BurmaNet News, January 6, 2011

[Editor]

January 6, 2011 Issue #4114


INSIDE BURMA
DVB: Burma’s opposition sets up legal networks to help activists
SHAN: Burma Army on alert after UAVs invaded its air force

ON THE BORDER
Telegraph (UK): China plans to rebuild Burma's World War Two 'Stilwell Road'

BUSINESS / TRADE
Reuters: Sinopec finds large oil and gas deposits in Myanmar
Bangkok Post: Industry roadshow to Burma this month
Bangkok Post: Burma opening up to more Thai investment
Irrawaddy: FEC may be dropped in Burma

OPINION / OTHER
World Politics Review: The prospects for a U.S.-Burma thaw – Roberto Tofani
Irrawaddy: The dubious benefits of exposure to the west – Editorial




____________________________________
INSIDE BURMA

January 6, Democratic Voice of Burma
Burma’s opposition sets up legal networks to help activists – Htet Aung Kyaw

Central Legal Aid Team of the National League for Democracy led by Nobel
Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi is to set up lawyers’ networks across the
regions of Burma, in an effort to provide legal assistance for detained
dissidents and activists.

CLAT members Aung Thein and Khin Maung Shein have been touring Mandalay
and Monywa in central Burma to meet with local lawyers to discuss their
plan of building the networks.

“We discussed how the lawyers’ groups [networks] in the regions can
provide assistance for those being persecuted in political cases that take
place in their regions,” said Aung Thein.

“The network has no concern with being a member of the NLD – it is merely
to assist those being involved in and working on court cases.”

“More importantly, there are child soldier and land confiscation issues in
our country, and lawyers who work on those cases often don’t know where to
seek assistance from. We are to act as volunteers for them.”

There are more than 2200 political prisoners being detained in jails
throughout the country, despite recent release of Aung San Suu Kyi.
____________________________________

January 6, Shan Herald Agency for News
Burma Army on alert after UAVs invaded its air force – Hseng Khio Fah

Air Force of the Burma’s ruling military junta has recently given a tall
directive to battalions in Shan State East’s Kengtung township under
Triangle Region Command, to arm their weapons to be ready to shoot any
type of plane that flies over their army bases, according to sources from
Kengtung.

The directive followed invasions of UAV (Unmanned Aerial Vehicles) on the
Burma Army’s radar station based in Loi Mwe, 20 miles southeast of
Kengtung and 82 miles north of Maesai, Thailand on December 21 at around
11:00 and again on 1 January 2011 in Shan State South’s Namzarng-based air
force.

“The planes appeared from somewhere along the Thai-Burma border areas, but
it was not known who the owners were. It flied about 3 minutes long with
the height of 5,000 ft. It was seen by some officers from air force based
on the Loi Mew Mountain,” said a source close to junta in Kengtung.

The directive therefore was passed to all soldiers to inform relevant
military headquarters and air force in time if they see more planes come
up again. In addition, the soldiers were also ordered to arm all their
anti-aircraft guns and to place Igla Missile on 24 hour-standby.

“In order to be line with the order, they [the junta authorities] are also
planning to give military training,” the source added.

Regarding the reason for the UAV movements, some border watchers on the
Thai-Burma border commented that the planes would come to check poppy
plantations being planted along the border as it is poppy growing season.
Some people in Burma thought that the UAVs also came to investigate Burma
Army’s movement.

While it is not known who sent the UAVs, neighboring countries of Burma
that have them are Malaysia, Thailand, Vietnam, China and Hong Kong.

____________________________________
ON THE BORDER

January 6, Telegraph (UK)
China plans to rebuild Burma's World War Two 'Stilwell Road' - Dean Nelson

The road was named after American General 'Vinegar Joe' Stilwell by
nationalist China leader Chiang Kai-shek to honour his determination to
find a faster way to get more military supplies from India to Chinese
troops in Kunming.

Allied forces had been hampered after Japanese troops seized the Burma
Road, and were forced to transport supplies to their Chinese allies by air
over the Himalayan mountains. US Army engineers started work on the 478
mile road from Ledo in Assam (now in Arunachal Pradesh), India, to Mogaung
in Burma in 1942.

With the help of Chinese troops, they cut through the high Pangsau Pass as
an alternative route to Burma at Mu-se in January 1945.

