BurmaNet News, December 23 - 27, 2010

[Editor]

December 23 - 27, 2010, Issue #4110


INSIDE BURMA
Irrawaddy: Than Shwe's son-in-law named Ambassador to China
DVB: Burma’s new parliaments will convene in January: USDP MP-elect

ON THE BORDER
Irrawaddy: Refugees hide after forced repatriation
Times of India: India, Myanmar to sign legal aid agreement

BUSINESS/TRADE
Joongang Daily (South Korea): Korea cements pact with Myanmar

REGIONAL
DVB: Burmese generals ‘hate China’, says India
Jakarta Post: Indonesia, Suu Kyi join efforts to push for democratic Myanmar

INTERNATIONAL
DPA: IAEA asks to inspect alleged Myanmar nuclear sites
Toronto Sun: PM invites Suu Kyi to Canada

OPINION / OTHER
Nation (Thailand): Ten things we can do about Burma – Amartya Sen
Washington Post: Who is 2010 leader of the year? – Susan Peters
Independent (UK): The Year in Review: Aung San Suu Kyi
Mizzima: Panglong II requires further touches, military on board
NLM: What is requirement for national reconsolidation in Myanmar – Kyaw
Myint Naing



____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

December 23, Irrawaddy
Than Shwe's son-in-law named Ambassador to China – Wai Moe

In his 18 years as head of Burma's ruling junta, Snr-Gen Than Shwe has
worked tirelessly to cement not only the regime's hold on power, but also
the status of his closest relatives as members of the country's de facto
royal family.

Now, in the latest move to ensure that his influence survives the
transition to quasi-civilian rule following this year's election, he has
named his son-in-law as his point man in China, the regime's most
important and powerful ally.

According to sources in Naypyidaw, Maj Zaw Phyo Win, husband of Than
Shwe's youngest daughter, Thandar Shwe, has been appointed Burma's
ambassador to Beijing, following a stint as the Burmese consul general in
Kunming, in China’s southwestern province of Yunnan.

Thandar Shwe and Zaw Phyo Win were last in the international media
spotlight in 2006, when a leaked video of their wedding outraged Burmese
observers with its displays of opulence, in a country where millions live
in poverty due to the regime's stranglehold on the economy.

More recently, Zaw Phyo Win appeared in Burma's state-run media during a
state visit to Kunming by Foreign Minister Nyan Win, who was in the city
to attend an opening ceremony for the Burmese consulate's new office
building on Sept. 12.

Observers say that Than Shwe appears to be trying to emphasize the
regime's “pauk phaw” (brotherly) relationship with Beijing by sending
close relatives to serve as his representatives to China, which recently
granted a US $6 billion loan to Burma.

Like her husband and Than Shwe’s three other daughters, Thandar Shwe  also
works with Burma’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA). She is currently a
senior diplomat to China, while her sisters—Kyi Kyi Shwe, Aye Aye Thit
Shwe and Dewa Shwe—are senior officials with the Burmese embassy in
Singapore.

In addition to Than Shwe’s daughters, other relatives are also posted with
the Foreign Ministry, including two of Zaw Phyo Win’s sisters. According
to sources in Naypyidaw, the family's connections to the ministry are so
strong that it is often jokingly referred to as the “Shwe MOFA.”

Some officials in Naypyidaw say that these foreign postings serve no other
purpose than to give Than Shwe's daughters opportunities for overseas
shopping trips. “They are go abroad and they draw foreign salaries,” said
one source, describing the extent of the duties involved in these
postings.

Other relatives of Burma's top general have similarly benefited from their
family connections. In June 2008, Brig-Gen Thein Naing, the husband of
Than Shwe's daughter, Khin Pyoe Shwe, took over as the commander of
Mingaladon Airbase in Rangoon. Soon after this, he was promoted from
colonel to brigadier general. He currently serves at the office of the air
force commander in chief.

Nepotism is nothing new to military-ruled Burma. The family of the late
dictator Ne Win also enjoyed privileges that made them objects of scorn
among ordinary Burmese, until they were finally placed under arrest for
allegedly plotting to overthrow the current regime in Ne Win's dying days.

Unlike Than Shwe, however, Ne Win did not directly involve his family in
affairs of state. Than Shwe, on the other hand, routinely brings family
members to official ceremonies and on state visits alongside other senior
military officials.

