the oil and gas trade and gems business in Burma. If the
Europeans and Americans clamp down on financial transactions involving the
generals and their associates, then Myanmar will be in extreme difficulty.
It will work if you're willing to do it.

"You see what's happening? The Americans, British, French and Germans keep
lecturing Thailand, India and China for not doing the right thing. But
they don't do it either. I'm accusing the West of being a hypocrite."

Sen also proposes that Thailand and other countries work together to
support the UN inquiry into the recent "badly rigged elections as well as
the ongoing Burmese atrocities".

"What's the point of having an election when you cannot criticise the
policy of the generals and when many in the opposition remain in jail?
People vote out of fear, not out of hope," he said.

"We need a global Burmese policy. We need many voices for that to work. We
need to remember that ultimately dictators will fall even though it takes
a bit of time.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

December 20, The New Republic
The New Republic:  Burma Bombshell - The junta might be building nukes—but
is the U.S. doing anything about it? - Joshua Kurlantzick

Many minor Wikileaks scoops have attracted media notice—like the fact that
Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi apparently always travels with a buxom
Ukrainian “nurse”—but one frightening disclosure in particular has not
received nearly enough attention. In several cables written from the U.S.
embassy in Rangoon, the largest city (and former capital) of Burma,
diplomats provided information about the Burmese junta’s potential
cooperation with North Korea, including details of what may be nascent
nuclear and missile programs.

In one cable, from back in 2004, American officials reported that sources
told them North Korean workers potentially were helping the junta build a
ballistic missile program at one secret military site inside Burma. In
another cable, a source told U.S. officials of reports that Burma is
importing significant quantities of ore, possibly in order to be refined
into uranium. In still another cable, sources reported on more details of
covert military co-operation between Burma and North Korea, including on
potential nuclear production.

The fact that two of the world’s most repressive and opaque regimes could
be collaborating on nuclear and missile technology is disturbing enough.
But nearly as disturbing is that reports of this collaboration have been
surfacing for years, mostly among Burmese exiles—yet, until recently,
diplomats mostly shrugged these stories off. Indeed, foreign governments
know so little about (or are so disinterested in) Burma that the junta may
have been able to start building a nuclear program with scarcely anyone
knowing or caring. Save Kim Jong Il, that is.

The first reports that the junta might be launching nuclear and missile
programs started filtering out of Burma at least five years ago, from
exiles and several foreign intelligence analysts. These reports were
picked up by news outlets run by Burmese exiles, such as the Democratic
Voice of Burma, a radio station based in Norway. Last winter, the
respected Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS)
published a report detailing a range of suspicious sites in Burma and
Burmese purchases of sophisticated machine tools as well as other
technology that would have little civilian use. Yet, as recently as a year
ago, when I spoke with several top Asian officials about the potential of
a Burmese nuclear program, they pooh-poohed the possibility, saying that
they doubted the junta had any real intention to build nukes, or the
capabilities to get it done.

Just last month, a United Nations investigation found further evidence
that North Korea was providing nuclear equipment banned for export to
Burma. Proof that something problematic might be going on, in other words,
is right under our noses. But, while some senior U.S. policymakers, like
Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell, recognize the nuclear threat
in Burma, they seem to be in the minority. Several months ago, the
investigative reporting outfit ProPublica reported that many officials in
the U.S. government have rejected findings that suggest Burma may be
working to obtain nuclear and missile capability.

Why won’t foreign governments consider the possibility? Denying that Burma
could be trying to construct a nuclear or missile program fits into a
larger pattern of mistaken thinking about the junta—a pattern that
involves seeing the regime as crazy, unpredictable, or even stupid. This
attitude is evident in much of the media coverage of the country, which
focuses on the junta’s superstitions—it has used astrologers to help it
pick propitious dates—or other bizarre tendencies. In conversations with
officials from another, wealthier Asian nation last year, I was repeatedly
told how hard it was to deal with the junta because its leaders have
little education. Former Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew has been
blunter, telling American diplomats, in one conversation captured in a
Wikileaks-released cable, that the junta is “dense.”

To be sure, building a nuclear program is a serious undertaking—witness
the trouble Iran is having—and the impoverished and relatively isolated
Burmese junta would face an uphill climb. What’s more, to produce a
nuclear program, Burma would likely have to alienate its major patron,
China, which certainly has no interest in having another nuclear state
right on its border. And, even if the junta is importing workers and
knowledge from North Korea, that doesn’t absolutely mean it will, or can,
build nukes or missiles.