General Stilwell was a bitter critic of Winston Churchill's decision to
focus Britain's war effort on the fight against German forces in Europe
and believed it was more concerned to retain its colonies than to defeat
imperial Japan.

The road is now set to be rebuilt by the Yunnan Construction Engineering
Company in a joint venture with the Burmese military-backed Yuzana Group.

The deal was signed by Burmese ministers and leaders of the Yunnan
Communist Party during a visit to the capital Yangon on November 22 last
year. It will build a 194 mile stretch of road from Myitkyina to the
Pangsau Pass, close to the Indian border.

Details have now emerged amid growing concern in India about China's
territorial claims in Arunachal Pradesh. In recent months tension has
grown between New Delhi and Beijing over China's claim to sovereignty over
Tawang district, which it claims is part of Tibet.

India is also disappointed that its own hopes of constructing the road
have been overlooked.

Security commentators however said that while the road could pose a
strategic threat to India if relations with China deteriorate, it could
also lead to greater trade between India and both Burma and China.

"It could be a good thing or a bad thing. It could serve either trade or
military purposes. It was a vital road to China during the Second World
War and it remains so. Whether it is good or bad depends on how we take
care of our interests," said Vikram Sood, former head of India's main
intelligence agency, the Research and Analysis Wing.

____________________________________
BUSINESS / TRADE

January 6, Reuters
Sinopec finds large oil and gas deposits in Myanmar

Yangon – Sinopec International Petroleum (SIPC) has discovered proven
reserves of 909 billion cubic feet of gas and 7.16 million barrels of
condensate in central Myanmar, state media reported on Thursday.

The international trading arm of China Petroleum & Chemical Corp (Sinopec)
, made the find in the Pahtolon oilfield after extensive testing and
planned to carry out more in the future, official newspapers in Myanmar
said.

Myanmar has been exploring oil and gas in 49 onshore sites and 26 offshore
blocks in Rakhine, Tanintharyi and Mon states after entering joint
ventures with foreign companies since 1988.

The discovery was made by SIPC Myanmar Petroleum Co. Ltd, a joint venture
between state-owned Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise and Sinopec , which has
been exploring oil and gas in the former Burma since 2004.

China is Myanmar's biggest economic and political ally and has taken
advantage of Western sanctions to pour money into its resource-rich
neighbour, which it sees as vital for its fast-growing energy needs.
Sinopec, Asia's top refiner, has forecast China's oil demand to grow 5-6
percent over the next five years as its economy is seen expanding by 10
percent annually.

Thailand is currently the biggest investor in Myanmar but China is
expected to become the biggest buyer of Myanmar's gas when construction of
a 1,100 km (680 mile) pipeline from Rakhine State to China's Yunnan
province is completed in 2013.

Myanmar and China have agreed a deal on the sale of gas from the country's
two biggest blocks in Rakhine, known as A-1 and A-3, which have proven
reserves of up to 10 trillion cubic feet, with up to 8.6 TCF recoverable.

Official data shows Myanmar exported $2.38 billion of gas, mainly to
Thailand, during its 2008-2009 fiscal year (April-March) and $2.52 billion
a year later.

The latest data shows Myanmar exported gas worth $1.2 billion in the first
half of the current fiscal year. (Reporting by Aung Hla Tun; Writing by
Martin Petty; Editing by Alan Raybould and Ramthan Hussain) (Created by
Ramthan Hussain)

____________________________________

January 6, Bangkok Post
Industry roadshow to Burma this month

The Ministry of Industry will lead Thai business representatives on a
roadshow in Burma from Jan 18-22 to encourage increase investment between
the two countries, Industry Minister Chaiwut Bannawat said on Thursday.

Mr Chaiwut said  the roadshow would include talks to match businesses in
Thailand and Burma in various industries, including food, processed rubber
and clothing.

The delegation would also meet Burma’s Prime Minister Gen Teng Seng and
the ministers of transport and industry. They would seek  information on
the Burmese government's investment policy and its framework for the
development of a deep sea port at Dawei, directly across the water from
Kanchanaburi province.

Thai investors were  considering investing in iron smelting and
petrochemical projects.  These plants might not be able to be built in
Thailand in the future, he said.

Mr Chaiwut said Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva had discussed investment
cooperation with the Burmese leader when he visited Burma late last month.