“History repeats itself within one decade. Ten years ago, the current top
two generals, Than Shwe and Maung Aye, were not comfortable with the
behavior of Ne Win’s grandsons, who had nothing but contempt for the
generals,” said a Burmese official close to the regime's senior
leadership, speaking on condition of anonymity. “Now the generals serving
under Than Shwe are grumbling about members of his family, who in some
ways are worse than Ne Win’s relatives.”

Nay Shwe Thway Aung, Than Shwe's favorite grandson, has earned a
reputation as the most notorious member of the ruling family. He has been
accused of ordering military officers serving as his assistants to carry
out attacks on business rivals, and even top generals are said to be wary
of displeasing him.

According to business sources in Rangoon, earlier this year Nay Shwe Thway
Aung took a new Mercedes Benz from a warehouse of the military-owned Union
of Myanmar Economic Holding, Ltd (UMEHL), paying just 10 million kyat (US
$11,600) for a luxury vehicle valued at least 200 million kyat ($230,000)
in Burma.

“It happened with the acknowledgment of [former UMEHL head] ex Lt-Gen Tin
Aye. Nay Shwe Thway Aung sent one of his friends to take the Mercedes from
the warehouse,” said a Rangoon-based businessman who spoke on condition of
anonymity.

“Even Tin Aye, who is one of the top junta members, cannot deter the
grandson from this kind of act because he is Than Shwe’s favorite,” the
source added.
____________________________________

December 27, Democratic Voice of Burma
Burma’s new parliaments will convene in January: USDP MP-elect – Ahunt
Phone Myat

Burma’s parliaments will be convened with representatives elected in the 7
November election before the end of January, said an elected
representative of a pro-military party.

Khin Shwe, owner of Zaykabar company who was elected to the national
parliament from a constituency of Rangoon Region, disclosed the
information to DVB after his party, the Union Solidarity and Development
Party held two days of meeting in the country’s new capital Nay Pyi Taw,
from 22 to 23 December.

“The People’s Parliament will be convened first around the middle of next
month, then the National Parliament about seven days later, and lastly,
the Union Parliament (joint session of the two), seven days following
that,” said Khin Shwe.

He also said that representatives also discussed the restructuring and
democratisation of the party as it was originally a “social” association
which inherited both its strengths and shortcomings.

“The main issues that we discussed were about how we should behave when we
become Members of Parliament and about the restructuring of the USDP,” he
said. “Previously, township secretaries were appointed by the higher-ups,
now they will be elected by blocs.”

But when asked about the possibility of cooperation between his party and
the main opposition, the National League for Democracy led by Nobel
Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, which boycotted the elections, Khin Shwe was
less forthcoming.

“Policies regarding politics will be up to the leaders but for matters
concerning economic development and other issues, there will be
assignments which we will have to carry out. We, however, cannot talk
about policies that are way beyond our reach.”

Having also expressed his enthusiasm for telling the truth about his party
through media, Khin Shwe claimed that things will get better for Burma.

“What I want to say is that things will be much better than before,” he
said. “It will be much better because decisions will be made by the
majority instead of an individual. Primarily, we will have to work to
raise the standard of living of the common people. We, economic
entrepreneurs, are part of the system now and my promise to you is that
things will be much better than before.”

Most powerful big companies in Burma are controlled or run by cronies and
close relatives of top ruling generals.

The USDP, which won close to 80 percent of the votes in the November
elections, marred by claims of frauds, intimidation and vote rigging, is
believed to have millions of members, many of whom were leftovers from the
party’s previous incarnation, the Union Solidarity and Development
Association (USDA).

The NLD also won the 1990’s elections by a landslide, but was never
allowed to rule by the military.


____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

December 27, Irrawaddy
Refugees hide after forced repatriation – Lawi Weng

More than 200 Karen refugees were forcibly sent back into Burma from
Thailand on Saturday despite unstable conditions and fighting near their
villages, according to border sources.

The Thai army forced refugees sheltering at a Buddhist temple and a Thai
school in Pop Phra-District in Thailand's Tak Province back across the
border, telling them the situation had become stable.

“They [refugees] are afraid of the Thai army and were forced back even
though they dare not return to their villages,” said Blooming Night Zan,
the joint secretary of the Karen Women's Organization.