But, as I have written previously for TNR, the junta often has the last
laugh with the international community. Twice before, in 1995 and 2002,
the regime released opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest
and then used her freedom to gain what it wanted from the international
community: increased investment as well as membership in the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations. In both cases, outsiders hailed a new era of
reform—but, both times, when the junta had gotten what it wanted, it put
Suu Kyi back into jail. (She was released again a few weeks ago and, for
the time being, remains free.) The regime then continued keeping its
people under mercilessly tight control, violating their most basic rights.

There could be another explanation for U.S. denial of Burma’s nuclear
ambitions: Burma expert Bertil Lintner has suggested in the Asia Times
that some lower-ranking U.S. officials may be trying to play down evidence
of a nuclear program so as not to threaten the Obama administration’s new
policy of engagement with the junta. But even if this were the reason—in
whole or in part—for Washington’s quiet approach, it would still be yet
another example of U.S. naivete when it comes to Burma. After all,
engagement doesn’t seem to be working: Another Wikileaks-released cable
reveals that U.S. officials have suggested junta leader Than Shwe might be
willing to make compromises in order to gain closer relations with the
United States—compromises that we have yet to see.

In the end, neither the hope of engagement nor a faith in the regime’s
essential incompetence seem like good reasons to play down the nuclear
issue. To be fair, the Obama administration doesn’t lack for major
headaches around the world. But it might be time to add this one to the
list.

Joshua Kurlantzick is a fellow for Southeast Asia at the Council on
Foreign Relations.

____________________________________

December 21, The Age (Australia)
AWB investigator makes ambassador - Dylan Welch

A government official who initially investigated the notorious AWB scandal
has been appointed the Australian ambassador to Burma.

Foreign Minister Kevin Rudd yesterday announced that diplomat Bronte
Moules was Australia's new ambassador to Burma.

Ms Moules was a senior member of Australia's delegation to the United
Nations in the early 2000s, and is currently the deputy ambassador to
Bangkok.

A spokeswoman for Mr Rudd yesterday said Ms Moules was a highly
experienced and respected career foreign service officer. ''She has just
completed a three-year term as deputy head of mission in Thailand and
brings strong regional experience and perspective to her new role as
ambassador to Burma.''

In 2000 Ms Moules investigated complaints by the Canadian government about
the way AWB was operating in Iraq.

She later sent a secret cable to Canberra alerting the government to
allegations that the wheat exporter might have been making illicit
payments to Saddam Hussein's regime.


____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

December 18, The New Light of Myanmar in English (pp. 1, 8, 9, 10)

You can confront anything and win if you avoid your opponents’ strong
points, exploit their shortcomings and strike at their weaknesses

Engineering professionals, part of human resources necessary for the
building of a modern Tatmadaw

Nay Pyi Taw, December 17 - The following is the full text of the address
delivered by Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Senior General Than
Shwe at the Passing out of Parade of No. 13 Intake of the Defence Services
Technological Academy.

Comrades,

Today is the graduation day of the No. 13 Intake of the Defence Services
Technological Academy, a day on which our Tatmadaw gains new strength in
engineering.

You comrades have completed your military and technological studies and
will soon be assigned duties as junior leaders in military engineering in
the Tatmadaw.

Comrades,

The aim of the Tatmadaw is the building of a strong and capable modern
patriotic Tatmadaw. Our principal duties are the protection of the nation
and the people, constant training to ensure high levels of attainment in
the 3 capabilities and the performance of activities beneficial to the
people utilizing the time available.

Comrades,

In the world today, every country is building modernized Armed Forces,
taking great precautions to ensure national defence capabilities. So,
during our time, we have made endeavours to ensure that the Tatmadaw is
strong, capable and patriotic, as it has been since its inception. As the
economic strength of the nation grew, the modernization of the Tatmadaw
was implemented appropriately.

Comrades,

In the period immediately after independence, domestic insurgencies were
strong and had enormous momentum, while our Tatmadaw was weak in every
aspect, in terms of manpower and weapons. The Tatmadaw was able to save
the country from the kind of horrible situation where only a small area
around Yangon remained outside insurgent control only because we had the
patriotism, the daring to take risks and make sacrifices and the support
of the people. It was thanks to such spirit that we were able to repel the
Koumintang invasion.