____________________________________

January 6, Bangkok Post
Burma opening up to more Thai investment
Heavy emphasis on infrastructure projects

Burma hopes to lure Thai investment this year, particularly in
infrastructure projects, after many years of low cooperation with the
exception of PTT, says the Neighbouring Countries Economic Development
Cooperation Agency (NEDA).

President Acksiri Buranasiri said the agency's executives held discussions
with Burmese ministry officials during a state visit last October,
focusing on assistance Thailand could provide to Burma.

The Burmese officials asked Thailand to assist in developing a road to
complete a transport network called the East-West economic corridor. They
also want Thailand to invest in developing its Bagan airport, where it
plans to allow direct flights of mid-sized airplanes.

Bagan airport is a part of Burma's "Emerald Triangle" national development
plan, which is aimed at bridging cultural and tourist destinations
including Bagan - the so-called land of a thousand pagodas - to Pakse in
Laos, Cambodia's Siem Reap and Thailand's Sukhothai.

"This plan is aimed at building up regional cultural tourist attractions
instead of each place alone, so that it is convenient to visit several
locations across borders during a single trip, similar to travel in
Europe," said Mr Acksiri.

Providing financial assistance to neighbouring countries is expected to
benefit Thailand as well. For example, around 70% of travellers to Laos
transit through Suvarnabhumi airport. Once the new airport in Laos has
been built, it will attract more visitors through Thailand.

Burmese projects are expected to stimulate the Thai construction business
as NEDA's contract offers a low interest rate of 1.5% on loans provided
the lender agrees to hire only Thai contractors and use at least 50% Thai
raw materials.

NEDA is waiting for the Burmese government to set up after its recent
election before it signs an agreement.

In the past, most projects in Burma earned financial and development
assistance from China. An exception is the 30-kilometre road from Myawaddy
to Tanaosri, which used a 4-billion-baht loan from the Export-Import Bank
of Thailand.

In the past, NEDA provided a 1-billion-baht soft loan to Cambodia for the
route from Chong Jom in Surin province to Siem Reap, but it was revoked
due to tensions between the two countries, so financing fell to the
Chinese government.

Since the agency began in 2005, NEDA has provided soft loans for 12
projects worth 5 billion baht and given an additional 2.5 billion baht in
financial grants. There are eight projects in Laos, two in Cambodia, and
one each in Burma and Vietnam.NEDA is expanding external economic
development by focusing on smaller economies as Thailand is still a
developing country.

It plans to seek cabinet approval to extend its coverage to East Timor,
Sri Lanka and Bhutan, where it foresees great potential for infrastructure
development in the future.

Laos still requires development projects that will cost around 180 million
baht, such as the second phase of Pakse airport, as that city tries to
become the second largest behind Vientiane.

"Laos asked us if we can help finance development projects in six or seven
cities, but we might limit it to a few major cities first. Each city
requires only slightly over 100 million baht, but it helps strengthen the
relationship of Thais with Laotians as the development improves their
quality of living," said Mr Acksiri.

This development aids Thailand, he noted, as the branch with the highest
sales earned for Tesco Lotus in Thailand is Nong Khai, which is on the
border with Laos.

In the near future, NEDA will focus on paving ways for Thai companies to
be priority investors in these neighbour countries by setting conditions
on soft loan agreements.

"For instance, if we provide soft loans to some country to build roads,
railways or container yards, Thai private firms should have priority to
invest in related projects such as hotels," said Mr Acksiri.

____________________________________

January 6, Irrawaddy
FEC may be dropped in Burma – Wai Moe

With US dollar and Foreign Exchange Certificate (FEC) exchange rates
unstable for an extended period, rumors are circulating among the business
community in Rangoon that the military government may withdraw the FEC
after nearly 18 years on the market.

The exchange rates have been falling against the Burmese currency, the
kyat, since late November, and black market rates have decreased to 820
kyat for the dollar while the FEC is selling at 780 kyat. “Export
earnings,” on the other hand, are currently valued at 900 kyat to the
dollar on the black market.

Burmese FEC notes currently in circulation.
“Export earnings” is the term given to hard currency that is banked in
Burma by companies that are permitted to trade by the Ministry of
Commerce. Although their value is estimated at black market rates, it is
deposited and taxed at the official rate of exchange.

Rangoon-based businessmen said the falling FEC and dollar rates come soon
after Burma’s biggest gem fair in Naypyidaw in November when the Burmese
junta and associated companies reportedly earned about $ 1.4 billion from
Asian customers.