Many of the refugees forced back across the border remained in hiding
close to the Moei River on the Burmese side of the border, ready to flee
back across the river if fighting breaks out nearby, according to Mahn
Mahn, the director of the Back Pack Health Workers Team.

Over 1,000 Karen refugees fled to the Thai border near Mae Sot when
fighting between Burmese junta troops and Democratic Karen Buddhist Army
(DKBA) brigade 5 troops broke out early in December in Phaluu village,
Kawkareik Township, 40 kilometers south of the Mae Sot-Myawaddy border
crossing on the Thai-Burmese border.

About 600 Karen refugees still remain in hiding at relatives' homes on the
Thai border as they are afraid they will be forced back.

“So many people illegally staying at the homes of their kin may cause
problems in the longer term, but the refugees do not want to return as
long as fighting frequently takes place near their villages,” said
Blooming Night Zan.

More junta troops have deployed along the road from Phaluu to Wah Lay
villages in an attempt to control the area and restrict the movement of
Karen troops.

Meanwhile, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) Brigade 7, which is
active in the Manerplaw area, launched separate attacks on Dec. 22 and 23,
 according to the Thailand-based Karen Information Center.

During the attack, nine junta soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion No.
106 and four from Infantry Battalion No. 588 were killed by KNLA troops,
border sources said.
____________________________________

December 25, Times of India
India, Myanmar to sign legal aid agreement

NEW DELHI: India and Myanmar are likely to sign a Mutual Legal Assistance
Treaty (MLAT) during the home secretary-level talks between the two
countries here, beginning December 27.

The four-day talks will discuss various security issues including action
against insurgent groups operating along the international border,
strengthening of intelligence-sharing mechanism, arms smuggling and drug
trafficking.

"MLAT will enhance the ability of the two countries to pursue their common
objective of law enforcement by putting in place a legal mechanism to
enable them to provide to each other assistance in connection with
investigation, prosecution, prevention and suppression of crime --
including those relating to terrorism," said an official.

The treaty is likely to be signed on the concluding day of the talks on
December 30. While Indian delegation will be led by Union home secretary
Gopal K Pillai, Myanmar deputy minister for home affairs U Phone Swi will
head the Myanmarese delegation.

Pillai is likely to raise issues like activities of Indian insurgent
groups operating along the Indo-Myanmar border, and would seek action
against them by the Myanmar government.

A proposal to set up an institute to impart Myanmarese and English to
soldiers of the two countries would also be discussed threadbare.
According to the proposal, Indian security forces guarding the border
would be taught Myanmarese, while Myanmarese soldiers would be taught
English to overcome the language problem and better coordination at the
ground level.

____________________________________
BUSINESS/TRADE

December 27, Joongang Daily (South Korea)
Korea cements pact with Myanmar

Korea has agreed to cooperate with Myanmar to develop resources such as
oil and rare earth minerals as it seeks to secure stable supplies of
resources, the country’s energy ministry said Sunday.

According to the Ministry of Knowledge Economy, the two countries signed a
memorandum of understanding on conducting a geological study on resource
development.

Currently, Korean trading firm Daewoo International Corp. is developing
gas fields off the coast of Myanmar.

Korea, heavily dependent on energy and resource imports, is seeking to
raise its self-sufficiency of key natural resources such as copper.

The country also said earlier it would raise stocks of copper, tin and
lithium in 2011 in anticipation of strong demand fueled by economic growth
in China.

____________________________________
REGIONAL

December 27, Democratic Voice of Burma
Burmese generals ‘hate China’, says India – Joseph Allchin

Than Shwe walks with Chinese Premiere Hu Jintao during a September visit
to Beijing (Reuters)
Burma’s hermetic military rulers detest their strongest ally, China,
according to an Indian official quoted in a leaked US diplomatic cable.

Washington’s Consul General in India, Peter Kaesthner, also explains in
the cable that India feels its position on Burma is compromised by
persistent US pressure to be more vocal about rights and democracy.

India, which does not want to be castigated for engaging the Burmese
generals, has often rued external pressure. Delhi’s position is that
engagement will be more productive than the condemnation of the junta
expressed by the majority of western democracies.

The cable dates from 2007, and documents a conversation between Kaesthner
and Mohan Kumar, the joint secretary of India’s Ministry of External
Affairs.

“The more the US presses India to bring Burma before the UN Security
Council, [Kumar] said, the more the Burmese tell India to ‘go to hell’,”
Kaesthner wrote.