Thus, the strength of the Tatmadaw was gradually built up and hand in hand
with the people, the Tatmadaw was able to wipe out the insurgents that
maintained strongholds in the delta region, the Bago Mountain Range and
the regions to the west of the Ayeyawady River, turning those areas into
regions of peace and tranquillity.

History teaches us that our Tatmadaw needs not only to be capable of
maintaining peace and stability within the country but also to be able to
repel threats such as unforeseen foreign invasions.

So I’d like to urge you to build the Tatmadaw into a modern and capable
Tatmadaw as a duty that has been passed on to you.

Comrades,

Our principal duty is the protection of the nation and the people. To be
able to provide protection, we need training, military awareness and
combat readiness forever.

To be effective, military training by its very nature can never stop. It
is necessary to have constant training in conventional warfare, guerilla
warfare, people’s warfare strategy and the changing strategies and tactics
that arise out of evolving military science and technology.

In today’s world, efforts are being made to utilize new and powerful
weapons of mass destruction to achieve land, sea and air supremacy as well
as dominance in space and to exploit it in warfare.

However, as in all mattes, strong points are always accompanied by
weaknesses and shortcomings. You can confront anything and win if you
avoid your opponents’ strong points, exploit their shortcomings and strike
at their weaknesses. So I’d like to urge you comrades, who are military
engineers, to engage in constant study and creative thinking.

Comrades,

Military affairs require constant awareness. Awareness is the principal
determinant of security. You can be combat-ready forever only if you have
awareness forever. Those who lack constant awareness and are not
combat-ready at all times may be taken by surprise. Being taken by
surprise is the principal cause of defeat. When the Tatmadaw engages in
warfare, overall victory must be won, even though parts of the battle may
be lost as it is in the nature of warfare.

So, you comrades who have joined the Tatmadaw must instill in yourselves
the unyielding spirit of victory.

Comrades,

You have become members of the Tatmadaw and pledged allegiance to the
nation and the people.

In the Four Oaths that we have taken, the word “We” includes everyone from
the Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services to the newest recruit. We must
bear allegiance to the nation and the people. We must bear allegiance to
the members of the Tatmadaw who have fallen. We must discharge the order
given and the duty assigned to us by our superiors. We must pledge our
readiness to sacrifice our own lives for our nation, our people and our
Tatmadaw.

So you comrades have to dare to take risks and make sacrifices. You have
to be courageous and have fortitude. You have to have the Five Fundamental
Qualifications that every unit and every soldier must possess: mental
fortitude, good discipline, loyalty, unity, and the three
capabilities-military, organizing and administrative capabilities. You
must have the strength of mind to be willing to safeguard the traditions
of the Tatmadaw even at the risk of your own life. You must have the
capability to provide absolute protection to Our Three Main National
Causes.

Comrades,

As you will soon be assigned duties as junior leaders, you need not only
to have the above-mentioned qualifications yourselves but also to be able
to help those under your command to acquire them. A military leader must
be able to build a good unit, overcome any hardship or obstacle and
organize his own unit so that it can act cohesively and effectively.

In order to achieve this, you have to lead by example in every aspect. You
have to be able to go through hardship and deprivation. You have to show
perseverance, industry, hard work and effort. You have to provide good
command and control. In every way, you must be able to put others before
you. Only in this way, will you, comrades, become the junior leaders who
have earned the trust and confidence of your subordinates.

Comrades,

As engineering professionals, you are part of the human resources
necessary for the building of a modern Tatmadaw. You must be able to give
illustrious service to the Tatmadaw using your expertise. In the same way,
you must be able to help and protect the rural people in areas where you
serve.

Comrades,

The engineering officers who have graduated since the establishment of the
Defence Services Technological Academy on 4 February 1994 have contributed
their services with energy and enthusiasm to activities that serve the
interests of the country during the time the Tatmadaw has assumed the
responsibilities of the State. I’ like to state that their services are
placed on record and honoured.