However, other observers said the low exchange rate could be related to
money laundering in the country following the season of opium production.

“I heard that a large amount of  black money in the country's financial
market has made the kyat firm,” said a business correspondent with a
Rangoon-based weekly.

The FEC was firstly introduced in 1993 when the military junta released it
in a bid  to get foreign currency from tourists and foreign investors. The
FEC was designated as a substitute for US dollars and could be exchanged
at a fixed rate of 6 kyat per dollar and 450 kyat for an FEC.

Although the black market rate is significantly dominated by the country’s
trading, Burmese authorities still maintain the official exchange rate
pegged at around 6 kyat per dollar.

However, analysts say the FEC is still significantly overvalued against
the dollar even though the government had planned to use the FEC as a
“Myanmar dollar” at an equal value to the US currency. In recent months
however, the FEC rate has been about 40 or 50 kyat lower than the dollar
on the black market.

According to a 2008 US State Department report: “Burma’s multiple exchange
rates make conversion and repatriation of foreign exchange very complex,
and ripe for corruption.”

The situation has a direct impact on tourism enterprises, international
NGOs, exporters and other companies and organizations that pay their staff
in FECs.

“The FEC rate is so low that hotels and tourism companies are not willing
to take FECs from customers,” said a business source who spoke on
condition of anonymity. “Now the Myanmar tourism authority has issued a
warning to hotels, guest houses and tourism enterprises to accept FECs
following tourists’ complaints.”

NGO staffers said they feel that they are losing a percentage of their
salary if they get paid in FECs.

“Since the FEC rate dropped, all Burmese staffers at our office are
unhappy on pay day. Some say that if they would prefer to received kyat,”
said a staffer with a UN agency in Rangoon.

A business source said he and other mid-ranking import/export agents had
stopped trading while the FEC and export earnings (export dollars) were so
low and were taking a “wait-and-see” approach.

“Cronies such as Tay Za, Nay Win Tun, Zaw Zaw and others are also
affected,”  said an editor at a business journal in Rangoon.

But even though the dollar and FEC rates are low, consumer prices are
still high or even higher, local media reported, which is another reason
the public is frustrated over the drop in the exchange rates.

“The dollar has decreased, but prices have not dropped,” one Rangoon
resident was quoted as saying in the Weekly Eleven journal. “One person
still needs at least 2,000 kyat to eat. Although some import items are
cheaper, electronics are not in our budget.”

Burma’s Trade Policy Council, currently chaired by the junta's Secretary-1
Tin Aung Myint Oo, handles export-import licenses, investments and
monetary transactions. The council oversees foreign exchange and banking
through three state banks, the Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB), the
Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank (MICB) and the Myanma Economic Bank
(MEB).

“The MFTB primarily handles foreign currency transactions for government
organizations, businesses and private individuals, while the MICB
primarily serves companies and joint ventures. MEB handles foreign
currency transactions in the border trade regions,” the US State
Department reported in 2008.

____________________________________
OPINION / OTHER

January 6, World Politics Review
The prospects for a U.S.-Burma thaw – Roberto Tofani

The recent release of Burmese democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi could
produce, as a ripple effect, a shift in the relationship between Burma and
the U.S.

Suu Kyi has stated that she intends to pursue reconciliation with the
junta. This, in turn, could suit Washington's softening stance toward the
regime and the Obama administration's stated preference for alternative
policies in dealing with Burma.

Suu Kyi's decision is dictated by the reality on the ground. Her National
League for Democracy party (NLD), which won 1990 elections that were never
recognized domestically, was disbanded after it boycotted the November
2010 parliamentary elections. Those polls resulted in the junta-backed
Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) gaining a majority in the
two national legislative chambers. The National Democratic Front (NDF) --
an independent offshoot of the NLD -- is to be the largest opposition
party in the upcoming parliament, with 16 out of 161 representatives.
Twenty-five percent of the seats in the chambers are set aside for
representatives of the military.

With the junta also controlling the country's security apparatus, Suu
Kyi's first priority is to establish a dialogue with Burma's other
democratic forces -- connections that are currently lacking. Than Nyein,
NDF chairman, told WPR, "We don't think to create alliances with other
parties, and we have no dialogue with NLD members."