Furthermore, if India engages the generals, then Burma will be able to
loosen China’s grip on the country.

“Burmese officials have told Kumar that they ‘hate’ the Chinese and would
prefer not to cooperate with China, but do so because they feel Beijing is
more reliable than New Delhi”.

No elaboration is given on how India would promote democracy in Burma,
were it to be closer to the ruling junta. But, tellingly, the cable
reveals that economic objectives in its relations with its eastern
neighbour remain key.

While India has sought to increase investments in Burma over the past two
decades, particularly in the energy sector, Kumar reportedly told
Kaesthner that, “We’re getting screwed on gas”.

“India is not getting any gas contracts from Burma, nor is it getting the
transit rights it seeks which would open a bridge to East Asia,” Kaesthner
wrote.

This raises an important, but often overlooked, Indian imperative: that
whilst China seeks a strategic gateway to the Indian Ocean via Burma,
India in turn would seek to use the pariah as its own access point to the
growing eastern economies.

It also perhaps alludes to an Indian understanding of US imperatives that
look to counter China’s influence in the region.

Moreover, while references to the promotion of democracy arise frequently
in the cable, it also makes mention of Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Pakistan,
countries where China’s influence is growing and where both India and the
US are keen to stem this.

Since the cable was sent in 2007, India has seemingly moved beyond the
unidimensional level of cooperation over counterinsurgency on the troubled
border to eye with increasing fervour Burma’s vast natural gas capacity.

Delhi has gained a stake in the Shwe gas project and has come closer to
developing some of Burma’s hydropower potential, whilst bilateral trade
has also increased significantly.

Tension between India and China has been a recurrent theme since the two
nations fought a short war in 1962 over their disputed, ill-defined
Himalayan border. The tensions persist to this day with Chinese claims for
the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh.

Despite trade between the two nations expanding rapidly before a recent
visit to Delhi by Chinese Premiere Wen Jiabao, Beijing has described the
bilateral relationship as “very fragile”.
____________________________________

December 26, The Jakarta Post
Indonesia, Suu Kyi join efforts to push for democratic Myanmar – Mustaqim
Adamrah

The Indonesian government and Burmese Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San
Suu Kyi have pledged to work together to urge Myanmar’s government toward
democracy.

Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said Thursday the Indonesian government
and Suu Kyi were determined to make sure there would be open discussions
and reconciliation in an attempt to promote a democratic Myanmar.

“We must ensure that there will be conditions conducive for dialogue
between Aung San Suu Kyi and the [Myanmar] government, and between her
supporters, the government and the other political parties,” Marty told
The Jakarta Post following a phone conversation on Wednesday morning with
the pro-democracy icon who was visiting the Indonesian Embassy in Yangon.

Marty said Suu Kyi told him she appreciated the role Indonesia had played
over the years in promoting democracy in Myanmar.

He said he told her in response that Indonesia had consistently pushed for
her early release over
the years.

It was the first communication the Indonesian government has had with Suu
Kyi since the latter’s release from house arrest on Nov. 13 — almost a
week after Myanmar’s first elections in two decades.

She had been under arrest for 15 of the last 21 years.

The Myanmar elections were won in a landslide by the Union Solidarity and
Development Party (USDP), which is backed by the ruling military junta.

Top junta members were among those who won seats. They included Prime
Minister Thein Sein, who also heads the USDP.

The election results were slammed by the US and its allies but were
welcomed by Myanmar’s major ally China and its neighbors in ASEAN,
including Indonesia, as a step toward democracy.

“Of course we are aware that the election was not by any means perfect. It
wasn’t perfect. But, it was an important development. And the release of
Aung San Suu Kyi is an even more important development,” Marty said.

“When I spoke to Aung San Suu Kyi, what struck me most was her very
constructive demeanor, her very constructive attitude, and, as a result,
[I was] even more convinced that she is truly part of the solution for
Myanmar’s progress in the future.”

Marty said Suu Kyi said she was open to suggestions and input from
Indonesia on what kind of contribution she could make to promote democracy
in Myanmar.

____________________________________
INTERNATIONAL

December 23, Deustche Presse Agentur
IAEA asks to inspect alleged Myanmar nuclear sites

Vienna - The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has asked to
inspect alleged nuclear sites in Myanmar that were brought to light by a
defector's report earlier this year, a diplomat familiar with the probe
confirmed Thursday in Vienna.