Comrades,

In conclusion, I would like to urge you to

- discharge the duty of building a strong and capable modern patriotic
Tatmadaw as a duty that has been passed on to you;

- discharge the three main duties of the Tatmadaw;

- fulfil the Three Forevers and provide absolute protection to the nation
and the people;

- cultivate yourselves to become good leaders; and

- uphold Our Three Main National Causes and carry on the Twelve Noble
Traditions of the Tatmadaw.

With this I conclude. - MNA
____________________________________

December 21, Financial Express (Bangladesh) Editorial
Deepening economic relations with Myanmar - Abu Zafar Iqbal

BANGLADESH'S neighbour to the east, Myanmar, has for a long time been
known as a country with which it could promote in a planned manner
stepped-up interactions in economic and trade matters. But the
potentialities have remained little exploited or explored, not befitting
of the mutual interests of both countries. Only in recent years,
suggestions have been made for boosting trade and economic relationship
with Myanmar. The process was, however, hazarded earlier by the influx of
Rohingya refugees from Myanmar to Bangladesh and the stand-off between the
two countries over demarcation of their sea boundaries, etc.

It is a welcome development that the political problems between Myanmar
and Bangladesh are now showing signs of a resolution. Myanmar has taken
some of the Rohingya refugees back and remains committed to facilitate the
return of the others. The dispute over demarcation of sea boundaries that
at one stage seemed to be volatile has now been largely cooled off, and
Bangladesh has sought international arbitration on it. Meanwhile, Myanmar
also took some policy decisions that are otherwise likely to be helpful
for its reasonable settlement. Thus, the political relations which have a
way of powerfully impacting on trade and economic relation, are improving
for both countries.

For Bangladesh, it remains imperative to keep itself engaged pro-actively
with Myanmar in a constructive spirit and do everything possible to sort
out the political issues on the two sides at the fastest. The doing of
this, successfully, will pave the ground well for speedier interactions in
economic and trade spheres.

As it is, very useful developments in the economic sphere are envisaged
between the two countries. Power supply is proving to be a big worry for
the Bangladesh economy. If Bangladesh can take up an effective move and
follow it up for exploring the possibility of producing hydro-electricity
in the Rakhine state of Myanmar for supplying to Bangladesh, that will
help create a win-win situation for economic advantages of both the
countries. It appears that there are good possibilities of importing -
substantially -- hydro-electricity produced in Myanmar for use in
Bangladesh.

Similarly, there are also prospects of importing gas from Myanmar. The
cross-border trading in energies can be very complementary for both
countries. Presently, Bangladesh is starved for energy and needs to get
them from any source at the fastest. Myanmar in the present state of
development of its economy has a surplus of both gas and power that it, as
reports suggest, stands ready to export. The importing of the same in bulk
can be cost-efficient as well as strategically sound for Bangladesh in all
respects. In some ways, such importing of energies from Myanmar would be
quick sensible.

Apart from energy, cooperation can be developed between the two countries
in the field of agricultural production. Bangladesh reportedly made a
proposal to Yangoon sometime ago about getting the facility of taking
lease of vast tracts of unutilized fertile farmlands in Burma. Myanmar has
not yet responded satisfactorily to this proposal. But there is no harm in
continuing with the persuasion to that end from the Bangladesh side.
Bangladeshi agro-farms can be allowed to set up enterprises in Burma for
producing cereals and diverse agro-produces on the basis of joint
ownership. Initiatives for trans-border agricultural production of this
nature can be gainful for both countries, specially for Bangladesh with
its fast growing population and rising concern about building its longer
term food security.

The relevant ministry in Bangladesh needs to play a focused role from now
on to give a boost to economic cooperation with Myanmar in the wider
fields.

____________________________________
INTERVIEW

December 20, MacLeans Magazine (Canada)
Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi in conversation - Nancy Macdonald

On Nov. 13, Aung San Suu Kyi, the world’s most famous political prisoner,
walked free from house arrest in Burma. Her crumbling white villa on
Rangoon’s Inya Lake had, for most of the past two decades, been her
prison. She was first detained in 1989, a year before her National League
for Democracy party took 82 per cent of the seats in nationwide elections.
Those results were famously tossed out by the military regime that has
ruled Burma since 1962 and threw the NLD leadership, Suu Kyi included,
behind bars. Late last month, Suu Kyi was reunited with her youngest son,
Kim Aris, 33, named for the Rudyard Kipling hero, after a decade-long
separation. The 65-year-old Nobel laureate and democratic icon spoke to
Maclean’s from Rangoon.