According to sources, Suu Kyi is also planning to work toward building a
political program and a new political network, relying on the young and,
especially, on student groups. "The Lady," as she is affectionately known
among her local supporters, is barred from directly taking part in the
political process under a 2008 constitutional stipulation that forbids
those married to foreigners from running for office. Suu Kyi's British
husband, Michael Aris, died in 1999. Fresh recruits could thus serve as
possible front candidates for a newly formed party.

Suu Kyi's two-track approach, however, assumes that the junta will
continue to maintain a period of relative political calm. The resulting
national context could, in turn, facilitate a thaw in U.S.-Burma
relations.

The U.S. has historically been outspoken against the junta, with former
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice dubbing Burma an "outpost of tyranny"
In 2005. The George W. Bush administration's tough stance included
restrictive policies such as the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003
and the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act of 2008. The former sanctioned
the junta and aimed to support democratic forces within Burma, mirroring
British policy toward Burma. It also recognized the NLD as the legitimate
representative of the Burmese people. The second act barred Burmese
gemstones from entering the United States via third countries.

By contrast, President Barack Obama has turned over a new leaf.

Obama did condemn the November elections as "neither free nor fair."
However, in February 2009, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that
the U.S. acknowledged that neither sanctions nor engagement had nudged the
military rulers toward democratic reforms, and that the U.S. was reviewing
its policy toward Burma. The new policy, announced in September 2009, is a
classic carrot-and-stick approach, with the U.S. agreeing to talk to the
junta and to relax sanctions if certain conditions are met. This approach
is supported by U.S. business interests, with Tami Overby, vice president
for Asia at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, calling on Congress to consider
easing the sanctions if at all possible.

U.S.-Burma economic cooperation could be spearheaded by private firms
freed to do business in a country that is rich in gas, oil and other
resources. At present, companies with investments or agreements in Burma
dating before May 21, 1997, are exempted from sanctions. The exemption
includes a partnership between the U.S. oil corporation Unocal, now a
subsidiary of Chevron, and the French corporation Total covering
natural-gas exploration and an offshore pipeline running across Burma into
Thailand -- a project that provides between $400 million to $647 million
in annual revenue to Burma's government.

Suu Kyi's re-engagement in the political process could make it easier for
Obama to loosen sanctions and increase U.S. engagement with the junta. Suu
Kyi has already indicated her support for a softening of the sanctions,
especially if they are found to be more damaging to ordinary citizens than
to the regime.

The Dec. 10 meeting between Suu Kyi and Deputy Assistant Secretary for
East Asian and Pacific Affairs Joseph Yun is one indication that this
course may be pursued. Yun also met with Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan
Win, which could indicate that the junta itself is more open to talks with
Washington.

Partial engagement between the U.S. and the junta could also work as a
shield for Suu Kyi, who remains vulnerable to the junta's whims.
Currently, the junta has shown no interest in engaging her, even after her
meeting with Yun.

In the medium to long term, a thaw in relations could also open the door
to possible discussions on the worrying prospect of a nuclear-armed junta.
As confirmed by U.S. diplomatic cables released by Wikileaks, quoted by
the Guardian, this remains a serious concern for the U.S.

The prospect of a U.S.-Burma engagement, however, rests on the assumption
that the junta and Suu Kyi find a new modus vivendi. By all indications,
Washington has a role to play in promoting this outcome.

Roberto Tofani is a journalist and analyst based in both Italy and
Southeast Asia. He is also the editor of Sudestasiatico.com.

____________________________________

January 6, Irrawaddy
The dubious benefits of exposure to the west – Editorial

One of the arguments that has been put forward for ending sanctions on
Burma's ruling regime is that doing so would expose the country's generals
to the West and encourage them to emulate the example of the world's
liberal democracies, with their open market economies and rule of law.

It's a interesting idea, but unfortunately, there's no reason to believe
that it would actually work. To see why not, we need only look at Burma's
not-so-distant past.

Until 1988, Burma's rulers had no shortage of opportunities to learn from
the West. During its 26 years in power, the Ne Win regime sought to
isolate the country from the outside world, but maintained regular
government-to-government ties with Western powers. The US, Britain,
Germany and Israel, among others, all provided various forms of support,
including financial and military assistance and overseas training for
senior police and army officers.

Indeed, Ne Win himself was an inveterate globetrotter, making regular
trips to Europe and the US for vacations and to receive medical treatment
during his years as the chairman of the Burmese Socialist Programme Party
(BSPP), the party he created when he seized power in 1962 and which ruled
Burma until its collapse in 1988.