In an analysis of the defected army major's statements, former United
Nations weapons inspector Robert E Kelley concluded in May that the regime
in Rangoon has been secretly pursuing nuclear technology to make weapons.

'I think the evidence is there to warrant a search for information,' the
diplomat said, referring to the IAEA's reason for sending a letter to
Myanmar.

Speaking on the condition of anonymity, he noted that the Vienna- based
agency had requested information in the past, but had not previously asked
for an inspection.

While Kelley concluded in his report that Myanmar was working on several
of the steps necessary to make nuclear arms, he said the crude nature of
the engineering involved would make it unlikely that the country succeeds.
____________________________________

December 27, Toronto Sun
PM invites Suu Kyi to Canada

Prime Minister Stephen Harper has invited Burmese pro-democracy leader
Aung San Suu Kyi to visit Canada.

Suu Kyi stands at the forefront of the pro-democracy movement in
military-controlled Burma, officially known as Myanmar.

The Nobel Peace Prize winner was released from house arrest on Nov. 13
after 7 1⁄2 years. That was just the latest stint of imprisonment
for the peace activist, who has spent 15 of the past 21 years in detention
without trial for her political opposition.

In 2007, Parliament awarded her honorary Canadian citizenship, which
Harper has invited her to come receive in person.

“We recognize that Aung San Suu Kyi's immediate priority since her release
from house arrest is to focus her energies on consultations and dialogue
within Burma, before embarking on international travel. We hope, however,
that she will be able at the appropriate time to accept our invitation,”
Harper said in a statement released Monday.

"Canada's policy toward Burma reflects the serious problems that the
military regime has created for its people. Canada is proud to have stood
firmly with Aung San Suu Kyi and those working for Burmese democracy for
these many years.”

Harper reiterated Canada's support for democracy in Burma.

“Canada once again calls on the Burmese regime to engage in a meaningful,
inclusive dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi and other democratic and ethnic
leaders to ensure a better future for all Burmese people, in which their
fundamental rights are respected and their long-held desire for the
restoration of democracy is realized."

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

December 25, The Nation (Thailand)
Ten things we can do about Burma – Amartya Sen

Cambridge, MA – Burma has been under the jackboot of a supremely despotic
military junta for almost half a century now, with collapsing
institutions, arbitrary imprisonment, widespread torture, organised rapes
and killings, and the terrorisation of minority communities including the
Chins, the Karen, the Shan and the Rohingyas. The release in November of
the opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, from unjust imprisonment was not
just a great moment for celebration, it should also make us think more
clearly about what the world can do to help Burma achieve reconciliation
and build a democratic foundation for the future.

The military generals designed the recent election, the first in twenty
years, in a crooked way to ensure that they, or their proxies or cohorts,
will stay in power. Most gratuitously, 25 per cent of the seats were
reserved for military rulers; strong pro-democracy candidates were barred
from participation; opposition leaders and activists were kept in
confinement; and criticism of the regime was totally banned in
pre-election speeches.

So, what can the world do now? The answer is: A great deal.

First, many analysts of Burmese affairs have called for an international
Commission of Enquiry on Burma, possibly led by the United Nations. The
case for this is very strong, especially after the manipulated election.

Second, the framework of sanctions and embargos has to be made more
effective. General sanctions that hurt the Burmese people (such as
restrictions on garment exports from Burma) can be sensibly replaced by
those that isolate the military rulers - by targeting their business
activities and their financial transactions overseas.

Third, at the top of the list of potentially effective targeted sanctions
must be an embargo on the trading of arms and armaments of all kinds.

Fourth, there is a strong political case for considering imposing
sanctions on those natural commodities - such as minerals, gems, timber,
and oil and gas - that yield huge profits for individuals in the regime.

Fifth, severe financial restrictions and prohibitions imposed on large
transactions from Burma can be a well-targeted and effective policy.

Sixth, a ban on foreign travel imposed on the generals at the head of the
regime can also be effective.

Seventh, neighbouring countries, particularly China but also Thailand and
India - which provide support to the military regime in exchange for their
own commercial gains - have a special responsibility. Aside from the
doubtful morality of supporting such an oppressive regime, this continued
and tacit support may well turn out to be a prudential mistake. The
tyrants of Burma will, sooner or later, fall - as all tyrants eventually
do. However, the memory of the betrayal of the Burmese people will last a
long time, just as the intense anti-Americanism in Latin America today
draws on the history of US support for the brutal South and Central
American regimes of yesteryear.