Q: You have said you never felt as though you were apart from your two
sons. Could you explain?
A: We’ve always been very close to each other. Although it’s been many
years since I have seen them, I have thought of my sons very often—not
just the younger one who has come to Burma now [Kim], but my eldest son,
Alexander, as well. I have kept alive their memories and images. I missed
them, of course—but in other ways, they were very, very much alive in my
heart and mind.

Q: You once said something similar of your father, Gen. Aung San, the
country’s founding father, who was assassinated in 1947, shortly before
Burma won its independence from Britain. That at times during your lonely
struggle you have been alone, but you have always known that you had your
father’s backing.
A: Yes, that’s right. I was only two when he died, so I don’t really
remember him, but my mother and others have always talked about him, so I
have always felt very close to him. Of course, I was always told he was
particularly fond of me. I was the youngest of his children, and the only
daughter, and that always made me feel we had a special relationship.

Q: How does it feel to be free?
A: Well, for one thing, it’s exhausting. I don’t seem to have time to
breathe. Everything’s happening so quickly, and so much is happening all
the time.

Q: You said you were actually quite busy while under house arrest—right
from 4:30 in the morning, when you rose to meditate. How did you pass the
time?
A: I was the—shall we say “handyman”?—around the house. I had to fix minor
electricity problems, and so forth. And then, of course, there was the
whole business of listening to the radio. I sat in front of it for five or
six hours a day, in order to keep up with the rest of the world.

Q: You also read widely while under arrest: on history, economics and
politics, primarily, but your lawyer said you managed to get your hands on
a Harry Potter book. Can I ask why Harry Potter?
A: Well, I was given some Harry Potter books by a young friend. I wanted
to know why young people liked it so much. And I noted that there were
some values in Harry Potter that are common to many books that are popular
all over the world. In the end, I think people prefer the good to win,
rather than the bad.

Q: “Violence begets violence,” you have said, and you have been very clear
since your release about how you wish to make change.
A: I’ve always been strongly on the side of non-violence. Also, I think
that if you use the wrong means, the ends themselves get distorted. I was
speaking to a writer the other day and he gave me a valuable piece of
advice. He said that you may get to where you want to go quicker through
violence, but the healing process takes longer. Whereas if you don’t use
violence, there is not much healing necessary, so you win in the long run.

Q: Yet you are positioning your political movement as an active opposition
to the military leadership, and are calling for a revolution. Could you
explain how you define the term?
A: A revolution simply means great change, significant change, and that’s
how I’m defining it—great change for the better, brought about through
non-violent means. And we do need great change in Burma. We are trying to
build a new society, a society where basic human rights are respected, and
where our people enjoy all the benefits of democratic institutions.

Q: “If they had reached out to us,” you have said of the regime, “we would
have grasped their hands.” Clearly, you believe in dialogue. And if one
believes in dialogue, one must also believe in compromise. Is it too
optimistic to expect some kind of compromise on the part of the military
regime?
A: It may be optimistic to expect that too quickly. I think we have to
work at it. I would like for both sides to sit down, and work out a
solution.

Q: Expectations of you are enormous in both Burma and the West. But you
have been clear since being freed that you cannot do this alone, that the
fight will not be won without the support of the Burmese people.
A: That’s right. I want them to understand that if you want democracy, you
have got to be prepared to accept the responsibilities of democracy. The
people have to take part. They have to understand that they have the power
to move things, and they must really commit themselves to change if they
want it. They can’t just expect me, or the NLD, to bring about this
change. This is the age of the people, the age of communications. We have
all got to form a huge network, working toward a process of
democratization.

Q: You haven’t lived with your sons since they were 11 and 15; you weren’t
able to see your husband, Michael Aris, in England before his death in
1999 because you feared the regime wouldn’t let you back into Burma if you
left. Yet you refuse to cast that as a sacrifice.
A: Yes—it is a choice I made. If you think of it as a sacrifice, it is as
though you felt that you have given more than you are getting. But I think
I have been given as much as I have given. The people have given me their
support, they have given me their trust and confidence. My colleagues have
suffered a lot in order to give me support. I do not look upon my life as
a sacrifice at all.