Throughout this period, however, Ne Win demonstrated little interest in
opening up Burma to the influence of the West. On the contrary, he seemed
determined to reserve the privilege of contact with the outside world for
the chosen, trusted few.

Among those who went abroad to learn from the West were Brig-Gen Tin Oo,
the feared intelligence chief who studied under the CIA and at the UK's
Police Academy in the 1960s and 1970s. Upon his return to Burma, he helped
to help create one of the world's most notorious police states.

Col Tun Tin, one of the army officers who played a key role in the
earliest days of Burma's post-independence counter-insurgency efforts,
including as the leader of Burmese army forces in the “Battle of Insein”
in 1949, completed a Provost Marshal course in the UK. He took an
especially keen interest in the “four cuts” strategy used by the British
in Malaysia, discussing the subject with officers at the British War
Office. Burma's army continues to use this strategy to this day, targeting
ethnic civilians in its efforts to suppress armed groups operating in
border areas.

Gen Kyaw Htin, Burma's longest-serving chief of staff (1976 to 1984), also
studied abroad. Following a stint in the US, where he attended the Army
Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, Burma
received two slots at this elite military college annually. Many Burmese
army and police officers also regularly attended the Royal Police Academy
in the UK.

While many now criticize China for providing weapons to the Burmese
regime, it is worth noting that under Ne Win, it was the West that acted
as Burma's main arms supplier. In the early 1960s, Germany's Fritz Warner
Company built arms factories in Burma to produce weapons for use by the
same army that overthrew the country's democratically elected government
in 1962.

Did Burma benefit at all from being ruled by generals and former generals
who enjoyed cozy relations with the West? The obvious answer is no. By
1988, when massive pro-democracy protests forced the BSPP out of power,
only to be replaced by the current junta, Burma's was one of the world's
poorest countries.

Many in the regime knew that the country's economy was falling apart, but
rather than reform, they turned to their foreign friends for support. Tun
Tin, who briefly served as Burma's prime minister in 1988, often traveled
to Germany and Japan in the 1970s and 1980s to get soft loans and other
forms of financial assistance, but never dared to propose following the
advice of these more advanced countries, which was to open Burma up to
foreign investment.

After the suppression of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, the West
suspended transfers of military technology to Burma and imposed economic
sanctions. Now, however, some seem to regret taking this principled stand,
which has left Burma wide open to exploitation by its wealthier neighbors
while keeping Western companies, for the most part, shut out of the rush
to claim a share of the country's resources.

This is wrong, say anti-sanctions advocates, because whereas countries
like China and Thailand are completely unprincipled in their dealings with
the regime, Western companies have higher standards of accountability. But
people displaced by pipelines built by Total or Unocal may take little
comfort in knowing that if they are mistreated by these companies'
military partners in Burma, courts on the other side of the world are
always ready to listen, as long as they're prepared to wait a decade or so
to get a fair hearing.

Realistically, you can't expect dyed-in-the-wool dictators to change their
ways just by giving them opportunities to shake hands and sign deals with
European or American executives. Even Khin Nyunt, Maung Aye and many other
past or present members of the current junta who traveled to the West many
times before visa bans were imposed on them failed to pick up the
“democracy bug” that is supposedly transmitted by contact with citizens of
liberal democracies.

The same is true of many of Burma's neighbors, who despite their close
ties with the US and other Western countries remain at best ambivalent
about democracy. Thailand, a staunch American ally, is a good example of
this. Many Thai armed forces leaders have received training in the West
and ride F-16 jet fighters and use Western-made automatic rifles and
tanks. But this hasn't stop them from turning their weapons on protesters
when they deemed it necessary.

Further evidence of the fact that exposure to the West brings no guarantee
of enlightened thinking can be found in the chorus of Western-educated
Burmese who endorsed the farcical election held last November. After years
of study in the West, they seem to have come to the conclusion that
democracy is merely a matter of form. Unfortunately, these are the people
that policy makers in the West seem to be listening to these days.

Ordinary Burmese with little or no education seem to understand better
than many “Burma experts”  that what their country needs is good
governance, not a change of costumes by the ruling generals. In fact, what
Burma lacks is not exposure to the West, but leaders who understand their
own country and its people's needs. Until that day comes, no amount of
contact with the outside world will help.