Eighth, the Western countries are sharp in rhetoric when denouncing
Burma's rulers, but they do not do what is entirely within their power to
do - like withdrawing from lucrative Burmese business, and imposing
financial sanctions.

This is bad in itself, but it also makes it harder to persuade China,
India and Thailand to do the right thing.

Ninth, and most important - there has to be an end to the sense of
dejection and hopelessness that is so dominant among the Burmese people.
The fight, we have to remember, is for the beginning of democracy in
Burma, not for tiny concessions from an entrenched military government.

Finally, in a non-defeatist approach, we have to start thinking about how
a post-military government will deal with the culprits of the past. There
is a strong case for not threatening bloody revenge but opting instead for
the sagacity of offering amnesty in exchange for remorse. Even butchers
have to find a "way out" if they are not to go on fighting - and
tyrannising - to the bitter end.

With well-targeted policies, carried out with determination and clarity of
reasoning, we can make the Burmese leaders withdraw.

The change can come more quickly than most people imagine.

Amartya Sen is an Indian economist who was awarded the 1998 Nobel Prize in
Economic Sciences.
____________________________________

December 26, Washington Post
Who is 2010 leader of the year? – Susan Peters

Aung San Suu Kyi has spent 15 of the past 21 years under arrest for her
support of democracy in Burma - and yet she has managed to serve as an
inspiration for millions of people around the world.

Suu Kyi helped found and lead the National League of Democracy, a
political party that faced - and continues to face - steep odds in its
fight to attain freedom and democracy for the citizens of Burma. Despite
intimidation, retribution (including an attack on her life) and
suppression, Suu Kyi remained undeterred in pursuing her ambitious vision
for what Burma could become.

We often hear about the traits of great leaders - the ability to inspire
and rally others around a clear vision or cause, being externally focused
and inclusive - yet it's not until you see the courage and commitment of
someone like Suu Kyi that you truly understand what leadership means, and
the impact that great leadership can have
.

Susan Peters is vice presi-dent of executive develop-ment and chief
learning officer at General Electric.

____________________________________

December 23, Independent (UK)
The Year in Review: Aung San Suu Kyi – Peter Popham

As the deadline for Aung San Suu Kyi's release approached, nobody had a
clue whether or not it was going to happen. A rumour that she would be
freed a day early proved baseless. That disappointment was followed by new
chatter that the junta was trying to put restrictive conditions on her
freedom, conditions she was certain to reject.

So when workmen turned up in University Avenue without warning on the
afternoon of 13th November and began dismantling the barricades that have
prevented access to Suu Kyi's house ever since protesting monks did a
peace walk to her gate in September 2007, joy was unbounded. News spreads
fast in Burma these days, despite everything the junta can do to stop it –
sim cards suddenly became affordable a few months back and now mobile
phones are everywhere, central Rangoon is dotted with little internet
cafés, the Democratic Voice of Burma, an opposition station based in
Norway, beams its satellite TV broadcasts into many Burmese homes – and in
no time a large crowd had formed. When the lady herself, an incredibly
youthful-looking 65, emerged and clambered up behind the steel gates to
greet them, she was met by applause and raucous cheers.

It was more than seven years since she had last come face-to-face with her
fellow Burmese. In the interim her party (according to American diplomatic
cables released by Wikileaks) had become increasingly smug and sclerotic
and a generation of Burmese had grown up for whom the great events of 1988
to 1990, when the democratic forces Suu Kyi led came tantalisingly close
to achieving a revolution, were tales whispered by their parents. Yet the
crowds that massed to greet her were far larger and more enthusiastic than
on her last release back in 2002. Despite everything the regime has done
to obliterate her name and achievements, Aung San Suu Kyi still matters.
Yet the world-wide euphoria prompted by her release was in a sense
misplaced, for her liberation was nothing to do with pressure from
activists inside the country or diplomats outside, let alone a sign of the
regime giving ground: the generals were merely applying their own rules by
the book. In May 2009 the Nobel Peace Prize winner, who had already spent
a total of 12 years in detention, was sentenced to three years' additional
house arrest for the crime of allowing a cranky American who had swum
across Lake Inle to stay in her home for two nights. In a coup de theatre
in the courtroom, that sentence was cut in half by the personal order of
Than Shwe, the regime's strongman.