Q: Yet you have paid such a high price. Have you ever thought it was too
high?
A: No. Some of my colleagues may have paid too high a price. Over 2,000
political prisoners remain behind bars. The conditions in prisons in Burma
are far worse than conditions in my house, where I have lived the last
seven years.

Q: You say that fear itself can be a kind of prison. For years, you and so
many Burmese have been terrorized by the military regime. How can one
learn to live without fear in such an environment?
A: If not without fear, at least in spite of fear. The important thing is
fear should not control your actions. It should not dictate what you do.
Even if you feel fear, you still have to go ahead and do what you believe
in. As I keep saying to our supporters: “All right, your knees may be
knocking but that shouldn’t prevent you from going ahead and doing what
you need to do.”

Q: Isn’t it true you could be imprisoned again?
A: One has to look at it as a possibility. I have been arrested time and
time again, and my colleagues, too. I cannot guarantee that I’ll not be
arrested again. But it’s not something that weighs on my mind. If we are
fearful of arrest, we’d never be able to get on with it in this country.
I’ll do what I can while I’m free. If they arrest me again, I’ll do what I
can while I’m under arrest.

Q: In 2007, after a violent military crackdown on protesters, Canada
imposed some of the toughest sanctions in the world on Burma, including a
ban on all imports and exports, and a ban on new investment by Canadians.
Would you like Canada to maintain its hardline stance?
A: We will review the sanctions position—which means we don’t particularly
want any change until we see what the effects of the sanctions are. There
are political effects, and economic effects, and one has to be weighed
against the other, and we really want to find out whether the general
public has been affected adversely.

Q: Both India and China are looking to tap oil and gas reserves on Burma’s
oil-rich west coast. India recently welcomed the leader of the military
junta, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, on a state visit, and has called November’s
sham elections “free and fair.” How has its support for the regime made
you feel?
A: I’ve been very, very saddened. India and Burma have been close friends
since the days we were struggling for independence. And I’m a great
admirer of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, and all those leaders of
India’s independence movement. I would like to believe the aspirations and
hopes we shared in the past will continue to bind us in the future.

Q: The regime maintains it won the Nov. 7 elections by a landslide. The
opposition, including your party, the NLD, was divided over whether to
participate in elections or boycott them. You were then still under
arrest. Could you explain the NLD approach?
A: The NLD boycotted the elections, and I agree with the stand. The terms
of the 2008 constitution [which ensures the military will continue to be
the ultimate authority] could not benefit Burma in the long run. We think
this constitution should be revised. Secondly, we couldn’t accept that the
results of the 1990 elections have been swept aside in one single
sentence, without reference to the will of the people. Thirdly, it was not
possible for us to accept that we should expel political prisoners from
our party. This would be a gross act of betrayal of our comrades. For
these reasons, we decided not to contest the elections. And considering
the complaints of those who did contest, I don’t think we made the wrong
decision.

Q: Last month, the Supreme Court refused to hear your lawsuit challenging
a recent decision to ban and dissolve your party. The NLD has had various
restrictions placed on it for 20-odd years, and continued to function. Is
it fair to say the party will remain an opposition force, regardless of
what the courts rule?
A: We will continue to exist. We’ve existed in the past, and we’ll
continue to exist as a strong political opposition. At the same time, we
are going to appeal the decision of the court.

Q: In pictures and videos circulated since your release you have been
surrounded by huge crowds of Burmese people, clearly delighted just to be
near you. It must all be a little frightening—the crowds, the shouting,
the pushing, especially after so many years of solitude?
A: No, it’s not at all alarming. It’s touching, actually. They’re all
very, very cheerful. It’s nice to feel their support, their warmth.

Q: You have learned to use a cellphone since your release. Have you been
able to secure an Internet connection?
A: No, not yet. I’ve made an application. But I don’t know whether it will
come through or not.

Q: If you’re successful, will you use Twitter or Facebook to communicate
with your supporters?
A: Can’t I do both?

Q: You are one of only five people to have ever been made an honorary
citizen of Canada. Is there any chance you might visit Ottawa one day to
receive the designation in person?
A: I very much hope so. I’d love to visit Canada.

Q: Are you even allowed to leave Rangoon?
A: There are no restrictions on my travelling around the country. But I
have no plans to travel around the country. I’m too busy to even leave
Rangoon—there is so much work here.