____________________________________

December 27, Mizzima News
Panglong II requires further touches, military on board

New Delhi – The Zomi National Congress on October 24 launched an appeal in
its Kalaymyo Declaration for the convening of a second Panglong conference
to iron out the status of ethnic groups within the framework of federal
union. The declaration essentially seeks to echo the atmosphere and work
surrounding the initial Panglong Agreement of 1947, which was never
successfully implemented during ensuing periods of democratic or
authoritarian rule.


Motorists circle a statue of King Maha Bandoola in Kalay Township in
Sagaing Division, where the Kalaymyo Declaration was made on October 24.
It calls for national reconciliation and a second Panglong Conference to
guarantee ethnic groups in Burma equality and the right to
self-determination. Photo: Mizzima

The call has met with positive reception from a number of groups,
including Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, which is now
tasked with the implementation of the project. However, as well
intentioned as the goals of a Panglong II may be, questions must be asked
of the utility in pursuing the project with regard to its current
parameters.

Critically, the military is not on board with the declaration’s
objectives. While the door appears to be left ajar in case they decide to
join, there also appears precious little energy being expended to make a
Panglong II an attractive proposition for the Burmese military to support.
And, without the support of the military, the principle antagonist
confronting ethnic opposition demands, any fruits borne from a Panglong II
will carry minimal effect on policy.

Moreover, the basis for a Panglong II stands in direct refutation of the
2008 constitution and ensuing 2010 general election, denying the
legitimacy of both. Clearly, the central government, drawing legitimacy
from both the constitution and the election, is not going to support the
initiative as currently envisioned. As such, a Panglong II, operating
outside of the legal fold, essentially demands parties choose between
rival and antagonistic contestants to political power.

With Burma’s debilitative political atmosphere already long polarised, a
proposition that asks participants to choose stark political sides is not
what is needed to assist in traversing the treacherous path of national
reconciliation.

Instead of pushing forward with a Panglong II as presently encapsulated,
all parties would be wise to first step back and ask what is necessary for
any such conference to have any practical effect on developments inside
Burma, as opposed to becoming yet another unenforceable demand to be
paraded in front of the international community.

Without doubt, the military will need to be a vital contributor. Moreover,
the process will need to be conducted within the sphere of recognised
legal political action. Otherwise, a Panglong II – whether deemed
justified or not – will come to be interpreted by those outside the
endeavour as but another threat to the unity of the country and the
legitimacy of its government.

In the end, though a Panglong II inclusive solely of like-minded parties
and organisations would assuredly be less contentious and far simpler in
production, it would also assuredly mitigate any meaningful contribution
that may be forthcoming from its convening.
____________________________________

December 25, New Light of Myanmar
What is requirement for national reconsolidation in Myanmar – Kyaw Myint
Naing

These days, some are asking and some are demanding that the Tatmadaw
government hold dialogues with opposition parties, political forces and
remnant armed insurgents for national reconsolidation in Myanmar.

There have been such strong requests and demands throughout successive
governments in the nation. In response, the AFPFL government and the
Revolutionary Council government held talks with antigovernment groups.

However, national reconsolidation was not achieved as much as it should
be. It was because anti-government groups stuck to demands for fulfilling
the desires of a certain party and a national race as a basic principle
for national unity, without taking into consideration the root causes that
broke up national unity.

In the time of the State Peace and Development Council, 17 major national
race armed groups and many small groups have built unity through
armistices since they have witnessed the government's efforts to improve
the economic, education, health and transport sectors, and they have
understood that armed insurrection results in nothing more than untold
miseries. And roundabout 15 of those groups have unconditionally
surrendered arms for peace.

In reality, political parties and forces, in order to achieve sustainable
national reconsolidation, have to stay in touch with economic conditions
of the nation and keep in mind the correct economic and political
programmes (strategies and tactics) for national development tackling
economic conditions.

Myanmar's policy in the post-World War II was just a combination of
feudalism and capitalism.

Under the circumstances, the drive for national development called for
harmonious cooperation of the entire people to introduce the market
economy and the multiparty democracy system in the nation.

Yet, Myanmar Communists were under the influence of views on Socialism
because left-wing socialism was in vogue following establishment of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republic in Russia through October Revolution;
and Soviet troops' victory in the Second World War. So, Communists clung
on to the wrong concept that the independence regained through peace talks
with the British government was merely shame independence, and the nation
became another form of colony as the independence implied the cooperation
between the colonial government and wealthy Bamars. It was Communists that
made the wrong choice: to introduce Socialism through all possible forms
of armed insurgency and deposition of the AFPFL government, instead of
joining hands with the AFPFL government for the market economy and the
multiparty democracy.

In consequence, the nation saw multicolored insurgency and disintegration
of national solidarity.

More than one decade into the armed conflict, conditions of both armed
insurgent groups and the then government were going downhill. The AFPFL
government was in no position to restore the State's sovereignty and
ensure non-disintegration of the Union. Armed groups were unable to grab
State power. The Revolutionary Council government was thus formed for
ensuring non-disintegration of the Union and perpetuation of sovereignty.
Nevertheless, the Revolutionary Council government could not go against
Socialism, and the Myanmar Socialist Programme was inevitably introduced.

Twenty-six years after that in 1988, mass demonstration took place, and
lack of correct political leadership reduced the nation to anarchic land.
That forced the Tatmadaw to form the State Law and Order Restoration
Council government.

After taking over State responsibilities, the SLORC saved the people from
mob rules, and opened door to democracy by revoking the Myanmar Socialist
Programme which proved unpopular with the people, and introducing the
market economy and the multiparty democracy system in compliance with the
aspiration of the people.

Nonetheless, anti-government politicians inside and outside the nation
regarded the government’s democratization as suppressing democracy
movements and a violent military coup.

With wrong conviction, they deemed the SLORC government, which opened
democracy door, to be barrier to democracy as well as a military junta,
instead of a democracy ally.

The SLORC government held elections in 1990, and paved ways for peaceful
transition to democracy by implementing election results through the
constitution. But, NLD stuck to the concept that democracy could be
introduced in the nation only through the downfall of the dictatorship.
NLD opposed the drive to formulate a constitution and walked out of the
National Convention. Confronting with the SLORC government, organizing the
public to devolve government orders, and considering that mass protests
would occur only when the people suffered adversities, the party attempted
to grab power in absence of a constitution through international economic
sanctions against Myanmar and mass protests. In that case, West Bloc
countries and certain groups under their influence were steadfastly
abetting anti-government groups. As a result, extremists and active NLD
members were detained in accordance with State Stability Law. And 1990
election results could not be implemented in 13 years owing to lack of a
constitution, and the results were null and void. Therefore, the Tatmadaw
government had to lay down the State's seven-step Road Map and held the
2010 elections with the 2008 constitution.

In that way, the Tatmadaw government is transforming the nation from
military rule without a constitution into multiparty democracy system in
which an elected government rules the nation in line with the
constitution.

Internal and external anti-government groups are not able to understand
why their programmes have not come true over a couple of decades. Now,
they are making comments that the 2008 constitution and 2010 elections are
particularly intended to prolong the military rule.

Achievement in transforming a nation from old to new system is not because
of gods or political icons who are held in high esteem owing to wrong
concepts, but because of increasing productivity with the market economy.
Political scientists say that a principle that no groups can stop in
relations between productive forces and production is that productive
relations go together with productive forces.

And productive forces still go well with social relations. So, any of old
social relations come to an end before productive forces make progress.
Productive relations depend on conditions of materials.

They also say that without material development in an old human society,
there cannot be better productive relations (new systems). So, human
beings carry out manageable tasks only. It can be deduced from aforesaid
points that progress of productive forces is necessary for transforming
old to new system.

So, those in favour of true democracy have to give advice and make
suggestions with a positive attitude, regarding the government elected in
2010 elections as a democracy ally and participating in the government's
economic, political, social and public welfare tasks for improvement of
the market economy and the multiparty system. That is the only way to
national reconsolidation.

Any ways to achieve national reconsolidation through non-violent, violent,
indirect and direct approaches designed to control the ruling government
will never come to fruition. It was evidenced by multi-coloured insurgency
that came into existence following regaining independence in 1948, 1988
mass protests, and wrong acts done for more than 20 years to come to power
without a constitution by NLD and its supporters.

In conclusion, I would like to make a positive suggestion that
anti-government groups review wrong concepts of democratization and
national reconsolidation, instead of urging and demanding the present
government for national unity.

Translation: MS